Virginia
Democrats and analysts say Virginia is not a battleground, Trump’s campaign soldiers on
RFK Jr. drops out of presidential race, endorses Donald Trump
Kennedy’s decision came amid speculation that he’s looking to be involved in a second Trump administration.
Virginia is trapped in a political no-man’s land as the 2024 presidential election enters the home stretch – with its status still very much uncertain as to whether it is anywhere close to being a swing state.
Former President Donald Trump would like the commonwealth to be contested, and his campaign insists it still has a chance this November at winning its prized 13 Electoral College votes.
But try telling that to Vice President Kamala Harris and Democrats who insist a state that flipped from red to blue in 2008 will be anything but blue again on Election Day.
Trump’s team has its reasons to be optimistic – or at least reasons to suggest it should be in Virginia. In the last statewide election voters picked Republican Glenn Youngkin, a relative new-comer to politics, as their governor over a popular Democrat with deep roots in the party.
And, the Trump campaign got a much more recent boost on Tuesday when Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s campaign successfully removed his name from the state’s 2024 ballot. The now-former independent presidential candidate was seen as someone who could have otherwise siphoned votes away from Trump but who now is actively campaigning on behalf of the former Republican president.
“We’re not taking anything for granted and Vice President Harris has made clear that she’s running as the underdog,” Rep. Jennifer McClellan, D-Virginia, said at a campaign event for Harris on Thursday in Ettrick, though she did not weigh on whether Virginia is a battleground. “The only poll that really matters is on Election Day, and we need to make sure people know to come out to vote.”
Ultimately, though, Democrats say that Republicans are fighting an uphill battle in the commonwealth given recent presidential election history. Before President Barack Obama in 2008, Virginia hadn’t voted blue since President Lyndon B. Johnson in his 1964 landslide victory over Barry Goldwater. Since 2008, the state has gone to the Democratic presidential candidate in every general election.
Virginia’s southern neighbor, North Carolina, however, has seen a resurgence as a clear battleground in recent weeks, with Harris leading Trump in a state that he won in 2020 and 2016.
Trump camp asserts Virginia’s ‘battleground’ status despite reporting
On Thursday, Axios reported that the Trump campaign may not view Virginia as winnable, citing a lack of campaigning by the former president or his running mate in the commonwealth in the last six weeks, as well as polling that shows Harris pulling ahead, albeit slightly.
Jeff Ryer, spokesperson for the Trump campaign in Virginia, pushed back against the reporting in a text message. And, he argued, recent visits of Harris’ surrogates to the commonwealth are proof that the Democratic Party sees Virginia as a battleground as well.
“In just the last week, Tim Walz, Gwen Walz, and Doug Emhoff have campaigned in Virginia. I don’t think they were making barbecue runs,” Ryer said, and pointed to the fact that the Kennedy campaign removed their candidate’s name from the ballot. “He said he would remove himself from the ballot in battleground states and Virginia is a battleground state.”
Other Republicans, including the Virginia party chair, Rich Anderson, and Republican candidates up and down the ballot in the state have asserted that the commonwealth a “battleground state.”
Experts argue, however, that Virginia may have been a “battleground” prior to President Joe Biden’s decision to step aside and clear the field for Harris as the Democratic nominee in July.
Democrats, political scientists don’t believe Virginia is a “battleground”
J. Miles Coleman, editor of Sabato’s Crystal Ball, said the commonwealth was leaning more toward battleground status before Biden stepped aside as the Democratic candidate. Sabato’s Crystal Ball is a newsletter from the University of Virginia Center for Politics that focuses on American campaigns and elections.
The Crystal Ball has maintained a “likely Democrat” victory in Virginia in its presidential prediction model. The Cook Political Report and Inside Elections – both non-partisan outlets for political analysis – have Virginia listed as “likely Democrat” in the presidential race in their prediction models as well.
“I’m kind of skeptical,” Coleman said, of Virginia being a “legit battleground state.”
He cited a dearth of Virginia-specific polling and said it could suggest that neither side is interested in the commonwealth, compared to other battleground states like Wisconsin or Michigan which seem to have a new poll released every week.
The first Virginia-specific poll since Harris stepped into the top of the ticket was released in mid-August. It showed the Democratic nominee with a slim 3% lead over former Trump. That August margin was an improvement for Democrats over a May poll conducted by Roanoke College which showed Biden and Trump in a dead heat. That poll, along with Youngkin’s 2021 victory over former Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe, led the Trump campaign and Republicans to claim a tenuous battleground status in Virginia early in the election season.
“I could see a replay of that [2021 outcome] more easily if Biden was the nominee still, instead of Harris,” Coleman said.
He pointed to Biden’s weak polling with Democratic core groups, such as young voters and minority voters to support his point. After Biden stepped aside, however, Harris has appeared to shore up support among those wayward members of the Democratic Party’s base, he said.
Harris’ campaign has seen over 11,000 volunteers sign up in Virginia since the vice president announced her candidacy, the campaign said, with 25 offices currently open and 132 staffers stationed across the state.
Virginia’s Democratic leaders, including U.S. Senator Mark Warner, McAuliffe and House of Delegates Speaker Don Scott, have all expressed their skepticism about Virginia’s status as a battleground in interviews with the media.
How did Kennedy remove his name from the ballot in Virginia, anyway?
Regardless of that skepticism from Democrats and political analysts about the commonwealth’s status as a battleground, the Trump campaign has opened 19 offices across the state between July and September and has 30 staffers working across Virginia, Ryer said.
And skepticism from Democrats and political scientists hasn’t stopped the Kennedy campaign from removing their candidate’s name from the ballot, in an apparent effort to tip the scales.
In Virginia, the process to get RFK Jr.’s name off the ballot was relatively easy compared to states like Wisconsin and Michigan where the campaign has launched legal battles to remove the Independent’s name.
The Department of Elections received the request to remove Kennedy from the ballot Tuesday and removed his name from the qualified candidate list, Andrea Gaines, spokesperson for the Virginia Department of Election said in an email. In this instance, the ease of which Kennedy’s name was removed is owed to the fact that ballots have not yet been printed in the commonwealth.
Virginia
Virginia cannabis budget language triggers legal confusion, political fallout
(VIRGINIA MERCURY) – Virginia’s decision to revive legal cannabis sales through the state budget instead of standalone legislation has triggered several days of confusion over the commonwealth’s marijuana laws, with lawmakers, local prosecutors, Virginia State Police and legislative officials offering differing interpretations of when key provisions take effect.
Much of the confusion focused on two issues: whether Virginia’s long-delayed retail cannabis market had accidentally been moved up by a year and whether existing criminal penalties for marijuana possession and distribution involving people younger than 21 were still enforceable.
For much of the week, the lawmakers who wrote the budget language, along with state officials, sought to settle the matter. They said licensed retail sales will not begin until July 1, 2027, and that Virginia’s current criminal laws remain in effect until then.
Virginia State Police Superintendent Col. Jeff Katz also publicly reaffirmed the agency’s enforcement position after questions arose from an internal email circulated earlier this week.
“VSP acknowledges that there have been rumors and questions pertaining to the agency’s posture on cannabis enforcement,” Katz said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter. “I would like to make it clear that the Virginia State Police will continue to enforce existing laws, in line with the Code of Virginia.”
Read more on virginiamercury.com
Copyright 2026 Virginia Mercury. All rights reserved.
Virginia
4 indicted in Virginia double homicide; second victim ID’d as grandmother of 6
CAROLINE COUNTY, Va. — A Caroline County grand jury has indicted four people on first-degree murder charges in connection with a double homicide after DNA evidence identified the second victim as Helen Marie Pullen Banks, a grandmother of six.
The same four suspects charged in the murder of 18-year-old Jayden McComber have now been indicted in the death of Banks, who was living in the Richmond area at the time she went missing. Investigators linked the two homicides early in the investigation through forensic evidence.
Caroline County Sheriff Scott Moser said investigators “have been working around the clock” for a break in the case “not only for the community, but for the victims as well.”
The medical examiner’s office in Richmond used DNA to identify the 56-year-old Banks after her remains were found in poor condition. Investigators confirmed her identity on July 7.
Banks, originally from Culpeper, had been living in the Richmond area where she was in rehab at the time she went missing, according to her family. She had a connection to at least one of the four suspects, according to Moser.
The four suspects — Devonti Gregory Pettaway, 20, of Chesterfield; Kennady Jade Lambert, 18, of Hopewell; Rashad Antonio Mayfield, 23, of Glen Allen; and Jaden Lamont Phillips, 19, of Richmond — now face charges of first-degree murder, use of a firearm in the commission of a felony, and conspiracy to commit murder in connection with Banks’ death. The charges represent an upgrade from the second-degree murder charges the four originally faced in McComber’s death.
WATCH: Brother of suspect charged in murder of Hopewell teen Jayden McComber speaks out
Brother of suspect charged in murder of Hopewell teen Jayden McComber speaks out
Chief Deputy Travis Nutter outlined what investigators believe is the motive in McComber’s murder.
“We believe robbery to be the motive of the incident that happened with Jayden that ultimately led to his murder,” Nutter said.
As for the motive in Banks’ death, Nutter said investigators have not yet established one.
“There is no evidence to show that there was any sort of argument or disagreement between Ms. Banks or the four charged,” Nutter said.
Banks was a mother of five and grandmother of six. Moser said she had no known ties to Caroline County, and that her body, like McComber’s, appeared to have been brought there from another jurisdiction.
WATCH: Neighbor reacts as suspects arrested after 2 bodies found in Caroline County
Neighbor reacts as suspects arrested after 2 bodies found in Caroline County
McComber’s body was found in late March in a marshy area of Byrds Mill Pond near Sparta, near the Caroline and King and Queen County line. Banks’ remains were discovered about five miles away off Bagby Road. Investigators linked the two cases early on, in part because McComber’s AirTag had pinged about a mile and a half from where Banks’ remains were found.
Moser said the case has shaken the Sparta community but stressed that investigators moved quickly and that residents should feel reassured.
“Without a doubt this is a tremendous blow to the community,” Moser said. “When you come to this county and you do these types of crimes, we’re going to do everything we can to catch you… [We] are not used to these types of crimes being committed in Caroline.”
Moser credited a broad coalition of agencies for bringing the case to this point, including Commonwealth’s Attorney Ben Heidt, the medical examiner’s office, the U.S. Marshals Service and the broader community.
“Everyone has pulled together in a time of crisis; that’s what we do well here in Caroline,” Moser said. “We’ve had a lot of support from the community, a lot of information that’s been helpful in this investigation and that’s what community is all about.”
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Eat It, Virginia! with Scott and Robey
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Virginia
Virginia’s voided special election cost $11.6 million
We now know how much it cost Virginia to hold an election that didn’t count: $11.6 million.
Of that, the state will pick up $4.99 million, leaving localities to pay the balance of $6.6 million for the April 21 special election on redistricting that the Virginia Supreme Court later ruled was placed on the ballot unconstitutionally.
The numbers come from the Department of Elections, after Cardinal News filed a Virginia Freedom of Information Act request to find out the cost of the election.
I contacted localities small, medium and large and none said they’d have a particular problem paying their share. All said they’d already budgeted for primary elections that they expected in June. With the push to redraw Virginia’s congressional lines, those June primaries were bumped to August, putting them in a new fiscal year, so the money set aside for the June primaries was used to cover the special election on a proposed constitutional amendment to allow redistricting.
Election costs
Total cost of April 21 special election: $11,636,147
What state will pay for: $4,999,738
What localities must cover: $6,636,147
Source: Virginia Department of Elections
The issue some localities face now is that the Aug. 4 primary becomes an unexpected expense, although all said they’d figure out a way to pay for it. “We always budget for extra elections, so I think we will have money to cover this,” said Buckingham County administrator Karl Carter by email. It cost $44,373 to run the special election in his county. Of that, the state will pay $9,019, leaving the county to cover $35,353. (Each locality submits its expenses and the state calculates a reimbursement rate based on that.)
Other local government officials had similar things to say. The cost of running elections — paying for poll workers is one of the main expenses — depends largely on how big a locality is. Elections cost more in bigger localities, but they also have bigger budgets.
In Virginia Beach, the election cost $750,533. The state will pay $265,509, leaving the city to cover $465,023. City spokesperson Ali Weatherton-Shook said the city would save enough money through unfilled vacancies to cover unexpected election expenses.
In Chesterfield County, the election cost $619,970. The state will pay $223,356, leaving the county to cover $396,613. “Chesterfield tries to plan ahead for these growing demands,” said county spokesperson Stephen Bays. “In the county’s FY2027 budget, we added $630,000 to the Registrar’s budget to help fill the gap to cover the increasing costs of elections.”
The most expensive locality was, not surprisingly, the state’s biggest: Fairfax County. It cost $1,545,781 to hold the election there. The state will pay $655,424, leaving the county to cover $910,356. “We allocated additional funds out of carryover to address not only the special election on the amendment but a number of special elections due to both elected officials winning other seats and elected officials that went into the administration,” said county supervisor Pat Herrity, a Republican.
The closest I came to finding a locality that felt pinched by the election cost was Dickenson County. “Unfortunately, moving the primary to August added a third election to our FY-27 budget, which was already very tight,” said Dickenson County administrator Larry Barton by email. (The other two are the fall general election and presumed primaries next June for the 2027 local and legislative elections.) It cost $39,748 to run the special election in Dickenson. Of that, the state will cover $7,802, leaving Dickenson to pay $31,946.
While officials in other localities, though, said they’d have no problem paying the expense, they also pointed out the obvious: Money is finite. “Any time you spend money it competes with critical services and/or increases the tax burden on our residents,” said Herrity, the Fairfax County supervisor.
And some said they’d welcome additional state funding. “Like many localities, Chesterfield would welcome additional state funding for special elections,” said Bays, the county spokesperson. “When state funding falls short, local dollars must fill the gap, leaving fewer resources for other priorities.”
The new state budget that the General Assembly just approved does include an additional $680,000 to help with the cost of three proposed constitutional amendments that will be on the November ballot, in addition to congressional elections and, in some places, local elections.
Since I’m writing this as an opinion column, I will go ahead and inject my opinion here: The Virginia Supreme Court could have avoided this. The court declined to rule on legal challenges to the special election before the vote, citing a 1912 court ruling involving a similar challenge to an upcoming constitutional amendment. In that case, the court held that it should only rule after the vote, on the grounds that passing a constitutional amendment is akin to passing a law — and just as a court won’t intervene until after the governor signs a bill, it shouldn’t intervene until after voters approve a constitutional amendment.
I’m not a legal scholar, but that seems sound reasoning except for one thing: When the Supreme Court let the disputed 1912 amendment vote go forward, it was part of an election that was going to happen anyway, the 1912 presidential election — so there was no additional expense incurred. In this case, the only reason the special election was happening — and so there was expense involved. The court’s adherence to that 1912 precedent cost Virginia $11,636,147.
Of course, some might also say that Virginia Democrats cost the taxpayers that amount by skirting the rules involved in placing an amendment on the ballot, although there was legal dispute over those rules. You’ll recall that the constitutional question turned on when an election legally begins. The constitution says that the legislature must pass an amendment twice, with an election in between. Democrats contended that passing the amendment the first time in a special session in late October satisfied that requirement, because it was ahead of the November general election. The court later ruled that, legally speaking, the election really began when early voting started in September, so Democrats had misread the legal calendar. Democrats could say that Republicans are ultimately to blame, because it was President Donald Trump and Texas Republicans who started the push to redraw congressional lines to “find” more Republican districts so Democratic-controlled states such as Virginia had no choice but to respond in kind to balance things out.
Whoever you choose to blame, we can now put a dollar figure to that attempt — 11.6 million of them.
For more on those upcoming Aug. 4 primaries (for which early voting is already underway), see our Voter Guide. For more political news and analysis, sign up for West of the Capital, our weekly political newsletter that comes out on Friday afternoons.
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