Washington, D.C
William Simons of Albi is The MICHELIN Guide Washington, D.C. 2024 Sommelier Award Winner
Congratulations to William Simons of One MICHELIN Star Albi, MICHELIN Guide Washington, D.C. 2024 Sommelier of the Year winner, presented in partnership with Franciacorta!
Meaning “my heart” in Arabic, Albi is inspired by heartfelt flavors originally cooked by Chef Michael Rafidi‘s grandparents, who immigrated to the U.S. from Palestine. Brilliantly complementing the hearth-fired cuisine, Advanced Sommelier (CMS) William Simons serves as the restaurant’s wine director, overseeing a selection filled with fantastic gems.
In his role, Simons balances a sense of education and fun. The menu is sprinkled with historical anecdotes like early winemaking in Armenia, as well as wine quotes from people like Freddie Mercury. He tells guests, “Sauvignon Blanc can be a bit like George Clooney when he was on The Facts of Life, and he was gawky and awkward. But when we blend it with sémillon, now you’re dealing with George Clooney from Oceans Eleven.”
We spoke with him to learn more about his wine list and his own wine journey.
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How were you introduced to the world of wine?
My joking answer is that I read too much Jack Kerouac in high school. Despite reading about traveling hobos, I didn’t drink any wine until I was 18. The first wine I had was Beringer White Zinfandel. Nowhere to go but upward from there.
I was working in restaurants. I developed a reputation among my friends as the guy that knew about wine, but I felt I had a significant degree of imposter syndrome, which drove me to reading. I got hooked on the confluence of place and culture and history, and it grew from there.
A lot of reading and working in restaurants, and then I got thrown into the deep end at a pretty serious wine shop in New York. In retail, you get to taste more broadly than you do in most restaurants, because you have to try to be all things to all people.
Albi has a reasonably large wine list at around 300 bottles, but in a retail shop, that would be tiny. There’s a lot of exposure that comes along with that. I worked in wine retail for years. I made the move back to restaurants and started working the floor as a sommelier and pursuing some certifications, because I moved cities and my resume didn’t mean all that much.
Rey Lopez / Smoked & Infused
Could you tell us more about your wine list at Albi?
We have a global wine list that disproportionately favors wines that feature notable textures and acidity, smokiness to complement things off of the hearth.
We certainly list Lebanese, Palestinian, Cypriot, and some Syrian wines. But we don’t focus on those exclusively. We say, what are the flavors that make sense with this cuisine? What are the textures that make sense with this cuisine?
In some ways, we have a lot of liberty. If a person goes to a French or Italian restaurant, they tend to have a solid understanding of what they’re going to drink. Here, people walk through the door without any real preconceived idea of what they should be drinking, because it’s not a cuisine that they’re used to thinking of with wine.
In the Arabic-speaking world, you have a period of roughly 400 years of de facto prohibition under the Ottomans, and winemaking continued as a personal endeavor. People could make wine for their own consumption, but as an industry, it basically ceased to exist.
As the industry returned, it was largely under the tutelage of the French, so the wine culture that evolved was largely geared toward a French palate and arguably not geared toward the cuisine of the region. This is one of the areas where vitis vinifera originated and certainly where it proliferated under the time of the Phoenicians, yet a disproportionate number of wines are French varieties imported in the late 1800s and early 1900s – cabernet sauvignon, merlot, syrah, sauvignon blanc, and chardonnay.
We offer wines from all different producers in Lebanon (where the most are able to be found) of the old guard French varieties and Bordeaux styles, as well as the new guard. [For the new guard], there are winemakers in the region asking, what does an authentic Lebanese wine look like without French influence? Older winemaking techniques like amphora, indigenous varieties.
Rey Lopez / Mersel & Co
Do we see sustainability on your wine menu?
Pretty much exclusively. I shy away from using the word natural for Albi’s wine list in particular, for a lot of reasons.
One is that it just doesn’t mean anything. When the conversation around natural wine got started, the main focus was on the idea that producers cared about the land, that they took a multigenerational view of their obligation to place. They were stewards of the Earth. Certainly, all of the producers that we have on the list at Albi adhere to that idea. They’re mostly family-owned, mostly smaller operations. An overwhelming majority farm organically, whether they’re certified or not.
How has your taste in wine changed over time?
The things that I look for in wine have been largely consistent over time. I favor acidity and freshness and elegance over power.
I had a brief dalliance with big, high-octane wines, just because when I was exposed to them, I had never tasted anything like them before, and so I was fascinated by them. But then, personally, I find them a little bit exhausting. It’s a chore to try and drink a wine that’s fighting you with alcohol and tannin. So, freshness and elegance and a sense of place have always been things that I’ve looked for.
Once I started to get really interested in wine, Burgundy was the first place that really spoke to me. The combination of complexity and simplicity that it has in that it’s “just two grape varieties.” There’s still this incredible variation within it.
Rey Lopez / Philokalia
What’s the biggest misconception about being a sommelier, or wine in general?
People don’t know just how much time you spend in front of an Excel spreadsheet. I love inventory, cataloging, counting bottles, digging into spreadsheets, and organizing things. But at the same time, we do get to taste wine and talk about wine and pursue what we’re passionate about.
The misconception I worry about most is trust. We talk about servers and captains being guest advocates, but there often is a perception that sommeliers are just there to make the sale. Any good sommelier should be interested first and foremost in pairing wine to the guest at the table and developing that trust in that relationship with the guest.
What advice would you give to someone who wants to be in a position like yours?
Take your time. I came into working in wine before the Somm craze and before the documentaries that made the certifications household names.
For me, taking my time was something that was viable because it was the older model of the industry, where it was based a little bit more on the idea of an apprenticeship. In the kitchen you still see it. You don’t take a test that says you’re a sous chef. They have to work their way into the role.
Chart your own path, whatever that is. Find a place that works and make it your own, or don’t. Move around, gain experience, work other places while you’re young and still can. There’s a lot of different avenues to get there.
Hero image: Hawkeye Johnson / William Simons
Alain Ducasse and Daniel Humm chat life, what they think of each other’s cuisine, and the future of fine dining.
Washington, D.C
Tax expert explains DC filing season amid Congress-District dispute
WASHINGTON (7News) — D.C. taxpayers may be confused by back-and-forth between the D.C. City Council and Congress over taxprovision. The city’s financial officer sent a letter to Mayor Muriel Bowser and D.C. Council Chair Phil Mendelson, that said the District’s tax laws will not change, despite recent actions by Congress.
7News spoke to director of Tax Policy at the Center for American Progress Corey Husak to explain the complicated tax policy.
“The short answer is, nothing changes. Filing Season can continue as it has been, continue as planned, and according to the laws as we understood them in January,” said Husak.
“If you’ve already filed your taxes, you don’t have to change anything. And if you want to file your taxes, the rules are still the same as they were on the books before,” said Husak.
RELATED | DC Council Chairman talks taxes, budget, bodycams, federal surge
Chief Financial Officer Glen Lee’s revenue estimate issued Friday does not include an estimated $180 million expected this fiscal year from the city’s decoupling law, “due to the uncertainty of the associated revenue as a result of Joint Resolution 142,” according to a released letter.
“The CFO was in a tough spot here. If he agreed with Congress, then businesses and overtime workers will get bigger refunds. But if he agreed with the Mayor and the Attorney General, then families with children and lower income workers would get bigger tax cuts,” said Husak.
SEE MORE | Development of new Commanders stadium scrutinized at DC oversight hearing
“We as District residents can’t control, you know what happens in the courts, what happens in, you know, what Congress does in the future,” said Husak. “But for now, the CFO has said, you know this is, this is a law as it stands, and the law that I’m going to enforce so, you know, file your legally obligated taxes, and maybe in the future, there’ll be a surprise.”
WATCH THE FULL INTERVIEW
7News spoke to director of Tax Policy at the Center for American Progress Corey Husak to explain the complicated tax policy (7News).{ }
Washington, D.C
CHERRY BLOSSOM COUNTDOWN: Peak Bloom prediction drops Thursday
WASHINGTON (7News) — The nation’s capital is just about ready to be transformed into a breathtaking pastel landscape of cherry trees in bloom. The famed blossoms around the Tidal Basin are not only a symbol of spring’s arrival, but also of a long-standing friendship — a gift of more than 3,000 trees from Tokyo, Japan, to the United States in 1912.
So what is considered “Peak Bloom”?
The National Park Service (NPS) defines peak bloom as the time when at least 70% of the Yoshino cherry trees around the Tidal Basin have opened their blossoms. This is the period when the blossoms appear most full and spectacular and most ideal for photos, and soaking up spring’s beauty here in DC.
Because cherry trees respond to the cumulative effects of winter and spring weather, especially daily temperatures, it’s very difficult to predict peak bloom more than about 10 days in advance. Warm spells accelerate blooming; cold snaps slow it down.
Average Timing — What History Shows
Since 1921 overall, national data indicate peak bloom typically fell around early April (April 4), based on historical averages.
Since 1990, the average has kept shifting earlier and earlier. In fact, the last 6 years our peak has occurred in late March.
These shifts reflect how warmer springs have nudged peak bloom earlier over the decades.
Earliest & Latest Blooms on Record
Earliest peak bloom: March 15 — recorded in 1990.
Latest peak bloom: April 18 — recorded in 1958.
Of course, most years fall between those dates, with the last week of March to the first week of April historically being the most consistent window for peak bloom.
Earliest Peak Bloom Washington DC
Recent peak blooms show how variable and climate-dependent the timing can be:
2025: The National Park Service predicted peak bloom between March 28–31 (and confirmed the official peak around March 28).
2024: Peak bloom arrived very early, on March 17, several days ahead of NPS projections — tied for one of the earliest peaks in decades.
These examples demonstrate not only how much each season can differ, but also a trend toward earlier spring blossoms in recent years.
What to Expect for Spring 2026
As of early March 2026, the cherry trees are still dormant. The buds haven’t begun significant growth yet. The weather will become more critical in the weeks leading up to the bloom will be the biggest factor in determining when peak bloom happens in 2026.
Heavy winter cold, as experienced this year, tends to delay bloom compared with recent early springs. In contrast, an early warm stretch could push peak bloom earlier — as long as it doesn’t come with subsequent frost.
Look for the green bud stage first. This is when the buds are small, tight, and green, with no sign of petals yet. Trees are still several weeks from blooming.
Tips for Cherry Blossom Visitors
Plan in the “sweet spot” — peak bloom often lasts a few days to about a week, but weather (rain, wind, heat) can shorten that window.
Visit slightly before or after the predicted peak dates for smaller crowds and extended color. Blossoms can be gorgeous even before 70% bloom or as petals begin falling.
Check NPS updates and First Alert Weather forecasts in late March for tweaked peak bloom dates.
The cherry blossoms of Washington, D.C. remain one of the most iconic harbingers of spring in the U.S., and while exact bloom dates vary year-to-year, history and natural patterns point to late March through early April as your best bet for seeing the Tidal Basin in full floral glory.
Washington, D.C
Fact Check Team: Iran conflict revives Washington fight over who can authorize US force
WASHINGTON (TNND) — As the war in Iran intensifies across the Middle East, a constitutional battle is unfolding in Washington over a fundamental question: Who has the authority to declare war, Congress or the president?
The debate focuses on the War Powers Resolution, a 1973 law designed to prevent years-long military conflicts without congressional approval. Lawmakers passed the measure in the aftermath of the Vietnam War to reclaim authority they believed had drifted too far toward the executive branch.
What Is the War Powers Resolution?
The War Powers Resolution was intended to put limits on a president’s ability to send U.S. troops into combat without Congress signing off.
Under the law, a president can deploy forces into hostilities only if Congress has formally declared war, passed a specific authorization for the use of military force, or the U.S. has been attacked.
The resolution also sets strict deadlines.
The president must notify Congress within 48 hours of introducing U.S. forces into hostilities. From there, a 60-day clock begins. If Congress does not approve the military action within that time, troops must be withdrawn — though the law allows an additional 30-day wind-down period.
Some argue the law was crafted to prevent “never-ending wars.” While others say presidents from both parties have routinely stretched and sidestepped its requirements.
WASHINGTON, DC – JANUARY 14: Sen. Cory Booker (D-NJ) visits with Senate pages in the basement of the U.S. Capitol Police ahead of a vote on January 14, 2026 in Washington, DC. Republicans voted to block a Venezuela war powers resolution after receiving assurances from President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio of no U.S. forces remaining in Venezuela and pledges for congressional involvement in major future operations. (Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
What Does the Constitution Say?
The War Powers Resolution is rooted directly in the U.S. Constitution.
Article I, Section 8 gives Congress — not the president — the power “to declare War.”
Article II, Section 2 names the president as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy.
In simple terms, Congress decides whether the country goes to war. The president directs the military once it is engaged.
The framers intentionally split that authority. Their goal was to avoid concentrating too much war-making power in one person — likely a reaction to the monarchy they had just broken away from.
But how that balance plays out in real time is often a legal and political fight. At times, disputes over war powers have reached the courts, though Congress and the executive branch frequently resolve them through political pressure rather than judicial rulings.
A Pattern of Stretching the War Powers Resolution
Essentially, every president since 1973 has pushed the boundaries of the War Powers Resolution rather than fully complying with its original intent. As the Council on Foreign Relations explains, the resolution was designed to “provide presidents with the leeway to respond to attacks or other emergencies” but also to **require termination of combat after 60 to 90 days unless Congress authorizes continuation.”
For example:
- Ronald Reagan ordered the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983 without prior congressional authorization, later reporting to Congress in a manner “consistent with” the resolution.
- Bill Clinton directed the 1999 NATO air campaign in Kosovo after congressional authorization efforts failed, continuing U.S. engagement beyond the WPR’s typical 60-day reporting window.
- Barack Obama oversaw U.S. participation in the 2011 Libya campaign, arguing that limited strikes did not trigger the full force of the WPR’s time limits.
In more recent years, Donald Trump’s administration has once again brought these issues to the forefront.
War Powers Arguments from the White House
The Trump administration’s principal legal rationale has centered on two points:
Short-term strikes or limited military actions do not always trigger the full 60-day clock under the War Powers Resolution, especially when described as defensive, limited in scope, or tied to national security emergencies rather than prolonged hostilities. In some cases, the White House relies on prior Authorizations for Use of Military Force (AUMFs) or other statutory authorities rather than seeking new congressional approval.
Current Public Opinion on Iran Strikes
Public opinion reflects significant skepticism about the current U.S. military engagement with Iran. A recent Reuters/Ipsos poll found that just 27% of Americans support the recent U.S. and allied strikes on Iran, while 43% disapprove and 29% remain uncertain.
Another national poll conducted by SSRS for CNN found that nearly 60% of U.S. citizens disapprove of the military actions, and a similar share said that President Trump should seek Congressional authorization for further action.
Beyond polling, internal deliberations in Congress have already begun. Both Democratic and Republican lawmakers have pushed for votes on war powers resolutions that would seek to limit or require authorization for further military action against Iran. Past attempts to pass similar restraints have failed, reflecting deep partisan divisions and the complexities of enforcing the War Powers Resolution.
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