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The numbers show a child welfare revolution in Texas

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The numbers show a child welfare revolution in Texas


In 2015, U.S. District Judge Janis Graham Jack declared that the conditions for children in the Texas foster care system were so bad that it represented a violation of the children’s constitutional rights. Texas children, she wrote, had been “shuttled throughout a system where rape, abuse, psychotropic medication, and instability are the norm,” and where children “often age out of care more damaged than when they entered.”

Ten years later, dramatic changes have shaken the child welfare system in Texas. Much work remains, but the outcomes are nothing short of shocking. Texas now removes fewer children, keeps more children out of foster care, and protects more children from abuse and neglect than ever before. Accomplishing all three of these goals at the same time is something few people thought was possible.

Many Texans may not realize how quickly a child can be removed from their home if Child Protective Services believes there is an immediate risk. Even today, after years of reforms, a court has the authority to take a parent’s child even when the parent, CPS, and the judge all agree that the parent is most likely innocent of abuse and neglect.

Nationally, 1 out of every 3 children will experience a CPS investigation by age 18, according to a study published by the American Journal on Public Health. For Black and Native American children, it’s more than 1 out of every 2.

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Once a child is removed, he or she will stay in foster care for an average of 14 months. In Texas, only a third of them will ever return home. Reform advocates often point out that a stranger who is accused of abusing a child is entitled to a litany of due process protections in a criminal trial that a parent is never afforded in a civil trial — even when the parent is accused of the same conduct. Yet, it is the parents who face the prospect of losing their child completely.

Termination of parental rights is often referred to as the “death penalty” of civil law. It’s not hard to see why. Most parents would sooner go to jail than lose their children.

In 2018, Texas removed 20,685 children from their homes. That same year, 211 children died from abuse and neglect in Texas. But since that time, the system has been shocked by a barrage of reforms. In 2024, Texas removed 9,220 children — a 55% drop in just six years. Furthermore, 99 children died from abuse and neglect in 2024 — a 53% drop.

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Also in 2018, a new set of CPS reforms began taking effect, reforms that would set the tone for nearly eight years of earthshaking changes to the child welfare system in Texas.

State Reps. Gene Wu, D-Houston, James Frank, R-Wichita Falls, and Dustin Burrows, R-Lubbock, who is now the speaker of the Texas House, worked together in 2017 to craft and pass HB 7 with the help of Sen. Bryan Hughes. The bill included a long list of due process reforms to Texas CPS law. Among other reforms, the bill prohibited child removals based on a family being low-income, required CPS to end its practice of suing parents in multiple courts at the same time (one court for each child), and prohibited CPS from terminating the rights of both parents when they only had evidence against one. The bill passed the Legislature with near unanimous support. Due process in CPS cases had gotten the Legislature’s attention.

In the years following, due process reforms in Texas sped up. In 2020, the Texas Supreme Court ended a practice whereby a jury could terminate parental rights even when jurors could not agree on what the parent had done wrong — a rule change specifically set in motion by HB 7.

In 2021, HB 567 dramatically reformed the definition of child neglect. In 2023, HB 730 required CPS caseworkers to inform parents of their rights before questioning them, like police officers do with criminal suspects. Both bills included numerous other reforms as well, and they were accompanied by a slew of other bills each making additional “pro-family” reforms to the system — reforms ranging from narrowly targeted due process changes to broad new standards of training for CPS caseworkers. Almost all of the bills passed with broad bipartisan support.

In 2021, Rep. Wu put clear words to the problem when describing how HB 567 changed the definition of neglect to prohibit the removal of a child unless there was an immediate danger. “We’ve always looked at what we’re doing for kids, but we don’t consider often what we’re doing to kids. … We guarantee you, if you strip them from their family, they will be traumatized. The question that we’ve never asked is this: Is it worth it?”

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Because fewer children are being removed from their homes, the total number of children sitting in foster care has also plummeted, according to Texas Department of Family and Protective Services data. Altogether, the shift in the system since the 2018 reforms began has been dramatic:

  • Children removed by CPS each year: down 55%
  • Child deaths from abuse and neglect: down 53%
  • Number of children sitting in foster care: down 47%
  • Number of children waiting for adoption: down 43%
  • Six-month and one-year recidivism rates: both at the lowest levels ever recorded (five-year rates have been essentially flat since 2015).

The Texas Legislature is now well into the 2025 legislative session. More reforms to the system are already being proposed. There are many holes left to be filled. In his State of the Judiciary speech before the Texas House and Senate, Supreme Court Chief Justice Jimmy Blacklock spoke for several minutes about the critical importance of ensuring due process for families in the CPS system. At the state’s highest court, due process for families is now a point of critical focus.

Doubtless, not all of the positive changes in the system are attributable to the due process reforms of the last seven years, but many of them clearly are.

One thing is apparent: Texas is embracing the theory of due process in the child welfare system, and seven years in, outcomes for families and children have dramatically improved.

Jeremy Newman is vice president of Family Freedom Project.



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Execution of Texas man convicted of 1998 double murder scheduled for Wednesday

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Execution of Texas man convicted of 1998 double murder scheduled for Wednesday


Charles Thompson, who once briefly escaped custody after being sentenced to death, is scheduled to be executed Wednesday evening for the 1998 double murder of his former girlfriend and her friend.

Thompson had gotten into an altercation at his then-girlfriend Dennise Hayslip’s apartment in Houston with her and her friend, Darren Cain, before a police officer escorted Thompson off the property, according to court records. Early the next morning, Thompson returned to the apartment, killing Cain and shooting Hayslip in the mouth. Hayslip was life-flighted to a nearby hospital, where she died a week later.

Thompson was charged with capital murder for killing Cain and Hayslip and sentenced to death in 1999. In 2001, his death sentence was vacated by the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals after judges ruled the Harris County District Attorney’s Office had unconstitutionally used an undercover investigator to obtain evidence for the trial. Thompson was given a new sentencing hearing, where a jury again sentenced him to death in 2005.

While Thompson does not dispute shooting Cain, he has said the man attacked him first and he acted defensively. Thompson has also asserted that Hayslip would have survived her wounds, which partially severed her tongue, had it not been for her receiving an improper intubation while at the hospital.

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Days after his resentencing, Thompson escaped from the Harris County Jail by switching into the civilian clothes he had worn to resentencing hearings and posed as an employee with the state Attorney General’s Office. The escape led to a three-day manhunt that ended with Thompson being caught drunk in Louisiana.

Thompson filed a new appeal and a request for a stay of execution with the CCA on Jan. 21 that called into question the efficacy of his legal counsel during trial. It also asserted Thompson’s previous claim that the hospital’s alleged improper intubation of Hayslip ultimately killed her. Included in the new filing was an affidavit from a doctor who testified during Thompson’s trial about Hayslip’s cause of death, stating she would withdraw her trial testimony and instead assert medical complications were the cause of death.

The CCA has yet to rule on the stay request or the appeal. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear a previous federal habeas corpus appeal from Thompson in 2021.

If executed, Thompson will be the first person put to death in the United States this year, and is one of four men in Texas with currently scheduled executions. Thompson will also be the 136th person Harris County has executed since the death penalty was reinstated in 1976. The county has executed more people than any other state, and in 2025 sentenced its 300th person to death.

Texas’ use of the death penalty has dwindled for years as new death sentences and executions per year have remained in the single digits for more than a decade.

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Cedric Ricks is the next person scheduled for execution in Texas on March 11. Ricks was convicted of capital murder in 2014 for stabbing his common-law wife and her 8-year-old son to death in their Fort Worth apartment.



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Major Fort Worth roads clear, but icy neighborhood streets persist

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Major Fort Worth roads clear, but icy neighborhood streets persist



Roads across North Texas have been in poor condition since temperatures dropped Friday night, and while TXDOT and local crews have been working around the clock, many neighborhoods are still dealing with sheets of ice.

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In Fort Worth, the difference between major highways and city streets is easy to see. I‑30 looked nearly clear after TXDOT began pretreating it last Wednesday, well before any ice or snow arrived. But nearby city‑maintained roads remained slick. Each city and county is responsible for its own streets, which means some neighborhoods are still waiting for crews to reach them.

Warmer temperatures Tuesday helped speed up the process.

Fort Worth and Tarrant County crews spent the day spreading salt and sand to give drivers traction. The city said it doesn’t have traditional snowplows like those used in northern states, but workers have been using skid steers to scrape away the thick layer of ice that’s been stuck to the pavement.

Road conditions improved significantly throughout the day, but officials urged drivers to stay cautious.

City urges drivers to slow down

“If you are needing to leave your home and get out on the neighborhood streets and on to roads to travel, please go very slowly,” said Lara Ingram, a spokesperson for Fort Worth’s Transportation & Public Works Department. “Some neighborhood roads may be 35 mph. Fifteen to 20 mph is fast enough.”

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Crews focused Tuesday on hospitals, major thoroughfares and the area around Dickies Arena to keep the Stock Show & Rodeo accessible. 

The city is asking residents to remain patient as workers continue moving through neighborhoods.



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Texas agriculture commissioner primary: Who is running and what you need to know

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Texas agriculture commissioner primary: Who is running and what you need to know


Editor’s note: To help readers learn more about primary candidates, The Texas Tribune is sharing background information on top candidates. In particularly crowded races, we focused on candidates who have political experience or prominence. For a full list of the candidates running in this race view our primary ballot page. For more information on the primaries and the voting process, check out our voter guide here.

About this seat: The Texas Agriculture Commissioner is the chief advocate for Texas’s agriculture industry. Under the commissioner’s purview, the Texas Department of Agriculture regulates the state’s agriculture industry, including cattle, grain, plants, pesticides, hemp and organic operations. The department provides agribusiness support, promotes Texas products and advocates for policies at the state and federal level that help farmers and ranchers. It also administers the National School Lunch Program to public schools. The department works on economic development in rural areas and provides disaster relief to farmers. The department also ensures that price scanners and scales are all accurate to ensure consumers are paying an accurate price for these items when they purchase them.

What’s at stake: Agriculture is the second largest industry in the state and Texas is home to more than 230,000 farms, according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. In 2024, it was the 6th largest state exporter of agricultural products. Farmers and ranchers are on the frontlines of economic pressures, the effects of climate change, and labor and supply chain disruptions and it’s the responsibility of the state agriculture commissioner to regulate farmers from a consumer protection standpoint, while providing support and funding to farms that are economic engines in rural areas of the state.

Candidates at a Glance:

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Commissioner of Agriculture of Texas

💰 Campaign finance:

💰 Major donors this cycle:

  • Philip Oshotse, owner of Houston African grocery store – $60,000
  • Joe Cavender, owner of Cavender’s boots – $5,000
  • Stan Graff, owner at El Dorado Motors – $10,000
  • Kent Hance, former U.S. Rep. and chancellor of Texas Tech University System – $10,000
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Experience:

  • First elected agriculture commissioner in 2014, and reelected twice in 2018 and 2022

  • 12 years in the Texas House of Representatives

  • Graduate of Tarleton State University in Stephenville, where he lives and owns a tree nursery

  • Breeds horses and is a rodeo cowboy

Political ideology:  Miller is known as a staunch MAGA conservative with a fiery personality and a loyal supporter of President Donald Trump.  He is a Christian who often rails against Islam and leftist politics on social media. He’s against diversity, equity and inclusion policies and in 2023, he ordered employees to dress “in a manner consistent with their biological gender,” a move that was viewed as anti-transgender.  

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Policy stances:

  • Increasing water security in Texas

  • Defending agriculture from invasive pests and disease

  • Enhancing local food pride through the agency’s Go Texan brand program

  • Ensure farm and ranchland is not affected by the expansion of data centers in Texas

  • Supports legalization of marijuana for medical purposes

In the news:

Endorsements:

  • Railroad Commissioner Wayne Christian

  • Ted Nugent, a guitarist and singer

How to contact or learn more:
campaign@sidmiller.com
6407 S US Hwy 377
Stephenville, TX 76401

Nate Sheets
Campaign photo
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💰 Campaign finance:

💰 Major donors this cycle:

  • Houston furniture store owner Mattress Mack – $10,000
  • Sen. Kevin Sparks, a Republican from Midland and family – $13,000
  • The Saulsbury Family, owners of Saulsbury Industries oil and gas company in Odessa and former donors of Sid Miller’s campaign – $25,000
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Experience:

  • Texan business and ranch owner

  • Served for six years in the U.S. Naval Reserve before he graduated from Texas State University

  • He and his wife founded a honey company called Nature Nate’s, which became famous for its raw and unfiltered honey. He sold the company in 2021 and resigned as CEO in 2024 to run for agriculture commissioner.

  • Previously worked as communications director for E3 Partners, an evangelist ministry organization that establishes new Christian congregations around the world

Political ideology: Sheets is a conservative Christian and self-declared member of the MAHA (Make American Healthy Again) movement, which was inspired by Trump administration Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Nature Nate’s Honey emphasized testing to ensure the honey didn’t contain pesticides or herbicides, and Sheets has said his experience leading the company shaped his views on healthy eating.

Policy stances:

  • Helping Texas farmers grow and produce clean and healthy food at home and in the state’s public schools

  • Boost job opportunities in the agriculture industry in rural areas of the state

  • Work with the Legislature to ensure Texas has the power to investigate agro terrorists who might spread pathogens that could damage state agriculture production

In the news:

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Endorsements:

  • Texas Farm Bureau, Texas Cattlefeeders Association

  • Former U.S. Sen. Rick Santorum, a Republican from Pennsylvania

How to contact or learn more:
campaign@natesheets.com

Clayton Tucker
Campaign photo

💰 Campaign finance:

💰 Major donors this cycle:

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  • Jim Hightower, former Texas Agriculture Commissioner from 1983 to 1991 – $1,000
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Experience:

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  • Grew up working on his family’s ranch in Lampasas

  • Fair trade organizer for the Trade Justice Education Fund, a left-leaning non-profit that promotes awareness of the impact of trade on public health and the environment.

Political ideology: Tucker spent his early career working as a Democratic political campaign organizer. He is an active member of the Texas Democrats and a member of the Texas Progressive Caucus.

Policy stances:

  • Preserving family farms

  • Lowering the cost of food and removing chemicals from food

  • Stop the spread of microplastics and regulate dangerous chemicals like PFAS

  • Protect Texas from the growth of data centers across the state and “bust monopolies”

Endorsements:

  • U.S. Rep. Jamie Raskin, a Democrat from Maryland 

  • Many Democratic state representatives

How to contact or learn more:
info@claytontuckertx.com
PO Box 1059
Lampasas, TX 76550

Disclosure: Texas Cattle Feeders Association and Texas Tech University System have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan news organization that is funded in part by donations from members, foundations and corporate sponsors. Financial supporters play no role in the Tribune’s journalism. Find a complete list of them here.

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