North Carolina
Impending federal hemp ban puts North Carolina’s $1B industry at risk | Port City Daily
NORTH CAROLINA — A sweeping change tucked into the federal government’s latest funding package is poised to wipe out most of North Carolina’s hemp industry, banning nearly all cannabinoid products and leaving farmers and retailers across the state facing an uncertain future.
READ MORE: Hemp under threat: NC lawmakers debating crackdown, business owners push back
ALSO: NC legislators propose recreational marijuana bills in Senate and House
Under a provision tucked into the bill, most hemp-derived products sold in North Carolina — including Delta-8, Delta-10 and THCA flower — will become illegal by November 2026. The change rewrites the federal definition of hemp to exclude cannabinoids that are synthesized or modified outside the cannabis plant, closing loopholes that fueled the rise of these products and effectively wiping out the retail market that now dominates the state’s industry.
The measure was folded into the 394-page Continuing Appropriations, Agriculture, Legislative Branch, Military Construction and Veterans Affairs, and Extensions Act of 2026 — the funding package which ended the 43-day federal government shutdown when it was signed into law Nov. 12.
Although the restrictions do not take effect until the end of next year, the language marks a major shift in national cannabis policy. Championed by Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY), the provision aims to close gaps left by the 2018 Farm Bill, which defined hemp solely by its Delta-9 THC concentration.
McConnell justified the ban by citing rising public-health incidents, pointing to statistics from the Kentucky Poison Center showing cannabis-related calls more than doubled over five years. Nearly 40% of the center’s THC-related calls in 2024 involved children under 12, with most hospitalizations linked to THC gummies marketed in packaging resembling candy.
The 2018 Farm Bill allowed hemp to be grown and sold so long as it contained no more than 0.3% Delta-9 THC by dry weight. Because the federal definition focused on just one cannabis compound, manufacturers exploited two glaring omissions. The first was the law ignored other psychoactive compounds like Delta-8 and Delta-10 THC, which are chemically similar to Delta-9 and produce a high for users.
Delta-8 and Delta-10 THC compounds can be created by extracting CBD — which is non-intoxicating — from hemp and chemically converting it into a psychoactive substance. The second gap in the Farm Bill was the law’s failure to regulate THCA (tetrahydrocannabinolic acid), the raw, non-intoxicating compound found in hemp flower. THCA becomes illegal Delta-9 THC only when heated, meaning retailers could legally sell flower functionally identical to cannabis sold in dispensaries in states where the drug is legalized.
Any cannabinoid synthesized or manufactured outside the cannabis plant is explicitly removed from the definition of legal hemp, outlawing most Delta-8 and Delta-10 products, along with many of the processes used to isolate and refine CBD.
The legislation also imposes an extremely strict limit on finished consumer products: anything intended for human consumption will be illegal if the container holds more than 0.4 milligrams of total THC. Commonly consumed low-dose gummies typically contain 5 to 10 milligrams of THC per gummy so a standard package of 10 gummies containing 50 to 100 milligrams of total THC, rendered illegal under the new law.
According to Phil Dixon Jr., professor at the UNC School of Government and expert in cannabis law, the new federal language represents a “radical reworking of the federal definition of hemp to effectively eliminate everything but hemp oils and hemp seeds.”
He said the law is so broad because it doesn’t just target finished intoxicating products, it criminalizes many of the processes used to make otherwise legal hemp extracts. Widely sold CBD products often require extracting and isolating cannabis compounds which results in THC byproducts. Under the new definition, the process could make the entire product unlawful. Thus, non-intoxicating CBD items — gummies, oils, and lotions — would also fall under the ban.
“I think it will drastically shrink the market all around and there will be way less products that are legal under federal law,” Dixon said. “That presumably means less people will be doing it, and there will be less of a supply all around and so less demand from the producers and the farmers.”
Dixon described the federal drafting as “pretty airtight,” noting Congress appears to have erred on the side of “over-inclusion,” sweeping in Delta-8, THCA, and newer compounds such as Hexahydrocannabinol (HHC) to ensure no future chemical workaround remains possible.
HHC, a semi-synthetic cannabinoid, often derived from CBD, is believed to fall under the ban because the law excludes any cannabinoids “synthesized or converted” outside the plant.
Focusing on intoxicating products, the federal ban does not target agricultural hemp grown for fiber, grain, textiles, or industrial uses. However, it is still expected to affect the farming sector because the high-profit consumable cannabinoid market largely subsidizes the much lower-value industrial hemp market.
North Carolina has 858 licensed hemp growers, according to state agriculture licensing records. A 2023 economic impact study on the state’s hemp industry estimated the sector supports nearly 9,000 jobs and generates between $759 million and $1.1 billion in annual sales, with the majority of revenue coming from hemp-derived cannabinoid products.
Earlier this year, state lawmakers attempted to regulate hemp with House Bill 328, which proposed age limits, testing requirements, and a product licensing system. Though it had strong support from the hemp industry — due to creating standards without banning products — it didn’t move forward. Senate lawmakers rewrote the bill into a much stricter measure mirroring the new federal approach, banning intoxicating hemp-derived cannabinoids, restricting chemical conversion processes used to make Delta-8 and similar products, and limiting total THC in consumer goods. Negotiations between the chambers ultimately stalled.
Industry organizations such as the American Healthy Alternatives Association have opposed the new federal language, contending an outright ban on intoxicating hemp cannabinoids will shutter small businesses and eliminate a profitable industry.
Despite the lack of regulation, hemp retailers continued to expand across the state, with more than 100 businesses operating in North Carolina. Wilmington alone now has dozens of hemp dispensaries, smoke shops, vape shops, and convenience stores selling THCA flower and Delta-8 and Delta-10 THC products permitted under the 2018 Farm Bill. Under the new federal restrictions, hemp consumable stores will soon face decisions about whether to shut down, liquidate stock, attempt to pivot to non-intoxicating products, or risk federal enforcement after November 2026.
Dixon emphasized that even if some businesses hope to continue selling products under North Carolina’s permissive state laws they will face multiple obstacles.
Because the new federal definition makes most hemp products controlled substances, banks will be legally unable to accept proceeds from sales. Hemp producers, wholesalers, and retailers would also be unable to ship products across state lines, disrupting the supply chain. In addition, businesses would be subject to federal controlled-substance tax provisions normally applied to illicit drug operations.
“Even putting aside the risk of a criminal prosecution by the feds, there are these very practical problems, like: Can you ship it? Can you get a bank account for your business?” Dixon said. “If this is your business, are you exposed to some new and different tax liability because of this change? I think all of those are very possible.”
Dixon noted federal enforcement remains unpredictable. While the Department of Justice has not prioritized raids on state-licensed marijuana dispensaries in places like Colorado, the protection these businesses enjoy is not permanent. It exists only because of a Congressional provision attached to a federal spending bill — known as a budget rider — preventing the use of federal funds to take action against state-compliant marijuana operations. Since a budget rider must be renewed annually by Congress, the shield could be removed at any time. No such agreement currently exists for hemp.
Marijuana and hemp remain legally distinct substances at the federal level — marijuana is defined as any cannabis with more than 0.3% Delta-9 THC, while hemp is defined as anything under that limit. Even if North Carolina were to legalize recreational or medical marijuana, Dixon said it would not resolve the conflict for hemp specific businesses.
“Us changing our marijuana laws wouldn’t really change this,” he said. “Perhaps there could be a similar kind of agreement that says, ‘If you’re operating consistent with your state law, we’re not going to mess with you.’”
In the coming year, Dixon expects some hemp businesses will begin phasing out operations or selling off inventory, while others may hold out in hopes the legal landscape changes.
“My assumption is that you will see businesses starting to wind down the closer we get to November,” he said. “But I also imagine that there will be people who hold out and say, ‘I’m committed to this industry. I think I do good work, and I think there’s a market for my products.’ We’ll just have to see. If I was their attorney, I would say you need to be concerned.”
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North Carolina
Greenville Police Department Join Effort Promoting Safe Firearm Storage
The Greenville Police Department joined community leaders in Pitt County this week to promote safe firearm storage as part of North Carolina’s annual NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action, the Greenville Police Department said.
In a statement, the Greenville Police Department thanked NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for the opportunity to help educate residents about responsible firearm storage practices.
We want to thank NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for allowing us to help relay to the community the importance of safely securing firearms so that we can avoid tragedies in the future!
The local event follows Gov. Josh Stein’s proclamation recognizing June 1-7 as NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action.
According to Gov. Stein’s office, the campaign aims to encourage gun owners to securely store firearms and make safety resources more widely available across North Carolina.
An unlocked gun is a tragedy waiting to happen, and too often, it does,” said Governor Josh Stein. “NC S.A.F.E Week is a reminder to all of us about the measures we can all take to keep ourselves and the people we love safe.
Safe firearm storage is one of the simplest steps we can take to prevent tragedies before they happen,” said North Carolina Department of Public Safety Deputy Secretary William Lassiter Lassiter. “NC S.A.F.E. is increasing awareness around secure firearm storage and making safety resources more accessible to help reduce preventable injuries and build safer communities throughout our state.
North Carolina
The Real Reason North Carolina’s GOP Is Proposing the Most Radical Anti-Abortion Bill Yet
Another anti-abortion abolitionist proposal has been in the news. This time, conservative lawmakers in North Carolina have asked voters to approve a state constitutional amendment recognizing the personhood of embryos and establishing that anyone who ends an embryonic life is guilty of first-degree murder. Those penalties might also apply to people pursuing in vitro fertilization or using some contraceptives, given that abortion foes sometimes view either as requiring the taking of unborn life. And that’s the most ordinary part of the proposal: The bill also provides that private individuals have a right to use deadly force to prevent “the willful destruction of life.” House Bill 1232 isn’t clear about exactly who could exercise this constitutional right to vigilante violence. Would it just be available to those seeking to kill abortion providers and patients? Or might it apply even more broadly to those seen to aid them?
The bill has been greeted with bafflement and disbelief. One of its co-sponsors was embarrassed enough to remove his name from the proposal. But the idea of licensing private violence did not come out of thin air. There have been decades of debate about the use of force within the anti-abortion movement. And as conservatives embrace an increasingly punitive agenda, old justifications for violence have reemerged.
Since the 1960s, abortion foes have rallied around the idea that constitutional rights begin the moment an egg is fertilized. That meant that liberal abortion laws would violate the federal Constitution. Because that claim didn’t gain traction in the federal courts, abortion opponents didn’t have to settle what it would mean in practice to enforce this idea of personhood. Did it require that abortion be punished as murder, or that women be punished? Might it instead require more support for women during pregnancy?
By the 1980s, as the anti-abortion movement aligned with the Republican Party, the movement’s leaders increasingly retooled their ideas of justice for the unborn to fit the GOP’s tough-on-crime agenda. They endorsed fetal homicide laws and backed prosecutions based on conduct during pregnancy. But these moves didn’t lead to the reversal of Roe, much less a decline in the abortion rate.
Frustration led to a wave of lawbreaking. Operation Rescue, a clinic blockade group, invited supporters to use civil disobedience and break the law if necessary to stop people from entering abortion clinics. Operation Rescue disrupted the Democratic National Convention in 1992 and recorded thousands of arrests. Blockaders even developed a legal argument to justify their actions, drawing on the common law defense of necessity, which allows someone to break a law to achieve a greater moral good.
Some advocates went further. If abortion really were the murder of an equal person, they asked, why wasn’t it justified to use deadly force to protect that equal person?
Prominent figures in the late 1980s and early 1990s elaborated on that argument in books and talk-show appearances. The claim justified kidnappings, firebombings, and a series of murders of doctors, clinic staff, and security. Powerful anti-abortion groups denounced the violence, but the question of deadly force struck others as surprisingly complex. If a fertilized egg was an equal person, and if the way to protect that person involved violence, why was deadly force off limits?
While violence against abortion clinics and providers never went away, it receded from the peak of the 1980s and early 1990s. The federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which heightened penalties for threats, violence, and obstruction of people entering facilities, radically undercut the clinic blockade movement when Congress passed it in 1994. So did the conviction of high-profile murder defendants like Michael Griffin and Paul Hill. The clinic blockade movement was consumed by internal divides, with multiple organizations even claiming the name Operation Rescue. Anti-abortion leaders mostly focused on change through the courts and politics.
Now that Roe is gone, the movement is at an inflection point. Personhood has become the movement’s new North Star. And while success in the federal courts isn’t imminent, there is now no reason a state couldn’t enforce any vision of personhood. That means that conservatives have to decide what they mean by enforcing the rights of the unborn. This bill is a sign that even punishing women doesn’t strike some as harsh enough.
This bill won’t pass. For starters, North Carolina is not the most likely state to pass any abortion abolitionist bill; at the moment, it doesn’t even ban abortion from the moment of fertilization. And no state has yet passed any kind of abolitionist proposal, much less one allowing people to gun one another down in the name of protecting life.
But this bill has a different resonance now that Donald Trump has pledged not to enforce the FACE Act in the abortion context except in the most extreme circumstances. It is also a reminder of how the Overton window on personhood is shifting. Abolitionists who call for the punishment of women are gaining influence in state legislatures and movement debates. They have developed their own incremental approach: In South Carolina, for example, Richard Cash, a powerful lawmaker, tried this session to advance a bill punishing women for abortion, but only for a misdemeanor, rather than a felony. The bill became the second abolitionist proposal to pass through a committee this spring before time ran out to pass it this session.
Leading anti-abortion groups still speak out against abolitionists, but their strategy is clear: normalizing the idea of punishing women. The more extreme proposals conservatives advance, the more previously unthinkable ideas become politically realistic.
North Carolina
In North Carolina Senate race, Democrat leans on economic message early
With one exception, Democrats have lost every single U.S. Senate race in North Carolina this century, their quests in recent years rocked by controversy and difficult political climates. This year, they are betting two things will make it different: The candidate is Roy Cooper, the southern state’s former governor, and the economy, where voter anger could imperil the party in power.
Months out from Election Day, Cooper’s Senate campaign is centering his message on economic anxiety. In his first television ad of the cycle — details of which were first reported by MS NOW — Cooper weaves his personal story with the kitchen-table concerns preoccupying voters.
“I’m running for the Senate to make life easier today,” Cooper says in the spot, which his campaign says is part of a seven-figure ad buy. “To go after insurance companies ripping you off. To make sure you can retire with dignity. And to build an economy that finally values working people.”
The North Carolina race is primed to be one of the most important contests of this fall’s midterms as he attempts to flip control of one of North Carolina’s U.S. Senate seats for the first time since 2008. The recruitment of Cooper — a two-term governor who was elected both times while Trump carried the state in the same election cycle — has buoyed the party’s hopes.
This is also a contest in which Trump’s influence is clearly a factor. The president has thrown his support behind former Republican National Committee Chair Michael Whatley, pitting a candidate with deep ties to Trump against Cooper, who has long demonstrated an ability to win in the state despite national political headwinds.
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