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Maryland youth program faces child sexual abuse allegations in newly filed lawsuits

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Maryland youth program faces child sexual abuse allegations in newly filed lawsuits


  • More than three dozen people filed two lawsuits on Tuesday alleging they were sexually abused as children at a Maryland youth program.
  • The lawsuits describe decades of abuse by staff at Good Shepherd Services, which was meant to provide therapeutic support to vulnerable youth.
  • The lawsuits target the Maryland Department of Juvenile Services, Department of Human Services and Department of Health.

More than three dozen people allege in two lawsuits filed Tuesday that they were sexually abused as children at a Maryland residential program for youths that closed in 2017 following similar allegations.

In the separate lawsuits, attorneys detailed decades of alleged abuse of children by staff members of the Good Shepherd Services behavioral health treatment center, which had billed itself as a therapeutic, supportive environment for Maryland’s most vulnerable youth.

The program was founded in 1864 by the Sisters of the Good Shepherd, a Catholic religious order focused on helping women and girls. It began at a facility in Baltimore before moving to its most recent campus just outside the city.

MARYLAND JUVENILE JUSTICE AGENCY NOW FACING 200 SEX ABUSE SUITS

Tuesday’s lawsuits add to a growing pile of litigation since Maryland lawmakers eliminated the statute of limitations for child sexual abuse cases last year.

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The Maryland State House is seen in Annapolis, Maryland. More than three dozen people allege in two lawsuits filed Tuesday that they were sexually abused as children at a Maryland residential program for youths that closed in 2017 following similar allegations. (Mark Wilson/Getty Images)

Many of the plaintiffs — almost all of them women — reported being injected with sedatives that made it more difficult for them to resist the abuse. Others said their abusers, including nuns and priests employed by the center, bribed them with food and gifts or threatened them with violence and loss of privileges.

MARYLAND PRINCIPAL ENGAGED IN SEXUAL MISCONDUCT AND BULLYING, INVESTIGATION FINDS

The claims were filed against the Maryland Department of Juvenile Services and Department of Human Services, agencies that contracted with Good Shepherd and referred children there for treatment. The lawsuits also named the state Department of Health, which was tasked with overseeing residential facilities. The Sisters of the Good Shepherd religious order wasn’t a named defendant in either suit.

In a joint statement Tuesday afternoon, the three state agencies said they had not yet been served with the court papers.

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“However, the Departments of Health, Human Services and Juvenile Services work to ensure the safety and well-being of all children and youth placed in state care. We take allegations of sexual abuse of children in our care seriously,” the statement said.

Many of the children referred to Good Shepherd were in foster care or involved in the state’s juvenile justice system.

“The state of Maryland sent the most vulnerable children in its care to this facility and then failed to protect them,” said Jerome Block, an attorney representing 13 plaintiffs in one of the lawsuits filed Tuesday.

Good Shepherd was closed in 2017 after state agencies decided to withdraw children from the program, which had been cited the previous year for not providing proper supervision after one patient reported being sexually assaulted and others showed signs of overdose after taking medicine stolen from a medical cart, according to The Baltimore Sun.

“The sexual assault of vulnerable teenagers by state employees is horrific, but the fact clergy were also complicit is one of the many truly sickening aspects of what transpired at Good Shepherd Services,” said Adam Slater, an attorney representing 26 plaintiffs in the second lawsuit.

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One of the plaintiffs said in that suit that she told a priest during confession about being abused by two women employees at the center, telling him she was afraid “God would be disgusted” with her. She said that instead of doing anything to help her, the priest sexually assaulted her and kept abusing her every two weeks for the rest of her stay, according to the suit.

MARYLAND MAN ARRESTED FOR ALLEGED SEXUAL SOLICITATION OF A MINOR: POLICE

Since the state law change that went into effect in October, a flurry of lawsuits have alleged abuse of incarcerated youth. Lawmakers approved the change with the Catholic Church sexual abuse scandal in mind after a scathing investigative report revealed the scope of the problem within the Archdiocese of Baltimore. But in recent months, an unexpected spotlight has settled on the state’s juvenile justice system.

While attorneys said they plan to file more complaints under the new law, their cases could be delayed by a widely anticipated constitutional challenge that’s currently winding its way through the courts.

A Prince George’s County Circuit judge ruled last week that the law was constitutional in response to a challenge filed by the Archdiocese of Washington, which also spans parts of Maryland, but the decision is expected to be appealed. The underlying case accuses the archdiocese of failing to protect three plaintiffs from clergy sexual abuse as children.

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SCOTUS holds the fates of 20,000 Haitian TPS recipients on Maryland’s Eastern Shore

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SCOTUS holds the fates of 20,000 Haitian TPS recipients on Maryland’s Eastern Shore


Real journalists wrote and edited this (not AI)—independent, community-driven journalism survives because you back it. Donate to sustain Prism’s mission and the humans behind it.

Seven days after giving birth to a son in Salisbury, Maryland, immigration authorities took away 27-year-old Emane Alexandre’s husband following a scheduled court appearance for their pending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and asylum applications.  

This form of government protection, granted by the Department of Homeland Security, is issued to immigrants who are unable to safely return to their home countries due to armed conflict, an environmental disaster, an epidemic, or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. TPS was established for Haitians 16 years ago, following the devastating 2010 Earthquake in Haiti that killed hundreds of thousands. 

There are approximately 350,000 Haitians with TPS in the U.S., and more than 20,000 Haitians on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. President Donald Trump has attempted to end TPS for multiple countries—including Haiti. TPS expired for the country on Feb. 3, though it was temporarily stayed by a federal judge. The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to intervene, and now, thousands of families are in limbo as they await the court’s decision this month in Miot v. Trump

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Not only does Alexandre’s fate in the U.S. rest with the stacked Supreme Court, but so does her son’s. The court will also issue a decision this month on birthright citizenship, determining whether the children of newly arrived undocumented parents are U.S. citizens. 

The administration’s ongoing xenophobic attacks have wreaked havoc on immigrant communities. This is especially true for Haitians, who found legal protection in the U.S. and whose futures in the country are now uncertain. 

“The immigration system is slavery”

In October 2023, Alexandre fled her home in the Haitian-Dominican border town of Ouanaminthe, where the Earth is hot and the Dajabon River, also known as the Massacre River, separates the two countries. She left following an armed attack that destroyed her clothing business. Kidnapped, violated, and scared for her life, she felt unsafe staying in the country. Violence continues to roil the region. In February, four decapitated Haitian women were found along the border in Ouanaminthe.

Like many migrants from across the world, Alexandre made her way to Mexico in 2023 in hopes of requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. This is where she met Wesley Pericles, who made the trek up from Chile. The couple was stuck in Mexico for close to a year waiting for an asylum appointment. Eventually, Alexandre and Pericles were paroled into Texas on Christmas Eve 2024 to await their asylum hearing in the U.S. Alexandre was six months pregnant at the time. “I was finally able to take a breath,” she said.

They immediately made their way to Salisbury, where Pericles had a friend working in a poultry processing plant, a $4.6 billion industry that has shaped the region. Along the Eastern Shore, a coastal region that includes Delaware, Maryland, and parts of Virginia, industrial poultry farms and processing plants dot the landscape, creating company towns. Historically, the region was a hub for slavery. It was also the birthplace of Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass, and a throughway for the Underground Railroad. Today, more than two-thirds of workers in meat and poultry processing industries are Black or Latinx and an estimated 40% to 50% are migrants.

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Salisbury, Maryland is home to more than 5,000 Haitian TPS recipients who are awaiting a Supreme Court decision this month that will determine if they can be deported. Credit: Jess Dipierro Obert

Immigrants account for 17% of Maryland’s population, and they are the primary workforce for poultry giants in the region, such as Perdue and Mountaire Farms. In nearby Wicomico and Sussex Counties, the overwhelming majority of residents voted for Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Ronald Cameron, CEO of Mountaire Farms, was a major donor to Trump’s campaign. Last summer, ahead of TPS expiring for Haiti, Mountaire plants laid off TPS workers who did not have a five-year work permit.

Mountaire did not respond to Prism’s request for comment.  

One of Mounaire’s laid-off workers was Jean-Ronald Petit-Frere. In Haiti, the 47-year-old worked as a security guard for a Christian nonprofit. He reported armed group members to the police and he received death threats in return. He fled the port town of Leogane for the Haitian island La Gonave, where he was born. But the threats followed, so he hopped on a container ship to Puerto Rico.  

His cousin was kidnapped, and his 16-year-old daughter was murdered in retribution for his cooperation with police. Four of his children remain in Haiti today. 

After applying for both TPS and asylum, Petit-Frere received a work permit. In 2021, he joined his childhood friend in Salisbury, where he found work at Mountaire in 2022. He worked for the company for three years, earning enough to enroll his children in school in Haiti. He finally felt as if his life was moving forward, but last summer, he received a letter from the government instructing him to report to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Ultimately, he was given the choice to state his case in front of a judge or self-deport for $1,000. He took his chances in front of a judge and was allowed to remain in the U.S.—for now. 

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Soon after his court appearance, Petit-Frere lost his job. Though free, his life still hangs in the balance.  

“I have nowhere else to go,” said Petit-Frere, his voice breaking as he considered the possibility of deportation. “If I go back they will kill me—they will kill my children.”

Another Haitian TPS recipient discarded by Mountaire is Venise Paul. She and her husband, also a Mountaire worker, bought a house in Salisbury in 2023, and their young children go to school in the area. The 40-year-old has lived in the U.S. for 12 years, and she started packing chicken at Mountaire in 2019. In January, she and her husband were laid off, a week apart. She begged Mountaire to let her stay, but management refused. 

“I came here for a better life, I paid taxes, I haven’t done anything bad in the country,” she said. 

Haitian TPS recipient, Venise Paul and her two youngest children stare out the window of their Salisbury, Maryland home.
Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert

Ultimately, whether an immigrant pays taxes or has a clean record has little bearing on whether they become targets for deportation—and this is especially true for Black immigrants under the Trump administration. Trump vowed to carry out mass deportations during his second term, and Black immigrants have been a regular target of the president’s racism and xenophobia.

“If you do not have a green card or citizenship, the immigration system can feel like slavery all over again,” said Dr. Marie D Bernadette Fouché, a former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention consultant and the founder and president of Safe Harbor Circles, an organization that provides support to immigrant communities across Maryland’s Eastern Shore. 

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Caption: Dr. Marie-Bernadette Fouché is a Haitian activist and the founder and president of Safe Harbor Circles, an organization that provides support to immigrant communities across the Eastern Shore. Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert

The uptick in local job loss has caused some of Maryland’s migrant workers to become homeless, according to Rebirth, a Haitian nonprofit in Salisbury that supports the immigrant community. As unrest spiked in Haiti in 2024, Rebirth assisted 20-30 new immigrants a day, connecting them to government aid, healthcare, and other services. 

Every Thursday, Rebirth’s founder, Habucuc Petion, and his wife Eddline, open a food bank for the community. The organization’s food bank was packed with community members in February after TPS for Haiti expired. Advocate Kenson Raymond stood at the front of the room and explained their rights in Haitian Creole, while members of the Black immigrants rights organization Haitian Bridge Alliance distributed packets about the Supreme Court’s TPS case and how recipients can prove work authorization in the interim.

 In February, before a court order paused the expiration of Haiti’s TPS designation, Haitian immigrants gathered at a monthly food pantry organized by Rebirth4Hope, a Haitian organization in Salisbury, MD. Local advocate Kenson Raymond, featured on the right, spoke to the crowd in Haitian Creole, explaining their rights. Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert

In more recent months, the food bank’s attendance has dropped from 300 to 150—not because needs have lessened, but because people are afraid. The organization currently delivers directly to 19 people too scared to leave their homes.

“A lot of people had a few months left on their TPS and [poultry processing plants] let them go,” Petion said. “It’s like they are disposable.”

The court decision pausing the termination of TPS gave some hope they could begin working again. When Paul heard the news, she returned to Mountaire and once again asked for her job back. Again, management said no. Her husband now drives for Uber and the couple relies on food stamps to help feed their children. 

Broadly, the court stay did not result in TPS recipients obtaining new work permit cards, said Guerline Jozef, co-founder and executive director of Haitian Bridge Alliance. According to advocates, the uncertainties around TPS are driving the hiring decisions of local poultry processing plants. 

“They don’t want to take the risk to hire or bring back someone who they will have to let go again in a month or two,” Raymond said. 

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The targeting of Haitian immigrants in Maryland has made life in the region even more precarious. 

Lyna Cobite, 60, had TPS since 2010 and lived in Salisbury for more than two decades. Her standing as a local, respected tax-paying business owner and mother of two American citizens did not save her from the Trump administration. 

On May 15, Pastor Roosevelt Toussaint of the World of Life Center drove Cobite to what she believed would be a routine immigration appointment. However, Cobite didn’t return from the appointment. ICE detained her, claiming it had no record of her status as a TPS recipient. She was detained in Baltimore. “I feel very bad,” Toussaint said. “I encouraged her to go.”

Cobite’s niece, Patricia Vilacon, fought for her release. “My heart [was] pounding,” said Vilacon, describing the moment she learned her aunt was detained. “I [felt] the same exact pain as when my mom passed.” 

After three days, Cobite was released, though she’s being monitored by ICE. “I just want her to be free,” her niece told Prism.

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No safe return 

Apart from video calls, Alexandre hasn’t seen her husband, Pericles, since last May. 

Pericles, 32, was taken by ICE in May 2025 when the Trump administration first rolled out nationwide enforcement operations. Agents detained Pericles at a routine immigration appointment, in violation of basic due process. 

In search of legal support, Alexandre connected with Jozef of Haitian Bridge Alliance. The organization provided three-months of rent assistance and offered a pro-bono lawyer. While tremendously helpful, Alexandre was still distraught. 

The first week following her husband’s detainment, the stress made it difficult for her to breastfeed or to even remember her own name. The trauma of family separation one week after giving birth was too much to bear. 

After Pericles’ detainment, Alexandre was left alone to raise their son while her husband spent a year shuffled between ICE detention centers in Louisiana and New Jersey. While in New Jersey, a judge ordered Pericles’ deportation for Nov. 10, 2025, but it was delayed for months. Living in a cramped cell with more than 100 people, he eventually found himself begging for a flight home. 

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“I was suffering from a fever that wouldn’t go away, headache, and a terrible toothache,” he later explained over a WhatsApp video call from Haiti. “I couldn’t eat.” While seemingly innocuous, a toothache can be deadly, given the inadequate healthcare and dire conditions inside detention centers. Earlier this year in Arizona, a detained Haitian man died from an untreated toothache. 

During the first week of 2026, with his hands and legs shackled, ICE deported Pericles to Northern Haiti. In February, Alexandre was issued her own deportation order for March 11, but it was stayed after an emergency appeal by her lawyer. 

In the months since, she received a work permit, but she is too scared to leave her apartment. 

Despite her fear, she is not ready to give up on her dream of reuniting her family in the U.S. Her son, after all, is an American citizen—at least for now. 

The topic of guardianship has become a regular focus of conversation among Haitian TPS recipients. Alexandre recently asked Fouché if she might be her son’s guardian— just in case. 

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“I don’t know what to do yet,” Alexandre said. “I would like to work, pay my bills, get my husband back so we can be together again.”

Emane Alexandre holds her phone up so that her son can speak to his father, Wesley Pericles. The family was separated just one week after the baby was born, when Pericles was taken by ICE at a routine immigration hearing. He has since been deported to Haiti. Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert

Currently, there is no legal way for Pericles to return to the U.S., and he finds himself displaced in Haiti as well, after armed groups in Artibonite set his parent’s home and small garden on fire. According to the United Nations, the armed group Gran Grif killed upward of 70 people in March as part of a massacre in the area, burning and looting more than 50 homes.

More broadly, Haiti is still reeling from the July 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, which gave armed groups expansive control of more than 90% of the Haitian capital and national highways connecting the country. Women are at high risk of sexual violence, and more than 1.4 million people have been displaced. In May, Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) was forced to close a hospital in Port-au-Prince’s Cité Soleil neighborhood after it was flooded with gunshot victims and more than 800 people seeking refuge—a reflection of the healthcare crisis awaiting those sent back. 

“People are risking their lives simply to reach a medical facility,” said MSF U.S. CEO Tirana Hassan in a statement.  

These are the conditions Alexandre and thousands of others are fearful of returning to, and these are the conditions the U.S. government ignores as it deports Haitians such as Pericles. Even the Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince remains closed due to armed groups shooting at airliners. Since July 2018, the State Department has given the country a Level 4: Do Not Travel warning, and the U.S. ban on international aviation to the country was recently extended through September. 

Still, deportation flights to Haiti continue.

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Editorial Team:

Tina Vasquez, Lead Editor

Lara Witt, Top Editor

Stephanie Harris, Copy Editor

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On primary Election Day in Maryland, voters are deciding several highly competitive races – WTOP News

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On primary Election Day in Maryland, voters are deciding several highly competitive races – WTOP News


Maryland voters are choosing party nominees for state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.

Follow WTOP’s team coverage of June 23 Maryland primary and Election 2026 online, on air at 103.5 FM or on the WTOP News app.

Maryland voters are heading to the polls Tuesday to decide a wide range of primaries, including state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.

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All the General Assembly seats are up for election this year, though Republicans are not offering GOP candidates in all their primaries.

The Maryland governor’s race

Gov. Wes Moore is seeking a second term and is being challenged in the Democratic primary by Eric Felber, who ran unsuccessfully for Congress two years ago against Rep. Jamie Raskin, who represents Maryland’s 8th District.

Moore and Felber are joined on their respective tickets by Lt. Gov. Aruna Miller and Felber’s running mate, LaTrece Hawkins Lytes.

Moore, who has been mentioned as a possible presidential candidate in 2028, is hoping for a strong showing but has downplayed White House aspirations.

In the Republican primary for governor, nine candidates are competing to face Moore in November.

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The GOP candidates leading the field in campaign contributions and expenditures are Ed Hale, a Baltimore banker who switched parties last year, and Dan Cox, a former member of the Maryland House of Delegates.

Cox is angling for a rematch with Moore. He was the Republican nominee for in the 2022 governor’s race.

6th District race is among the nation’s most expensive

One of the most competitive and bitter Democratic primary battles is for the 6th District congressional seat held by Rep. April McClain Delaney and contested by former congressman David Trone, who once held the seat.

Trone, who ran for U.S. Senate two years ago but lost, has spent at least $25 million of his own money in the House race.

McClain Delaney has spent more than $7 million.

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Six others are running in the Democratic primary, but have raised little money by comparison.

Trone and McClain Delaney have aired a flurry of negative ads, each accusing the other of not doing enough to counter President Donald Trump and his policies.

McClain Delaney has stressed affordability issues and her fight against cuts to the federal workforce.

Trone has emphasized the need to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration policies and reproductive rights for women, among other issues.

Both candidates actually agree on a lot of issues, though their TV ads seek to stress their differences.

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On the Republican ballots, longtime candidate and former state Del. Robin Ficker is among several people seeking the GOP nomination.

The 6th District stretches from parts of Montgomery County to Frederick County and Allegany and Garrett counties.

Crowded field battles to succeed Rep. Hoyer

The retirement of longtime Rep. Steny Hoyer, who has represented Maryland’s 5th District since 1981, has opened the floodgates to two dozen Democratic candidates.

The candidates include: former Prince George’s County Executive Rushern Baker, healthcare business executive Quincy Bareebe, Prince George’s County state Del. Adrian Boafo, Prince George’s County Council member Wala Blegay and former U.S. Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn.

Money has also been an issue in the 5th District primary, though in a different way than in the 6th.
Boafo, who has Hoyer’s endorsement, has received millions of dollars in support from outside groups.

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Some of his opponents have complained about the surge in money supporting Boafo in recent weeks.

In addition to Hoyer, Boafo has been endorsed by Moore and U.S. Sen. Angela Alsobrooks.

U.S. Sen. Chris Van Hollen has not endorsed any candidate in the race, but has warned about the danger of outside money from special interest groups.

WTOP’s Tracy Johnke contributed to this report.

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Montgomery County Voter Guide: Primary Election Candidates, Polling Places

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Montgomery County Voter Guide: Primary Election Candidates, Polling Places


The job involves handling the daily administration of county departments and submitting proposals for the county budget. The current officeholder is Marc Elrich (Democrat), who is running to serve as an at-large member of the County Council.

The leading contenders vying for the four-year term include Councilmembers Andrew Friedson (Democrat), Evan Glass (Democrat) and Will Jawando (Democrat), all of whom hold seats on the County Council.

The four other candidates rounding out the competition include Mithun Banerjee (Democrat), Peter James (Democrat), Shelly Skolnick (Republican) and Esther Wells (Republican).

County Council At-Large Candidates

Another key race to keep an eye on this election cycle is the County Council at-large position, which is responsible for voting on the operating budget, introducing and passing legislation and providing oversight on multiple departments.

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A total of 18 candidates are running for the four-year candidacy, although only four contenders will ultimately be selected by voters.





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