Virginia
Virginia Candidates Show You Can Try to Kill DEI, But You’ll Fail
VIRGINIANS HAVE CHOSEN THEIR CANDIDATES for this fall’s election—and if you are trying to murder DEI, they are your worst nightmare. The demographic diversity is spectacular in both parties.
In a state whose first two governors were Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson, two women will face off for the top job: former congresswoman and CIA officer Abigail Spanberger, a white Democrat, and Lieutenant Governor Winsome Earle-Sears, a black Republican, Jamaican immigrant, and Marine Corps veteran.
In the lieutenant governor race, it’s conservative talk-radio host John Reid, a Republican who recently came out as gay, vs. Democratic state Sen. Ghazala F. Hashmi, an Indian immigrant. As for attorney general, Democrat Jerrauld “Jay” Jones, a black former state legislator, will challenge the Hispanic Republican incumbent, Jason Miyares.
Is this (still) a great country or what?
When I read off those candidate demographics out loud, one straight white male in my vicinity joked that “this just proves everything’s turned to shit for white men.” And we all burst out laughing.
Don’t get me wrong, the Donald Trump–MAGA war on diversity, equity, and inclusion is deadly serious. The truth is that if those half-dozen people were Pentagon leaders instead of politicians running in a general election, they’d be ousted by now or, at the least, apprehensive about their career futures. If they were historic figures celebrated on federal websites, those pages would likely be wiped. If they were researchers in neglected health fields, their grants would be gone. Project leaders in “shithole” countries and continents, gone—them, their projects, and their web presence.
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The same day the Virginia results were finalized last week, the Supreme Court upheld a Tennessee ban on gender-affirming treatment for transgender minors. The straight-up ideological 6–3 majority said the ban did not violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. And the Trump administration said it was canceling specialized guidance for LGBTQ callers on a national suicide hotline.
And yet, a couple of days earlier, federal judge William Young ruled that the Trump administration must immediately restore some eight hundred grants awarded by the National Institutes for Health to study topics such as racial disparities and transgender health. “I’ve sat on this bench now for forty years, and I’ve never seen government racial discrimination like this. Is it true of our society as a whole, have we fallen so low? Have we no shame?” the Boston-based district judge asked in announcing his decision.
Young is 84. He was appointed by conservative hero Ronald Reagan. And in those remarks, Young was paraphrasing the line that finally brought down Sen. Joseph McCarthy and his “Red Scare” conspiracy hunts and blacklists that ruined so many lives and careers.
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BACK IN THE SUMMER OF 2016, when Trump was the newly crowned Republican nominee, a federal appeals court struck down a North Carolina voting law that was written expressly, and with astonishingly open intent, to suppress black votes. I wrote a column about it, and a colleague put the word “racism” in the headline. I was squeamish but didn’t say no.
I still hesitate to use “racism,” or “racist,” and yet what else could it have been in that case? North Carolina lawmakers requested a study of racial voting patterns and then killed or restricted IDs, time periods, registration methods, and anything else black people relied on disproportionately to cast votes. You can argue that it was a partisan move, designed to ensure victory. But zeroing in on one race—ensuring that it’s hard for black people to vote—is racism on its face.
That was before the 2016 election, and at the time, I believed and wrote that Republicans had been “accelerating their march to demographic suicide since Trump blared his hostility toward Muslims, Hispanics and immigrants on the first day of his campaign.” Though Trump won the Electoral College and the presidency, Hillary Clinton beat him by nearly 3 million votes that year.
It’s embarrassing to read that line now, especially after Trump grew his appeal to minority voters last year. Lots of people have sought to understand why that happened, and I won’t try to explain it here. I can only hope that it will fade as Trump continually overreaches on every front.
The disruptions and dangers to health care, immigrants, tariffs, corruption, war and peace, higher education, libraries, museums, and the entire system of checks and balances are manifest. There’s hating on science while crushing on dictators, the abuse of pardon power and obnoxious favoritism toward red states, political allies, anyone who adores him and/or pays him off.
And, of course, Trump’s travel bans and restrictions against countries that are mostly black and brown, in contrast with the several dozen poor, pitiful white people of South Africa, ceremonially invited and welcomed into the United States to escape their oppression, indeed their genocide (both thoroughly discredited).
I’m getting less squeamish all the time about the words “racism” and “racist.” The labels “white supremacist” and “white nationalist.” And the bald truths about attacks on DEI called out by a Reagan judge born 84 years ago.
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Virginia
15 things to know about the budget deal Virginia lawmakers just reached
Virginia has a budget deal.
It’s late in the sense that the expectation had been the General Assembly would work this out before it adjourned back in March. However, it comes 12 days before the state starts a new budget year, so lawmakers will apparently not be taking things to the brink. The legislature reconvenes Monday to take up the spending plan that House and Senate negotiators released Friday night.
The exact details (which will be voluminous) haven’t been posted on the General Assembly’s website yet. We do, however, have a 68-page summary that outlines what’s in the deal. The headliner: a compromise on data center taxation that keeps the controversial tax incentives in place but creates a new tax on the electricity they use.
The other highlights — as seen from the standpoint of Southwest and Southside — include funding to start construction of an inland port in Washington County and expand the Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine, as well as language authorizing a formal partnership between George Mason University and Averett University. One surprise: $100,000 to fund a statue in Roanoke of the late judge and lawmaker Onzlee Ware.
Gov. Abigail Spanberger and legislative leaders had earlier reached an agreement on how to legalize retail sales of cannabis. That’s now included in the budget deal, with sales starting July 1, 2027. See the earlier story by Cardinal’s Richmond-based reporter Elizabeth Beyer for details.
Here’s an overview of what we know — with the caveat that more details will be forthcoming when the actual budget language is available.
1. Data center taxation compromise
The main reason that the budget took so long is that Senate Finance Chair Louise Lucas, D-Portsmouth, spent weeks insisting that the state should eliminate its tax breaks for data centers eight years early. That brought pushback from both the governor and House leaders, who worried that would send a signal to other business sectors that the state can’t be trusted.
This deal keeps the tax breaks for data centers intact (they’re set to expire in 2035). Instead, it creates a tax on the electricity that data centers consume. When that was floated earlier in the week, business groups pushed back against it. The version in the budget deal calls for the revenue collected through that tax to be capped at $600 million a year — and says that any monies collected over that be refunded on a pro-rated basis at the end of the fiscal year. It was unclear what the reaction to this will be, but collecting $600 million a year seems a significant climb-down compared to those who wanted to do away with the tax exemption that forgoes $1.9 billion per year in exchange for $9.1 billion in gross domestic product from data centers.
The summary also says there will be at least four items in the budget that will set in motion new regulations. Among them are references to “data center noise regulation language” and “data center cooling water scarcity regulations.”
2. Inland port in Washington County

An “inland port” does not involve water or ships. Instead, it’s the industry term for a freight hub that collects cargo headed to or from a water port. Virginia already has an inland port near Front Royal that facilitates rail shipments to and from Hampton Roads; it’s also spurred thousands of warehouse and trucking jobs in the northern Shenandoah Valley.
Legislators in Southwest Virginia — led by state Sen. Todd Pillion, R-Washington County — have been pushing for several years to create a similar inland port in Southwest Virginia, specifically at the Oak Park Center for Business and Industry in Washington County.
This deal includes $20 million to get construction started. (Pillion is one of the budget negotiators so was in a position to make sure this money was included in the budget.)
3. Virginia Tech Carilion School of Medicine and other healthcare workforce funding

The school in Roanoke is slated to get $13 million for expansion as part of a larger $74.4 million plan to expand the healthcare workforce.
Nursing programs at James Madison University, Radford University and the University of Mary Washington will get a total of $7.6 million.
The budget deal also includes $6 million for the Virginia Tech Patient Research Center and $500,000 for workforce development programs in the Roanoke Valley and Alleghany Highlands in healthcare and biomedical sciences fields.
4. Interstate 81

The budget directs the secretary of transportation to “evaluate options to Accelerate I-81 Projects; including tolling options as long as there are 2 toll-free lanes in each direction.” That seems to foreshadow a third lane that might have tolls. Del. Terry Austin, R-Botetourt County and a budget negotiator, said Secretary of Transportation Nick Donahue wanted that provision.
5. Virginia Coalfields Expressway

The slow-moving road project that’s slated to run through Buchanan County and Dickenson County gets $7 million for improvements to U.S. 460 in Buchanan County.
6. New College Institute

The budget changes the name of the Martinsville-based center from the New College Institute to the West Piedmont Higher Education Center and includes funding in the second year of the two-year budget. When then-Gov. Glenn Youngkin introduced his budget back in December, he had zeroed out that second-year funding.
7. George Mason University/Averett University

Del. David Reid, D-Loudoun County, has pushed for a formal partnership between the public school in Northern Virginia and the private school in Danville as a way to expand GMU’s reach. The budget deal includes the language to make that happen. It’s unclear what that will mean in practice, but the budget language authorizes George Mason to work with Averett on both undergraduate and graduate programs as well as other workforce-related issues. There’s no money attached, but the language lists multiple groups that would be allowed to help fund this work, including the GO Virginia economic development program, the Tobacco Commission, the Virginia Economic Development Partnership, the Danville Regional Foundation and other nonprofits.
“I’m pleased GMU will now have official authorization to move forward in what is probably the most dynamic economic area of the Commonwealth,” Reid said in a text message.
8. Onzlee Ware statue in Roanoke

An unexpected item was $100,000 for a “Roanoke commemoration.” Legislators said this was for a statue to the late Onzlee Ware, the first Black state legislator west of the Blue Ridge and later a judge.
House Appropriations Chair Luke Torian, D-Prince William County, was cited as the proponent of this measure. “Onzlee was a bit of a mentor to Torian,” said Del. Sam Rasoul, D-Roanoke, a member of the House Appropriations Committee.
9. Local referendums on sales tax increases for schools
At present, nine localities are authorized to hold referendums to increase the local sales tax, with the proceeds going to schools. There’s been a push to expand that power statewide. In this year’s General Assembly session, bills related to these local referendums were set aside with the expectation that they’d simply be written into the budget. Now they are, with the sales tax increase capped at 1%.
10. State funding formula
A panel will be appointed to study whether and how to change the state’s school funding formula; $1.3 million is set aside for this.
11. New or renovated college buildings
There’s money (unclear how much) to renovate Derring Hall at Virginia Tech and Darden Hall at the University of Virginia’s College at Wise.
12. Institute for Advanced Learning and Research
The Center for Advanced Manufacturing at the Danville institute is slated to get money for expansion, although it was unclear how much.
13. Housing
The lack of housing — and the high cost of what is available — has been the subject of legislative attention. Among the initiatives: This budget deal authorizes a state loan for Newport News to develop housing around the shipyard as well as other housing construction initiatives in Fairfax County and Prince William County.
14. Richmond Coliseum
The budget deal includes $15 million to help Richmond demolish the Richmond Coliseum, which has been deemed to be obsolete.
15. Tourism

Included in tourism funding is $100,000 for the annual Blue Highway Fest in Wise County. We’ve previously written about that award-winning music festival. Another tourism-related funding item is $305,000 for Breaks Interstate Park, the Virginia side of which is in Dickenson County.
You can read the full summary below. We’ll take a deeper look at the budget deal once we can see the actual language.
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Virginia
Virginia Lottery Mega Millions, Pick 3 Night results for June 19, 2026
Powerball, Mega Millions jackpots: What to know in case you win
Here’s what to know in case you win the Powerball or Mega Millions jackpot.
Just the FAQs, USA TODAY
The Virginia Lottery offers multiple draw games for those aiming to win big.
Here’s a look at June 19, 2026, results for each game:
Mega Millions
Mega Millions drawings take place every week on Tuesday and Friday at 11 p.m.
13-16-21-26-50, Mega Ball: 12
Check Mega Millions payouts and previous drawings here.
Pick 3
DAY drawing at 1:59 p.m. NIGHT drawing at 11 p.m. each day.
Night: 1-0-5, FB: 2
Day: 0-3-3, FB: 3
Check Pick 3 payouts and previous drawings here.
Pick 4
DAY drawing at 1:59 p.m. NIGHT drawing at 11 p.m. each day.
Night: 6-7-5-6, FB: 0
Day: 7-9-2-7, FB: 9
Check Pick 4 payouts and previous drawings here.
Pick 5
DAY drawing at 1:59 p.m. NIGHT drawing at 11 p.m. each day.
Night: 2-6-7-3-1, FB: 8
Day: 9-5-2-5-7, FB: 6
Check Pick 5 payouts and previous drawings here.
Cash Pop
Drawing times: Coffee Break 9 a.m.; Lunch Break 12 p.m.; Rush Hour 5 p.m.; Prime Time 9 p.m.; After Hours 11:59 p.m.
Coffee Break: 05
After Hours: 08
Prime Time: 05
Rush Hour: 02
Lunch Break: 04
Check Cash Pop payouts and previous drawings here.
Cash 5
Drawing every day at 11 p.m.
34-36-42-44-45
Check Cash 5 payouts and previous drawings here.
Millionaire for Life
Drawing everyday at 11:15 p.m.
02-20-28-51-54, Bonus: 02
Check Millionaire for Life payouts and previous drawings here.
Feeling lucky? Explore the latest lottery news & results
This results page was generated automatically using information from TinBu and a template written and reviewed by a Center for Community Journalism (CCJ) editor. You can send feedback using this form.
Virginia
Predicting Virginia Tech’s 2026 Statistical Leaders
Most of the names that will fill Virginia Tech football’s 2026 stat sheet were wearing other uniforms last fall. James Franklin rebuilt this roster through the portal in a matter of weeks, which means projecting statistical leaders is less about what happened in Blacksburg and more about what these players did somewhere else. Here is a breakdown on who should lead the Hokies in each major statistical category.
Passing yards and passing touchdowns: Ethan Grunkemeyer
No other quarterback on the roster has taken a college snap, so the depth chart writes itself at the top. What makes Grunkemeyer more than a default pick is the 1,339 yards he threw for across seven Penn State starts, plus the head start he has on the offense after following coordinator Ty Howle to Blacksburg. He spent last year learning this scheme while everyone else is starting from zero. As long as he stays healthy, Grunkemeyer is the easy pick for these categories.
Rushing yards and rushing touchdowns: Marcellous Hawkins
Few backs produced in tougher conditions in 2025. Hawkins gained 749 yards on 6.3 per carry, drew an 84.6 Pro Football Focus grade, highest on the roster, and racked up 562 yards after contact, doing it against fronts that loaded the box because Virginia Tech gave them no reason not to. A passing game with some teeth should only loosen things up, and Jeffrey Overton Jr. figures to handle a meaningful share of carries without threatening the bulk of the workload.
The touchdown lead comes with a wrinkle worth pausing on. Hawkins reached the end zone just once on the ground all season, while quarterback Kyron Drones piled up nine rushing scores. Drones is gone, off to the NFL with the Green Bay Packers, which leaves that production up for grabs and the lead back in line to claim it. Overton, who broke a 38-yard touchdown run against Miami in November, is the back most likely to chip into the total.
Receiving yards: Que’Sean Brown
The most accomplished pass catcher in the room arrived from Durham. Brown posted 846 yards at Duke last season and 1,291 across his past two years, headlined by a 178-yard, two-touchdown showing in the Sun Bowl. Projected as the primary slot, he occupies the spot where targets concentrate in a timing-based passing game. Greene offers continuity and a higher floor, but Brown’s track record points to the bigger ceiling.
Receiving touchdowns: Luke Reynolds
Zero touchdowns at Penn State last year. That’s the case against Reynolds. The case for him is everything else: a five-star pedigree, a 6-foot-4, 250-pound frame built for red-zone mismatches, and a Howle offense with a track record of feeding the tight end near the goal line. The spring game gave a glimpse of what Virginia Tech’s offense will look like, with ght ends outgaining receivers 205 yards to 157 on Virginia Tech’s 428 total receiving yards. Reynolds led every target on the field, catching all five passes thrown his way for a game-high 69 yards.
Tackles and tackles for loss: Kaleb Spencer
With Caleb Woodson off to Alabama and Jaden Keller out of eligibility, the top of the linebacker room emptied out, and Spencer is what’s left standing. The Miami transfer quietly led the 2025 team in tackles with 67 while starting five games and playing all 12, and he’s logged more than 500 snaps in Blacksburg. He also led the team in tackles for loss, at 9.0, and as the every-down mike, he’s built to live in the backfield again. Sophomore Noah Chambers, who posted 44 tackles as a true freshman, is the closest thing to a challenger, while Kemari Copeland and any of the new edge rushers who pop could chip into the loss column. For now, the proven leader keeps both.
Sacks: Kemari Copeland
Copeland led the Hokies in sacks last season, and the tape backs up the kind of explosive athlete he is. He owns Virginia Tech’s all-time squat record, putting up 605 pounds for 10 reps, a number that turned heads well outside the football program when he set it. That kind of lower-body power shows up on Saturdays, where he’s capable of collapsing a pocket from the interior, not just the edge.
Interceptions: Jaquez White
No Hokie pulled away in the takeaway department last season, so the safer bet goes to the player who’s done it before. White intercepted three passes and broke up 11 more at Troy, production that earned him second-team All-Sun Belt honors. He’s joining a secondary that struggled to create turnovers a year ago, and a corner with his track record of finding the ball is exactly what that group needed. Isaiah Brown-Murray, the returning CB1 with a pick and five breakups of his own, is the closest thing to a rival for the lead.
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