Texas
Texas Is Taking Back the State Highway 288 Tollway—at a Steep Price
The Texas Department of Transportation (TxDOT) is set to take back ownership of the State Highway 288 tollway, one of the state’s most expensive privately built toll roads, which connects Houston to its southern suburbs. This action will terminate a 52-year agreement, originally set to end in 2068, for the Blueridge Transportation Group (BTG) to build and operate the tollway—a 10-mile stretch running from an intersection just south of downtown Houston to the Brazoria/Harris County line—that was built in the median of the publicly owned State Highway 288.
The buyback comes with a hefty price tag.
BTG, a consortium of international private infrastructure development firms, paid up-front for about a third of the billion-dollar tollway construction project, with the remaining two-thirds coming primarily through federal and state-backed debt. TxDOT is exercising a right to retake the tollway enshrined in the original agreement, but doing so requires paying BTG some $1.7 billion—on top of what the firms already raked in through tolls, construction contracts and selling shares in the project. The money from TxDOT will more than cover the $650 million debt that BTG still owes.
But Texas taxpayers and drivers will be left holding the bag, paying off the tollway for many years to come. In May, TxDOT formed the Texas Transportation Finance Corporation in order to take out a loan of $1.7 billion from TxDOT to acquire the tollway—with the plan of paying back the debt with future toll revenues.
The 288 toll road has long been controversial—in no small part because of its high cost both in terms of fees and human lives. Since the tollway opened in November 2020, toll rates have increased by sixty percent, going from $11 for the full 20-mile round trip during peak hours to $29 dollars now.
“We’re trying to get in a position where we can control that and have more reasonable rates.”
Last November, the Texas Observer revealed how the state allowed BTG to profit from the 288 tollway at the expense of both drivers forced to pay exorbitant rates and construction workers who were injured, or died building the tollway. Twenty-one-year-old Juan Simental fell 85 feet to his death in June 2019 after his employers failed to provide the appropriate safety lanyard. Dozens of other workers experienced severe injuries, reporting that there was no one monitoring safety conditions, no flagger or spotter, and no safety training.
TxDOT rejected BTG’s offer to renegotiate the contract. In an August press release, Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick said, “We will provide meaningful relief for Texas drivers along this corridor. Securing a more than $4 billion asset for just $1.7 billion will not only benefit Texas drivers, it will also enable TxDOT to continue investing in and advancing crucial roadway projects across the state.” Patrick did not respond to requests for an interview for this story.
Texas Transportation Commission Chairman Bruce Bugg Jr. called the buyback “a big win for taxpayers,” stating in the press release that the buyback would allow the agency to cut rates by half “as soon as possible” and add more free lanes. SH 288, also known as the South Freeway, is a major hurricane evacuation route, and some exits serve the Museum District and the Texas Medical Center.
TxDOT inked its original agreement in 2016 with BTG, which consisted at the time of six equity members including ACS Group (based in Spain), Shikun & Binui (Israel), and InfraRed Capital Partners (Britain). Last year, ACS Group acquired BTG in its entirety.
In response to the Observer’s request for comment, BTG spokesperson Alan Goss said, “We are deeply disappointed by TxDOT’s decision to expedite the purchase of the SH-288 toll road without fully considering the significant concessions we offered for motorists.”
The companies have already profited handsomely from the tollway mainly through deals with their construction subsidiaries and through toll revenues. In annual reports, ACS Group reported the tollway earned $74 million in 2022 and $97 million in 2023, though BTG has refused to disclose its entire take. Based on invoices obtained by the Observer, during construction from 2016 to 2020, BTG paid $815 million to subsidiaries of the same firms—Dragados USA and Pulice Construction, owned by ACS Group, and Shikun & Binui America, the three of which formed a joint venture called Almeda Genoa Constructors.
Despite reports of construction-related deaths and injuries related to Almeda Genoa Constructors, the venture continued to receive new TxDOT contracts, now totaling at least $4.9 billion for at least 24 projects since 2016, according to state records.
Even with all those profits, the equity firms making up BTG have so far repaid little of their debts, some of which were financed by public agencies and taxpayers, according to credit reports and experts interviewed by the Observer. For the $1.1 billion-construction phase, TxDOT contributed $17.1 million to the 288 tollway project, the U.S. Department of Transportation loaned $357 million to the companies under the Transportation Infrastructure Finance and Innovation Act (TIFIA), and the Texas Private Activity Bond Surface Transportation Corporation, a finance arm of TxDOT, issued a $273 million tax-exempt private activity bond to BTG.
Sandro Scenga, a spokesperson for the national credit rating agency Fitch Ratings, told the Observer that BTG still owes all $273 million in bonds and $378 million on the TIFIA loan, which is anticipated to be paid off after the company receives compensation from TxDOT for the early termination of the agreement.
Between August 2022 and March 2023, ACS Group bought out the five other BTG equity partners, generating hundreds of millions in profits for those companies. Then, last December, ACS Group sold a 57 percent stake in BTG for $1.5 billion to Abertis, a company that is half owned by ACS Group. The move generated $200 million in capital gains, according to ACS Group’s 2023 annual report.
In an interview, Rosemary Batt, professor at the Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations and author of Private Equity at Work: When Wall Street Manages Main Street, explained that ACS Group operated the tollway like most private equity firms operate any company: invest a scant amount, accumulate debts, and siphon as much profit as possible before getting out without assuming liability for the company’s long-term debt.
“The debt is leveraged on the company, and then they try to recoup the money in about a five-year period,” Batt said, adding that private equity companies generally invest little to get a higher rate of return when they sell. “If I buy something for 100 million and then sell it later for 200, then my return on my own equity is two to one, right? But if I only put in 50 and then I sell it for 200, my reported return on equity is four to one.”
Unlike public corporations which generally operate companies with about 70 percent equity and 30 percent debt, the ratios are typically reversed for private equity companies, Batt writes in her book.
Batt said that ACS Group most likely bought and sold 288 tollway shares so it could return more earnings to shareholders within the typical five-year funding cycle. “It may be because they waited until year seven, a company might be more valuable and they would get higher returns, which would go to the investors. But if they need to sell something in year five, they sell it often to another private equity firm. So there’s a lot of horse trading that happens.”
Seemingly, months before the Texas Transportation Commission decided to initiate the process to terminate the tollway lease, ACS Group was already on its way out. At the end of 2023, ACS Group announced to its shareholders it would be selling off another 22 percent of its shares.
The Spanish firm has constructed and operated more than 130 public-private infrastructure projects worldwide since 1967. It took in a net profit of $867 million last year, and its largest market now is in North America.
ACS Group did not respond to a request for comment for this story by publication time and has previously referred requests about the 288 tollway to BTG.
These days, private-public partnership tollways have fallen out of favor with Texans. The SH 288 tollway was the last from former Texas Governor Rick Perry’s initiative to build private tollways statewide. Others included the LBJ-635 Express Corridor, the North Tarrant Express, and State Highway 130 in Central Texas.
GOP state Senator Robert Nichols told the Observer that TxDOT turned to leasing out public highways for private tollways when the state did not have enough revenues to build new roads. Now, the situation is different, he says. “Now that we’ve got money to build highways … we’re kind of getting away from that. We’re trying to get in a position where we can control that and have more reasonable rates.”
In 2013, Nichols carried a bill to limit the state toll road buyback price to a set amount based on the number of contract years elapsed instead of market rate. That bill became law; otherwise, TxDOT would be paying much more than $1.7 billion to buy back the 288 tollway today.
TxDOT did not respond to the Observer’s question about whether the Texas Transportation Finance Corporation, newly formed to engage in the “acquisition, construction, maintenance, or operation of a toll facility,” will be buying back any other privately owned tollways around the state.
Texas
North Texas middle school closes after a norovirus outbreak
A middle school in the Eagle Mountain-Saginaw ISD is closed Friday after an outbreak of norovirus.
According to the school district, they closed Creekview Middle School in Fort Worth on Friday to sanitize and clean the building. The district said they plan on reopening the school on Monday.
The district said children started to get sick on Tuesday with what appeared to be a stomach virus and that on Wednesday it spread to a larger group.
EMSISD said they reached out to the Tarrant County Public Health Department and that they recommended disinfecting and cleaning the school on Wednesday night and reopening the next day.
More cases continued to be reported on Thursday, so the public health department then recommended that they clean again and close the campus on Friday.
Parents were notified of the district’s decision on Thursday afternoon.
The district has not said how many students and staff were sickened in the outbreak.
Officials with Children’s Medical Center said that because norovirus is highly contagious and resistant to many common hand sanitizers, it presents a unique challenge for families.
The hospital says hand sanitizer isn’t enough and recommends thorough hand washing with soap and water. They also recommend parents keep their children home for a full 48 hours after symptoms stop to prevent further outbreaks.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention says there are approximately 2,500 norovirus outbreaks in the United States each year and that they are most common from November through April. For further tips on preventing the spread of norovirus, visit the CDC.
Texas
Trump heads to Texas, where 3 friends are battling it out in the Senate Republican primary
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump just can’t seem to choose among friends in the Texas Senate Republican primary.
So when he travels to the state on Friday for his first post- State of the Union trip, where he plans to promote his energy and economic policies, Trump will have all three candidates in the competitive race join him — just days before his party casts ballots in the primary race.
Sen. John Cornyn is battling for his fifth term and is being challenged by state Attorney General Ken Paxton and Rep. Wesley Hunt in a primary fight that has become viciously personal. And all three men, missing the coveted endorsement from Trump, have been trying to highlight their ties to him as they ramp up their campaigning ahead of Tuesday’s vote.
For his part, Trump will be seeking to ride the message of his State of the Union address from Tuesday, where he declared a return to economic prosperity and a more secure America — two centerpiece arguments for Republicans as they campaign to keep their congressional majorities this fall.
Trump’s hesitation to endorse in the Texas Senate primary speaks to the tricky dynamics of the race.
Cornyn is unpopular with a segment of Texas’ GOP base, in part for his early dismissiveness of Trump’s 2024 comeback campaign and for his role in authoring tougher restrictions on guns after the 2022 school shooting in Uvalde, Texas. But Senate GOP leadership and allied groups see Cornyn as the stronger general election candidate, in light of a series of troubles that have shadowed Paxton.
Paxton beat impeachment on fraud charges in 2023, and has faced allegations of marital infidelity by his wife, state Sen. Angela Paxton.
Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, right, is joined by former Texas Gov. Rick Perry, left, during a campaign stop in Austin, Texas, Tuesday, Feb. 17, 2026. Credit: AP/Eric Gay
Senate Majority Leader John Thune and South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, have urged Trump to endorse Cornyn. They and allied campaign groups argue that the seat would cost the party hundreds of millions more to defend with Paxton as the candidate.
“It is a strong possibility we cannot hold Texas if John Cornyn is not our nominee,” Scott told Fox News on Wednesday.
Hunt, a second-term Houston-area representative, was a later entry to the race, but claims a kinship with Trump, having endorsed him early in the 2024 race. Hunt campaigned regularly for Trump and earned a prime-time speaking slot at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee.
If no candidate reaches 50% in Tuesday’s primary, the top two finishers will advance to a May 26 runoff.
Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton and Rep. Troy Nehls, R-Texas, arrive before President Donald Trump delivers the State of the Union address to a joint session of Congress in the House chamber at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, Tuesday, Feb. 24, 2026. Credit: AP/Allison Robbert
Cornyn’s campaign and a half-dozen allied groups have poured more than $63 million into the race since last fall, chiefly trying to slow Paxton but recently attacking Hunt in an effort to keep him from making it to the runoff.
Earlier this month, Trump feinted toward weighing in on the race when he said he was taking “a serious look” at endorsing in the Texas primary. He has since reaffirmed his neutrality.
Still, you wouldn’t know it from watching TV in Texas. Cornyn has been airing ads since last year touting his support for Trump’s agenda, even though his relationship with the president has been cool at times. Paxton and Hunt both have ads airing now featuring them standing with Trump.
“I like all three of them, actually. Those are the toughest races. They’ve all supported me. They’re all good. You’re supposed to pick one, so we’ll see what happens. But I support all three,” Trump said earlier this month.
The GOP battle comes as Democrats have a contested primary of their own in Texas between state Rep. James Talarico, a self-described policy wonk who regularly quotes the Bible, and progressive favorite U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett.
Trump hasn’t been shy about wading into other contested Republican primaries in the state. Parts of Corpus Christi fall within Texas’ 34th congressional district, where former Rep. Mayra Flores is fighting to reclaim her seat against the Trump-endorsed Eric Flores. (The two are not related.) The winner of the primary will face off against Democratic Rep. Vicente Gonzalez, long a target of the GOP, whose district was redrawn to make it easier for a Republican to win.
Eric Flores will be at the Trump event at the Port of Corpus Christi, which technically is located in a neighboring district.
Elsewhere in the state, the president has also endorsed Rep. Tony Gonzales, who is fighting calls from his own party to resign from Congress after reports of an alleged affair with a former staffer who later died after she set herself on fire. Gonzales is refusing to step down and has said that there will be “opportunities for all of the details and facts to come out” and that the stories about the situation do not represent “all the facts.”
Gonzales is facing a primary challenge from Brandon Herrera, a gun manufacturer and gun rights influencer who Gonzales defeated by fewer than 400 votes in their 2024 runoff. The White House did not return a request for comment on Thursday on whether Trump stands by his endorsement of Gonzales.
Texas
Man sentenced to 15 years in Texas crash that killed founding member of The Chicks
EL PASO, Texas (AP) — A man has been sentenced to 15 years in prison after admitting his reckless driving caused a head-on collision in rural West Texas that killed Laura Lynch, a founding member of the country music group now known as The Chicks, prosecutors said.
Domenick Chavez, 33, pleaded guilty to manslaughter in connection with Dec. 22, 2023, crash in Hudspeth County, according to a news release Tuesday from El Paso County District James Montoya, who also oversees nearby Hudspeth County.
The news release said Chavez was driving a truck westbound when he tried to pass four vehicles on a two-way undivided highway and collided head-on with Lynch’s eastbound truck. Lynch, 65, of Dell City, was trapped in her vehicle and died. Prosecutors said Chavez was traveling between 106 mph and 114 mph.
Prosecutors said alcohol wasn’t a factor in the crash but that Chavez was driving on a suspended license, which had been revoked due to his failure to comply with DWI-related surcharges and penalties from convictions in 2014 and 2017.
Lynch, along with Robin Lynn Macy and sisters Martie Maguire and Emily Strayer, formed The Dixie Chicks in the late 1980s. Lynch and Macy eventually left the band and Natalie Maines joined the sisters. The trio hit commercial fame with their breakthrough album “Wide Open Spaces” in 1998 and have won 13 Grammys. In 2020, the band changed its name to The Chicks.
In a social media post after Lynch’s death, The Chicks said Lynch had “infectious energy and humor” and was “instrumental” in the band’s early success.
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