North Carolina
Following Griffin case, NC voters face new election rules. Here’s what might change
North Carolina Supreme Court candidate Jefferson Griffin’s lawsuit seeking to throw out thousands of ballots from the 2024 election ended when he conceded defeat Wednesday. But the ramifications of the Republican’s lawsuit will have long-lasting and far-reaching effects for voters around the state.
Griffin, a judge on the state Court of Appeals, didn’t succeed in overturning the result of last year’s election for a seat on the state’s highest court, which he lost to Democratic incumbent Justice Allison Riggs by 734 votes. But Griffin did succeed in changing state law along the way, with new rules that will apply in all future elections.
Hundreds of thousands of voters — including 100% of overseas voters as well as many others living inside the state — could be affected.
In large part, the changes are because of court rulings in Griffin’s favor from fellow Republican judges in state courts. Additionally, there’s a new Republican majority on the State Board of Elections, which will have the authority to interpret those court rulings — and to take additional actions based on election integrity claims made by Griffin and other GOP leaders.
The new board is expected to enact sweeping changes based on election integrity claims made by Griffin, Republican President Donald Trump and other party figures.
“Judge Griffin deserves the appreciation of every North Carolinian for highlighting the appalling mismanagement, inaccurate data, and partisan behavior from the prior State Board of Elections,” the North Carolina Republican Party wrote after Griffin conceded defeat.
The narrow race for the high-court seat remained uncertified while Griffin challenged more than 60,000 voters with inconsistent information in voter rolls, such as missing hyphens. He also contested some overseas voters who didn’t show photo identification, even though they weren’t required to at the time. Griffin’s challenges were rejected by state elections officials, so he took them to court.
Griffin won in state court but then lost in federal court. A federal judge said the state court rulings in Griffin’s favor would’ve violated the constitutional rights of the voters being challenged, since Griffin sought to punish those voters for not following voting rules that didn’t exist when the election was held.
Griffin accepted the decision, saying he wouldn’t appeal. Riggs is set to be formally named the winner on Tuesday.
While the federal judge ordered Riggs’ victory to be made official, he didn’t overturn the pro-Griffin rulings from state court. So even though the state Supreme Court’s attempt to apply those new rules retroactively to the 2024 elections was blocked as unconstitutional, those same rules are allowed to go into effect for future elections.
The next elections begin soon: 2025 municipal races kick off in September, and campaigning is already underway for the 2026 midterms.
The new rules
In the Griffin case, the state Supreme Court ruled that overseas voters need to show photo identification to vote. It also ruled that U.S. citizens who have only ever lived overseas, but whose parents are North Carolina voters, should be banned from voting. Riggs recused herself from the case; Griffin did so at the appellate level.
However, the ruling only affected state-level elections, and not federal races. So going forward overseas voters will find themselves in a strange legal situation in which these new rules only apply to certain races on their ballots.
“It really just creates this soup of chaos,” said Joselle Torres of the group Democracy NC, a voting rights group that opposed Griffin’s challenges and is now scrambling to educate voters on the new rules.
The so-called “never-resident” voters, for example, will still be able to vote for North Carolina’s members of the U.S. House and Senate, but not for the state legislature. And if a North Carolina resident who’s voting from overseas doesn’t show ID, their vote for governor would be thrown out but their vote for president would still count.
State elections officials are working to implement the new rules, to create a new online portal for overseas voters to provide proof of ID, to create the new systems that will be needed to make sure no ballots are either wrongfully counted or wrongfully thrown out, and to educate overseas voters on the changes.
“This will require, for the first time, that North Carolina counties maintain two separate voter rolls—one for everyone eligible to vote in all elections, and one for everyone eligible to vote in federal elections only,” elections board spokesman Pat Gannon told WRAL. “The State Board is in the process of updating its website and voting materials to reflect these new instructions from the courts on state law.”
Torres said she’s expecting the new GOP majority on the elections board — which last week switched from Democratic Gov. Josh Stein’s control to Republican Auditor Dave Boliek following a separate legal battle — won’t just stop at enforcing the rules the state Supreme Court has put in place.
“They might prioritize some quote-unquote ‘election integrity’ initiatives that could make voting with ID, voting overseas, voting by mail, much harder,” Torres said.
The new chairman of the GOP-majority elections board, Francis De Luca, hinted at as much on Wednesday in his introductory speech. He said the board will have “a little bit of a busy time ahead” as he pushes for changes meant to “ensure trust in the election system.”
Republican politicians have long pushed for more restrictive voting rules, whether by passing new laws in the state legislature or by funding lawsuits including Griffin’s. Republicans often say the state’s electoral process needs more safeguarding, despite little evidence of voter fraud.
When the new GOP-majority elections board was sworn in this past week, state GOP chair Jason Simmons wrote that “restoring confidence in the State Board of Elections will take time but we are hopeful in the new direction that began today.”
Purging voters?
One part of Griffin’s post-election challenges — based on people whose identifying information is missing or mismatched in a state database — was also the topic of a separate lawsuit by the state Republican Party thrown out during the election.
State and national Republican leaders sued in August, trying to have more than 225,000 North Carolinians ruled ineligible to vote. That lawsuit was thrown out by the same federal judge who also threw out Griffin’s challenges: Richard Myers, a Trump appointee who serves as the chief judge for the eastern district of North Carolina.
In each case that saw Myers ruling against his fellow Republicans, he wrote that their requests would violate the U.S. Constitution and call into question the legitimacy of elections in North Carolina.
Now that Republicans control the state elections board, though, they could purge voters or enact other similar changes without needing to sue, since the previous Democratic majority on the board no longer exists to block such efforts.
Opponents such as the Democratic Party or private groups and individuals might sue to fight such efforts. One group involved in fighting Griffin’s challenges was the Southern Coalition for Social Justice, a Durham-based civil rights group that Riggs led before becoming a judge.
Hilary Harris Klein, the group’s top voting rights lawyer, said in an interview that any effort to purge those potentially hundreds of thousands of voters from the state’s voter rolls — over the missing information both the state GOP and Griffin lawsuits focused on — would be legally suspect, since there’s no evidence any of them are fraudulent voters.
Many of those voters did provide the required information but landed on the list of voters with missing information regardless, due to mistakes by government officials inputting the data.
“A lot of those people on the 225,000 list are lawfully registered, even if you assume [Republicans’] theory of registration is correct,” Klein said. “So the backstop to all of this is that there’s no evidence, not an iota of evidence, that any of those voters on that list are not eligible.”
The previous members of the state elections board also agreed. All of its Democratic and Republican members voted unanimously in early 2024 to reject the same argument that the state Republican Party later based its lawsuit on, as it sought to purge those 225,000 voters. About 60,000 of them voted in 2024, and became the focus of Griffin’s lawsuit.
Griffin never provided any proof in the six months his lawsuit went on, nor did the state Republican Party in its prior lawsuit, that any of those voters were imposters or otherwise committed voter fraud.
“We don’t have any evidence that any of them are fraudulently registered,” Klein said. “And of course, we know that voter fraud in general is just vanishingly rare.”
A proposal to limit property tax increases is set to go before state lawmakers Tuesday — an effort that could culminate with North Carolinians voting on the issue as early as this year.
The state House of Representatives’ Finance Committee is scheduled to discuss a proposed state constitutional amendment restricting how much city and county governments could raise property taxes each year.
Amendments to the state Constitution must be approved by North Carolina voters. If the idea is approved by a supermajority of legislators, North Carolinians would be asked to decide the issue through a ballot vote, likely in November.
The legislation, House Bill 1089, doesn’t outline a limit for property tax increases. It calls on state lawmakers to come up with specific restrictions at a later date — if the referendum is approved by voters.
The bill is part of a broader push by legislators in the Republican-controlled General Assembly to address affordability issues ahead of the midterm elections.
Republicans in the state Senate last week approved a bill that would temporarily block county governments from applying appraisals conducted during this calendar year to property tax bills. Reappraisals often lead to higher property tax bills. Republican Senate leader Phil Berger has referred to that proposal as a “moratorium” that could bring temporary relief to taxpayers in a number of counties scheduled to reappraise properties this year — including Guilford and Harnett. Berger has framed the idea as simply buying time for the legislature to come up with more sweeping reforms.
The proposed constitutional amendment moving forward in the House could be that more sweeping idea, although it’s unclear if the Senate will go along if the idea passes the House.
Tax reduction has been a stated goal of Republican lawmakers for decades, but the proposed reappraisal moratorium and constitutional amendment are not guaranteed to pass. Neither Berger nor House Speaker Destin Hall has committed to supporting the other chamber’s idea for addressing rising property taxes.
Democrats have expressed skepticism over both plans. Senate Minority Leader Sydney Batch, D-Wake, chided Senate Republicans last week for failing to take up an amendment to Berger’s bill that would have lowered the state’s income threshold to qualify for property tax exceptions.
Rep. Lindsey Prather, D-Buncombe, said Monday — during a press conference calling for higher taxes on millionaires — that the property tax changes being proposed by GOP lawmakers seemed aimed more at gathering political credit than solving a problem.
“We can be the quote-unquote ‘good guys’ down here in Raleigh and say we’re going to lower your property taxes,” Prather said. “But all that means is that the local governments are going to have to be the ‘bad guys’ to raise revenue in other ways.”
Closing a loophole
The House Finance committee on Tuesday is expected to consider a proposal that could help municipal governments recoup more property tax revenue. The committee is expected to discuss House Bill 1042, which would tighten rules for nonprofit organizations that receive property tax exemptions.
The state currently allows certain organizations to avoid paying property taxes if they use their property entirely for charitable purposes and are not run for profit — a law that kept nearly $750 million worth of property out of Wake County’s tax base in 2025. The proposed change seeks to winnow down the list of who qualifies, especially nonprofits that provide affordable housing for low- or moderate-income people.
North Carolina
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
The 2026 North Carolina high school softball state playoff brackets are out, and High School On SI has all eight brackets with matchups and schedules for every team.
The first round begins on May 5, and the playoffs will culminate with the NCHSAA state championships being played May 27-30 at Duke University in Durham.
2026 North Carolina High School Baseball State Tournament Schedule
May 5: First Round
May 8: Second Round
May 12: Third Round
May 15: Fourth Round
May 19-23: Regionals
May 27-30: State Championships
North Carolina (NCHSAA) High School Softball 2026 State Playoff Brackets, Matchups, Schedule – May 11
CLASS 1A BRACKET (select to view full bracket details)
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Bear Grass Charter vs. No. 5 Vance Charter
No. 3 East Columbus vs. No. 2 Northside – Pinetown
No. 1 Robbinsville vs. No. 5 Falls Lake Academy
No. 6 Bethany Community vs. No. 2 Oxford Preperatory
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 North Duplin vs. No. 8 Camden County
No. 5 Rosewood vs. No. 4 East Carteret
No. 3 Perquimans vs. No. 11 Pamlico County
No. 10 Franklin Academy vs. No. 2 Manteo
No. 1 South Stanly vs. No. 9 East Wilkes
No. 5 South Stokes vs. No. 4 Starmount
No. 3 Swain County vs. No. 6 Murphy
No. 7 Highland Tech vs. No. 2 Roxboro Community
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Midway vs. No. 9 Providence
No. 12 Wallace-Rose Hill vs. No. 4 Heide Trask
No. 3 Farmville Central vs. No. 11 Ayden – Grifton
No. 10 Northwood vs. No. 2 McMichael
No. 1 West Lincoln vs. No. 8 Union Academy
No. 5 Draughn vs No. 4 Pine Lake Preperatory
No. 3 West Davidson vs. No. 11 East Surry
No. 7 Walkertown vs. No. 2 West Wilkes
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Randleman vs. No. 9 Nash Central
No. 5 Bunn vs. No. 4 East Duplin
No. 3 Southwest Onslow vs. No. 6 Roanoke Rapids
No. 7 Ledford Senior vs. No. 2 Central Davidson
No. 1 West Stokes vs. No. 8 Forbush
No. 5 Pisgah vs. No. 4 West Stanly
No. 19 North Surry vs. No. 11 Foard
No. 10 Mount Pleasant vs. No, 2 Bunker Hill
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Southeast Alamance vs. No. 8 C.B. Aycock
No. 5 Seaforth vs. No. 4 Rockingham County
No. 3 Eastern Alamance vs. No. 6 West Carteret
No. 7 South Brunswick vs. No. 2 Southern Nash
No. 1 Enka vs. No. 9 Oak Grove
No. 5 Crest vs. No. 13 West Rowan
No. 3 North Davidson vs. No. 6 Franklin
No. 10 East Rowan vs. No. 2 North Lincoln
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Union Pines vs. No. 9 South Johnston
No. 5 South View vs. No. 4 Gray’s Creek
No. 3 J.H. Rose vs. No. 6 Harnett Central
No. 7 Triton vs. No. 2 West Brunswick
No. 1 Kings Mountain vs. No. 8 Charlotte Catholic
No. 5 Alexander vs. No. 13 T.C. Roberson
No. 3 Piedmont vs. No. 6 Central Cabarrus
No. 10 A.C. Reynolds vs. No. 2 South Caldwell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 D.H. Conley vs. No. 8 Wake Forest
No. 5 Purnell Sweet vs. No. 4 Cleveland
No. 3 Heritage vs. No. 6 Topsail
No. 7 South Central vs. No. 2 New Bern
No. 1 Weddington vs. No. 8 Mooresville
No. 5 A.L. Brown vs. No. 4 Hickory Ridge
No. 3 East Forsyth vs. No. 11 Porter Ridge
No. 7 Ronald Reagan vs. No. 2 South Iredell
Third Round – May 12
No. 1 Willow Spring vs. No. 4 Hoggard
No. 3 E.A. Laney vs. No. 2 Cornith Holders
No. 1 Providence vs. No. 4 Hough
No. 3 West Forsyth vs. No. 2 Apex Friendship
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North Carolina
Perspective | What North Carolina gets right about workforce: Progress beyond politics
Across the country, workforce development is often framed as a policy challenge. In North Carolina, we’ve come to understand it as something more fundamental: a shared responsibility between educators and employers that works best when it rises above politics. It is a nonpartisan priority with bipartisan support — and a clear focus on outcomes.
North Carolina’s approach to workforce and talent development offers a different model — one grounded in collaboration, consistency, data, and a relentless focus on student and employer needs.
Over the past several years, our state has aligned around an ambitious goal: ensuring that 2 million North Carolinians ages 25-44 hold a high-quality credential or postsecondary degree by 2030. myFutureNC is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization, led by a bipartisan Board of Directors, that was created to champion this work.
This goal is not owned by a single administration or political party. It is the state’s attainment goal — codified in law with bipartisan support and signed by the governor — to ensure North Carolina remains economically competitive now and into the future. The work is guided by leaders across business, education, policymakers, and philanthropy.
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This kind of alignment doesn’t happen by accident. It requires trust, discipline, and a willingness to prioritize long-term impact over short-term wins — placing the needs of students and employers above the silos that often define education and workforce systems.
North Carolina’s leaders don’t agree on everything, and unanimity is not what makes this work. There is broad agreement on a set of essential truths: Talent is the top driver of economic development. Education fuels economic prosperity, public safety, and healthier communities. Having a robust educational system and an educated population is one of our state’s greatest assets. Economic mobility matters. And preparing people for meaningful work benefits everyone.
This alignment is delivering results. North Carolina has been named the No. 1 state for business three out of the past four years and ranks No. 1 for workforce — reinforcing what’s possible when leaders stay focused on shared priorities.
This strong foundation has enabled progress in areas that often stall in partisan debate. Through strategic policy and philanthropic investments, the state has expanded pathways into high-demand careers, strengthened connections between education and industry, and increased access to work-based learning opportunities, including apprenticeships and pre-apprenticeships.
That same foundation is shaping how policy is developed in real time. The proposed Workforce Act of 2026 reflects North Carolina’s cross-sector approach — bringing together business and education leaders, policymakers, and philanthropists to strengthen pathways into high-demand careers and expand access to work-based learning. Rather than introducing a new direction, this Act builds on what is already working, demonstrating how alignment can translate into coordinated action.
The bipartisan-led Governor’s Council on Workforce and Apprenticeships puts this approach into practice. Building on the state’s existing foundation, the council brings together leaders from industry, education, and government to strengthen coordination across the workforce system. Its value lies not in setting a new direction, but in reinforcing and accelerating a shared one.
This is what it looks like to build systems designed to last. Workforce development is not a one-year initiative or a single funding cycle — it is a long-term investment in people, communities, employers, and the educational infrastructure that supports them. North Carolina’s progress is rooted in structures that bring partners together consistently, align efforts across sectors, and create continuity beyond political cycles.
By embedding collaboration into how the work gets done — not just what gets prioritized — the state has created a model that can evolve over time while staying focused on its goals.
Work remains to be done. Gaps in attainment persist, and ensuring opportunity reaches every corner of the state will require continued focus and innovation. But North Carolina’s significant progress and continued success being No. 1 nationally in many related categories demonstrates what is possible when leaders choose partnership over partisanship.
At a time when it’s easy to focus on what divides us, North Carolina offers a reminder: Some of the most important work we do — preparing people for the future of work and ensuring employers have access to skilled talent — is our north star and unifying force.
And in our shared goal of 2 million by 2030, we are not just building a stronger workforce. We are building a stronger state — for today and for generations to come.
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