North Carolina
Comeback kids: How RJ Davis and North Carolina are erasing last season’s disaster
ARMANDO BACOT DIDN’T MINCE words about RJ Davis.
“It’s his team,” he told ESPN.
For a three-time All-ACC selection and preseason All-American to make that proclamation about his North Carolina teammate was noteworthy.
“That means the world to me,” Davis responded. “It means a lot just to hear those words from him. I’m definitely honored and grateful to receive that kind of notoriety and recognition so far this year. I’ve been patiently waiting my turn.”
Given the season Davis is having, it’s hard to disagree with Bacot. The senior guard leads the ACC in scoring (21.3 PPG, 10th in the country in that category). He’s fifth in 3-point shooting (41.0%) and second in free throw shooting (90.4%) and also ranks in the top 15 in assists and top 20 in steals. His 36 points in January against Wake Forest was the most points in a game by a UNC player since Brice Johnson in 2016.
Despite not even being included as a first- or second-team preseason All-ACC selection, he has been arguably the best guard in the country this season and has a great shot at being picked as a first-team All-American by the end of it.
“I just feel like RJ has been overlooked for the type of player he is, and I feel like for the first time here, he’s being celebrated,” coach Hubert Davis said. “And I think that’s really cool.”
Despite starting all but one game over the past three seasons, RJ Davis was always the third or fourth scoring option for those UNC teams. He shared the backcourt with Caleb Love, giving the Tar Heels two combo guards who would prefer to score rather than run an offense. That didn’t always lead to efficient offense, however, and led to transfer rumors surrounding both Love and Davis toward the end of last season. Love ultimately transferred to Arizona, while Davis returned to Chapel Hill.
“I didn’t want to leave North Carolina,” Davis said. “It wasn’t even in my mind. It was more so, what does my future look like? What type of legacy do I want to leave behind? And that was really the main mentality and mindset that I [had] going into the offseason.”
That included taking on a bigger leadership role.
“I’ve seen the ins and outs of success and when things didn’t go as planned last year,” he said. “Going into my fourth year here, I knew I’m going to have to step out of my comfort zone a little bit. Be that leader, whether that’s talking or bringing guys along the way. Because I feel like that’s what’s needed … I wanted to be that guy. I wanted to be that voice.”
With Davis having his career year, Bacot — the team’s leading scorer in 2020-21 and 2021-22 and a preseason first-team All-American entering this campaign — has taken a backseat this season. Even with his dominance over the past few weeks (19.6 PPG, 12.0 RPG in his past five games), Bacot is still averaging his fewest points (14.6 PPG) since his sophomore season and has the lowest usage rate (20.1%) of his career.
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Armando Bacot turns defense into offense with and-1 bucket
Armando Bacot makes a great defensive play and immediately gets rewarded with a tough and-1 bucket for UNC.
“What I’ve been focusing on more than anything is just being a defensive anchor and taking pride in it,” Bacot said. “Even at the next level, plays won’t ever really be run for me. So being able to do the small things like set screens, create good offense, make good reads, I think that’s great. I like being a janitor-type of player. I want to be the guy making everything happen. I love it and it’s a lot of fun and we’re winning.”
It’s not something most players with his collection of accolades would do in their final season of college basketball, but it’s been a critical part of Carolina’s redemption story. The parallel rise of RJ Davis and the Tar Heels — who currently sit at No. 10 in the country and the top of the ACC standings — is indicative of the culture and identity coach Hubert Davis wanted to instill in his team this season.
1:55
RJ Davis talks UNC’s togetherness during win streak
North Carolina’s RJ Davis joins Scott Van Pelt to react to his career night and the hot streak the Tar Heels have been on.
THE STORY OF 2022-23 North Carolina, the first preseason No. 1 team to miss the NCAA tournament, is well-known at this point. The Tar Heels had made a surprising run as an 8-seed to the national championship game in 2022, and the expectations were raised entering last season. But they lost four games in a row in the opening month, then dropped five of six midway through conference play and never even made it to the NCAA tournament. At the end of the campaign, seven Tar Heels went into the transfer portal and starters Leaky Black and Pete Nance were out of eligibility.
So Hubert Davis transformed his roster. In came transfers Cormac Ryan, who spent four seasons at Stanford and Notre Dame; Harrison Ingram, a former five-star recruit who’d had an up-and-down two seasons at Stanford; Jae’Lyn Withers, who broke out as a freshman at Louisville but didn’t take the expected step forward; and Paxson Wojcik from Brown. He also signed five-star recruit Elliot Cadeau, a pass-first pure point guard who reclassified from the class of 2024 and was expected to make the backcourt roles more defined alongside RJ Davis.
But with all the new additions came the challenge to get everyone on the same page, and quickly. So before their first practice in the summer, Hubert Davis told his players what he expected from them as a team, the program’s basketball principles — centered around toughness, discipline and unselfishness — and identity at both ends of the floor. He then quizzed the team on those principles.
The players failed. So he gave them the quiz again.
“If anybody doesn’t get 100 on it, they’re not practicing,” Davis told his team. “How can we get to where we need to go if you don’t even know who we are and what we want to be? I’ve never seen that before. We got to identify clearly who we are and what we want to be, then we can move forward.”
The second time, everyone got 100.
For Davis, it wasn’t about forgetting last season happened. It was about getting Carolina back to what has proved to be successful throughout its history. Coming out of last season, there was a negative narrative about the Tar Heels. They were coming off one of the most disappointing seasons in college basketball history. Their top three transfer additions (Ryan, Ingram, Withers) all came from teams that had gone a combined 29-68 last season.
Perhaps the lack of success across the board helped, though, giving the Tar Heels a collective chip on their shoulder.
“There’s foundation pieces that have always been here at Carolina, regardless if it’s returning players or new players from the transfer portal or freshmen,” Hubert Davis said. “There’s things that we do here that, regardless of the personnel, this is who we are. This has allowed us to be good and successful over a long period of time. The standard is the standard here. This is Carolina basketball.”
A big part of the turnaround had to come on the defensive end of the floor. The Tar Heels allowed an adjusted 97.2 points per possession last season, per KenPom. Since 1997, Carolina has allowed more than that just twice: In 2019-20, when it went 14-19 and missed the NCAA tournament, and 2001-02, when it went 8-20 and missed the NCAA tournament.
Last season’s team also struggled offensively, but everyone knew this group had scorers. The improvement, and the buy-in, had to come at the other end of the floor.
“It just boils down to maturity and listening,” Bacot said. “Our team is talented, but I’ve played on even more talented teams here. But this team, we just really listen and we really trust each other, especially on the defensive end. And it’s crazy to think a Carolina team is one of the top defensive teams in the country, because that’s usually not what you get out of a Carolina team.”
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Virginia flushes alley-oop en route to eliminating UNC from ACC tourney
Reece Beekman throws it up to Kadin Shedrick for the Virginia alley-oop.
Through 26 games, despite allowing at least one point per possession in five of its past six games, there’ve been major strides. Carolina has the best defense in the ACC, allowing teams to score just 69.9 points per game in league play and fewer than 0.98 points per possession. Conference opponents are shooting less than 47% from inside the arc and 29% from 3-point range against the Tar Heels.
“I love it,” RJ Davis said. “The overall attention we play with, the aggressiveness. Coach Davis always said that we’re going to be fine on offense, but it’s going to be our defense that sets us apart. And I think we really took ownership in that. I don’t mind the ugly wins. The grittiness, the aggressiveness, the intensity and the overall joy. It’s all there.”
The message hasn’t always resonated this season, however. Carolina started off well enough on the defensive end but gave up 83 points in a loss to Villanova, 92 in a win over Tennessee and 87 apiece in back-to-back defeats to UConn and Kentucky. The turning point was that final game — specifically, the team’s response to losing to the Wildcats.
“I noticed a change when we played Oklahoma [the next game],” Hubert Davis said. “I told them, at that point we had not made a commitment to defense and rebounding. This is what is required there. Until you guys do that, we’re going to be in every game and it’s going to be close against teams like UConn and Villanova and we’re not going to be able to win those games. From that Oklahoma game, that has changed.”
The Tar Heels ran off a 10-game winning streak, not allowing a single opponent to score more than 70 points, beginning with that 81-69 victory over Oklahoma. Their defense has had some hiccups in the three weeks since the winning streak ended with a one-point loss at Georgia Tech, allowing each of their past six opponents to pass the 70-point mark — resulting in a 3-3 record.
Despite giving up 81 points last weekend against Virginia Tech, their perimeter defense looked more like the unit that stifled so many teams at the start of ACC play. The Hokies, who are shooting better than 37% from 3 in league play, went just 7-for-26 from 3. A performance like that, combined with a week off before heading on the road to Virginia (Saturday, 4 p.m. ET, ESPN), could refocus Carolina defensively.
“We were dialed in on both ends of the floor,” RJ Davis said after the game. “I think we kind of got our groove back a little bit in terms of our defensive mindset. It was in the gaps, it was talking, getting through screens, and help side was there … We also wanted to make a statement again and just get ourselves back in the win column.”
DAVIS’ 20 POINTS IN the win over Virginia Tech last weekend pushed him to No. 12 on North Carolina’s all-time career scoring list, and 2,000 career points are conceivably within reach before the season ends.
But it’s another statistic that leaves him flabbergasted.
Through 26 games, he’s averaging 21.3 points per game. If he can increase that slightly by the end of the season, to 21.5 per game, he will have the highest single-season scoring average for a Carolina guard since Charlie Scott in 1968-69. That’s more than Michael Jordan, more than Rashad McCants, more than Joel Berry II, Marcus Paige, Shammond Williams, Joseph Forte and any other elite guard who has come through Chapel Hill in the past 50 years.
“I’m blown away,” he said, before a laugh and a pause that lasted several seconds.
“It’s a surreal moment because there’s a lot of players and great scorers that came through here, and for me to do that, like, I don’t know. I’m speechless. I never really thought about it. This is an historic program and the players that came through here. All the great guards. Michael Jordan, man. That’s just insane for me. To hear that out loud, that’s crazy.”
This season isn’t about individual accolades for the Tar Heels, though. Those will come, of course. But it’s a collective redemption. For Davis and Bacot to erase the memories of last season’s disappointment. For Ryan and Ingram and Withers to bounce back.
The other returners wanted another chance at a deep run in March, while the newcomers went to Chapel Hill for the chance to experience it.
“There’s a hunger and a thirst, whether it’s from the freshmen, the transfers, the returning players, to be good. To be at our best,” Hubert Davis said.
This is clearly not a group that takes losing lightly. The Tar Heels refocused defensively and on the glass after the Kentucky loss, and they held a players-only meeting after the Georgia Tech game. This is a group of players who, collectively, have experienced plenty of losses in their college careers. They don’t want it to snowball into an extended losing streak like the ones the Tar Heels have experienced the past couple of years.
That’s why getting back on the right track against Virginia Tech was so important — bouncing back from an unexpected loss at Syracuse and regaining momentum entering a stretch that will decide the ACC title.
“RJ and I didn’t like what happened over in Syracuse and we did a great job responding,” Bacot said after the win over the Hokies. “It’s been a tough stretch and we’re in a position at the top of the ACC. … This is the first time in my career where we’re not on the bubble, so it feels good.”
As RJ Davis said, this is a team driven by victories, not stats.
“They came here to Carolina because they were chasing something. What that was, was winning.”
North Carolina
Greenville Police Department Join Effort Promoting Safe Firearm Storage
The Greenville Police Department joined community leaders in Pitt County this week to promote safe firearm storage as part of North Carolina’s annual NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action, the Greenville Police Department said.
In a statement, the Greenville Police Department thanked NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for the opportunity to help educate residents about responsible firearm storage practices.
We want to thank NC S.A.F.E. and the North Carolina Department of Public Safety for allowing us to help relay to the community the importance of safely securing firearms so that we can avoid tragedies in the future!
The local event follows Gov. Josh Stein’s proclamation recognizing June 1-7 as NC S.A.F.E. Week of Action.
According to Gov. Stein’s office, the campaign aims to encourage gun owners to securely store firearms and make safety resources more widely available across North Carolina.
An unlocked gun is a tragedy waiting to happen, and too often, it does,” said Governor Josh Stein. “NC S.A.F.E Week is a reminder to all of us about the measures we can all take to keep ourselves and the people we love safe.
Safe firearm storage is one of the simplest steps we can take to prevent tragedies before they happen,” said North Carolina Department of Public Safety Deputy Secretary William Lassiter Lassiter. “NC S.A.F.E. is increasing awareness around secure firearm storage and making safety resources more accessible to help reduce preventable injuries and build safer communities throughout our state.
North Carolina
The Real Reason North Carolina’s GOP Is Proposing the Most Radical Anti-Abortion Bill Yet
Another anti-abortion abolitionist proposal has been in the news. This time, conservative lawmakers in North Carolina have asked voters to approve a state constitutional amendment recognizing the personhood of embryos and establishing that anyone who ends an embryonic life is guilty of first-degree murder. Those penalties might also apply to people pursuing in vitro fertilization or using some contraceptives, given that abortion foes sometimes view either as requiring the taking of unborn life. And that’s the most ordinary part of the proposal: The bill also provides that private individuals have a right to use deadly force to prevent “the willful destruction of life.” House Bill 1232 isn’t clear about exactly who could exercise this constitutional right to vigilante violence. Would it just be available to those seeking to kill abortion providers and patients? Or might it apply even more broadly to those seen to aid them?
The bill has been greeted with bafflement and disbelief. One of its co-sponsors was embarrassed enough to remove his name from the proposal. But the idea of licensing private violence did not come out of thin air. There have been decades of debate about the use of force within the anti-abortion movement. And as conservatives embrace an increasingly punitive agenda, old justifications for violence have reemerged.
Since the 1960s, abortion foes have rallied around the idea that constitutional rights begin the moment an egg is fertilized. That meant that liberal abortion laws would violate the federal Constitution. Because that claim didn’t gain traction in the federal courts, abortion opponents didn’t have to settle what it would mean in practice to enforce this idea of personhood. Did it require that abortion be punished as murder, or that women be punished? Might it instead require more support for women during pregnancy?
By the 1980s, as the anti-abortion movement aligned with the Republican Party, the movement’s leaders increasingly retooled their ideas of justice for the unborn to fit the GOP’s tough-on-crime agenda. They endorsed fetal homicide laws and backed prosecutions based on conduct during pregnancy. But these moves didn’t lead to the reversal of Roe, much less a decline in the abortion rate.
Frustration led to a wave of lawbreaking. Operation Rescue, a clinic blockade group, invited supporters to use civil disobedience and break the law if necessary to stop people from entering abortion clinics. Operation Rescue disrupted the Democratic National Convention in 1992 and recorded thousands of arrests. Blockaders even developed a legal argument to justify their actions, drawing on the common law defense of necessity, which allows someone to break a law to achieve a greater moral good.
Some advocates went further. If abortion really were the murder of an equal person, they asked, why wasn’t it justified to use deadly force to protect that equal person?
Prominent figures in the late 1980s and early 1990s elaborated on that argument in books and talk-show appearances. The claim justified kidnappings, firebombings, and a series of murders of doctors, clinic staff, and security. Powerful anti-abortion groups denounced the violence, but the question of deadly force struck others as surprisingly complex. If a fertilized egg was an equal person, and if the way to protect that person involved violence, why was deadly force off limits?
While violence against abortion clinics and providers never went away, it receded from the peak of the 1980s and early 1990s. The federal Freedom of Access to Clinic Entrances Act, which heightened penalties for threats, violence, and obstruction of people entering facilities, radically undercut the clinic blockade movement when Congress passed it in 1994. So did the conviction of high-profile murder defendants like Michael Griffin and Paul Hill. The clinic blockade movement was consumed by internal divides, with multiple organizations even claiming the name Operation Rescue. Anti-abortion leaders mostly focused on change through the courts and politics.
Now that Roe is gone, the movement is at an inflection point. Personhood has become the movement’s new North Star. And while success in the federal courts isn’t imminent, there is now no reason a state couldn’t enforce any vision of personhood. That means that conservatives have to decide what they mean by enforcing the rights of the unborn. This bill is a sign that even punishing women doesn’t strike some as harsh enough.
This bill won’t pass. For starters, North Carolina is not the most likely state to pass any abortion abolitionist bill; at the moment, it doesn’t even ban abortion from the moment of fertilization. And no state has yet passed any kind of abolitionist proposal, much less one allowing people to gun one another down in the name of protecting life.
But this bill has a different resonance now that Donald Trump has pledged not to enforce the FACE Act in the abortion context except in the most extreme circumstances. It is also a reminder of how the Overton window on personhood is shifting. Abolitionists who call for the punishment of women are gaining influence in state legislatures and movement debates. They have developed their own incremental approach: In South Carolina, for example, Richard Cash, a powerful lawmaker, tried this session to advance a bill punishing women for abortion, but only for a misdemeanor, rather than a felony. The bill became the second abolitionist proposal to pass through a committee this spring before time ran out to pass it this session.
Leading anti-abortion groups still speak out against abolitionists, but their strategy is clear: normalizing the idea of punishing women. The more extreme proposals conservatives advance, the more previously unthinkable ideas become politically realistic.
North Carolina
In North Carolina Senate race, Democrat leans on economic message early
With one exception, Democrats have lost every single U.S. Senate race in North Carolina this century, their quests in recent years rocked by controversy and difficult political climates. This year, they are betting two things will make it different: The candidate is Roy Cooper, the southern state’s former governor, and the economy, where voter anger could imperil the party in power.
Months out from Election Day, Cooper’s Senate campaign is centering his message on economic anxiety. In his first television ad of the cycle — details of which were first reported by MS NOW — Cooper weaves his personal story with the kitchen-table concerns preoccupying voters.
“I’m running for the Senate to make life easier today,” Cooper says in the spot, which his campaign says is part of a seven-figure ad buy. “To go after insurance companies ripping you off. To make sure you can retire with dignity. And to build an economy that finally values working people.”
The North Carolina race is primed to be one of the most important contests of this fall’s midterms as he attempts to flip control of one of North Carolina’s U.S. Senate seats for the first time since 2008. The recruitment of Cooper — a two-term governor who was elected both times while Trump carried the state in the same election cycle — has buoyed the party’s hopes.
This is also a contest in which Trump’s influence is clearly a factor. The president has thrown his support behind former Republican National Committee Chair Michael Whatley, pitting a candidate with deep ties to Trump against Cooper, who has long demonstrated an ability to win in the state despite national political headwinds.
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