Maryland
Is this nuclear power's moment in Maryland? – Maryland Matters
As Maryland officials scramble to meet the state’s ambitious clean energy mandates, they are coalescing around a concept that seemed unthinkable a decade ago: That nuclear energy must be part of the solution.
Even environmentalists are coming to terms with the idea.
Paul Pinsky, the director of the Maryland Energy Administration, and one of the leading climate advocates in Annapolis during his long tenure in the General Assembly, recalled protesting against nuclear power plants in the 1970s. Now, he says, nuclear has “become a staple” in the state and nation’s energy portfolio, even if many Americans don’t realize it.
“If you asked 100 people on the street if their lights came on because of nuclear energy, I would guess three people would know it,” Pinsky said.
The Calvert Cliffs Nuclear Power Plant in Southern Maryland, which opened in 1975, generates about 40% of the energy produced in Maryland — all of it carbon-free. More than 80% of the clean energy generated in the state comes from the nuclear plant.
But nuclear continues to be hamstrung by a reputation, gained largely after high-profile disasters at power plants in the 1970s and 1980s, that it’s dangerous. The nuclear industry has also been struggling financially: Several nuclear power plants across the country have been decommissioned over the past few decades, in part because more natural gas power is being generated in the U.S. than ever before, which is far cheaper to produce.
Yet clean energy mandates have prompted policymakers to take another look at nuclear, knowing that whatever progress is being made developing other clean energy sources is inadequate for meeting short- and medium-term goals. In Maryland, the 2022 Climate Solutions Now legislation, which Pinsky co-sponsored, requires the state to create a 100% clean energy standard by 2035, while reaching zero carbon emissions by 2045.
For the past few years, stakeholders in Maryland’s nuclear industry have been angling for greater recognition — and possibly financial incentives — from state authorities, and they soon may get their wish.
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“We appreciate the fact that we’re hearing people talk about recognizing nuclear in the state’s clean energy program,” said Mason Emnett, director of public policy at Constellation Energy, which owns and operates Calvert Cliffs.
But four months before the kick-off of the 2025 General Assembly session, it isn’t clear yet if there will be concrete legislative action to bolster nuclear.
“We’re not exactly sure what to expect from the upcoming legislative session,” Emnett said. And at this stage, the industry does not appear to have a specific ask.
The leaders of the two relevant legislative committees in Annapolis, Senate Education, Energy and Environment Chair Brian J. Feldman (D-Montgomery) and House Economic Matters Chair C.T. Wilson (D-Charles), are both supportive of nuclear in the broadest sense. But neither seems ready just yet to advance or embrace specific legislation.
“There is a lot of discussion about how do we get to 100% clean energy by 2035 without nuclear being part of the picture?” Feldman said in a recent interview. He predicted that legislation would emerge in the next session addressing how to bolster clean energy production in Maryland.
Wilson said he expects legislation to be introduced “incentivizing new nuclear deals,” similar to measures from recent sessions that have attempted to bolster solar energy installations and offshore wind production in Maryland. He added that because it takes so long to develop new nuclear facilities, the state needs to act quickly to produce results that may not be realized for several years.
“It may be a very viable opportunity, but it’s way out in the future,” Wilson said in an interview. “It would be nice to start stimulating something.”
One possible legislative solution would be to include nuclear energy in the state’s Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS), which provides financial credits, known as RECs, for producers or suppliers of certain clean energy sources.
Every year in Annapolis, bills are introduced to tweak the RPS, usually to add a clean energy source to the standard or to eliminate one that’s considered dirty — or to change the complicated tiered system for calculating financial credits. But they rarely get very far, in part because they are complicated and cumbersome and are lobbied heavily by powerful interests that stand to gain or lose from the legislation.
For 2025, Del. Lorig Charkoudian (D-Montgomery), one of the leading environmentalists in the legislature and the top energy policy wonk, is contemplating legislation that would eliminate the RPS altogether and replace it with a system that would provide new and different types of incentives for clean energy producers. Charkoudian said the current RPS is flawed because it focuses on arcane compliance numbers without incentivizing clean energy production.
“We know we need to build energy generation in Maryland, and any generation we build in 2024 and beyond has to be clean,” she said. “That’s why we need to restructure our clean energy compliance. We need to do something that begins to address resource adequacy.”
Feds give final approval to Maryland offshore wind project
Charkoudian said any new system for incentivizing clean energy production would have to include nuclear, to ensure that Calvert Cliffs, the state’s only nuclear plant, stays open for the foreseeable future. The two reactors at the nuclear plant along the Chesapeake Bay in Lusby are licensed to operate through 2034 and 2036, respectively, and Constellation will begin the application process for renewing their licenses through the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission late this decade.
Beyond Charkoudian’s proposed legislation, which is still being developed, “there’s going to be a large conversation [during the 2025 session] about our Renewable Portfolio Standard,” Feldman predicted.
Charkoudian said she expects some of her colleagues to advance nuclear bills in the upcoming session.
“I think there’s a range of thoughts about what they should be,” she said.
An economic challenge
The federal government, through the Inflation Reduction Act, currently has an incentive providing tax credits for nuclear energy production that lasts through 2032. Whether a dysfunctional Congress can extend it when it nears its expiration is very much an open question. But that credit, and any incentives for nuclear that the state can provide, will help to ensure Constellation’s robust investment in the Calvert Cliffs plant.
“The economics of nuclear continue to be a challenge,” Feldman said.
The Maryland Energy Administration is finalizing a rough draft of a report that will detail recommendations for how the state can meet is clean energy goals by 2035, and nuclear will inevitably part of the mix. A final report could be released by the end of the year.
Whether the report serves as a template for legislative action for Gov. Wes Moore’s administration remains to be seen.
“Alongside the state legislature and other stakeholders, the Moore-Miller Administration is continuing to explore all available options, including nuclear energy, to help to meet Maryland’s environmental and energy goals,” Carter Elliot IV, a spokesperson for Moore (D), said in an email. “The governor looks forward to supporting legislation and initiatives that will help Maryland secure its clean energy future.”
Late last year, between Christmas and New Year’s Day, the Maryland Department of the Environment released a meaty document outlining what the state needs to do meet its lofty climate mandates. Price tag: A minimum of $10 billion. State policymakers are still struggling to come up with ways to pay for the recommendations, at a time when the state is anticipating significant revenue shortfalls.
It’s possible that any report on clean energy strategies for Maryland could also involve robust government investment — a significant stumbling block to the state’s ambitions.
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If there is expansion of nuclear energy in Maryland in the future, it won’t be of the scale of another Calvert Cliffs power plant, because that’s not feasible given the fragile economics of the nuclear industry. When two new large reactors began operating at an existing Georgia nuclear plant in 2023 and 2024, respectively, it marked the first time that a large-scale nuclear facility opened or expanded in the U.S. in almost 40 years.
But nuclear advocates are increasingly optimistic about the commercial and operational prospects of a new technology known as small modular reactors, which can be located at far smaller sites than a full-scale nuclear plant operation. The federal government is pouring billions of dollars into research for the technology, and one of the beneficiaries is X-Energy Reactor Co. LLC, a company located in Rockville, just down the road from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission headquarters.
Yet even the most optimistic proponents of small modular reactors believe it will be a minimum of seven years before any of those facilities are operational and supplying power to the electric grid. And Charkoudian believes that unlike existing technologies that haven’t been fully adopted yet in the U.S., it is especially difficult to ask taxpayers and utility ratepayers to make investments in these facilities because they aren’t visible anywhere yet.
“It’s just not commercially available,” she said. “At least you can see that offshore wind exists in Europe. There’s no question about whether they’re viable.”
Data points
Any conversation about the need to generate more clean energy — and more energy altogether — cannot take place without discussing the likelihood that energy-consuming data centers are coming to Maryland. Even without data centers, Maryland needs more energy generation and transmission. With them, the need expands exponentially.
“Data centers are like a huge tick that you put on our grid, and wherever you put it, they can start sucking that energy out,” said Wilson, the House Economic Matters chair.
Data center conference gets caught up in power line controversy
Already there is controversy over a proposed transmission line project that would run through three Maryland counties on its way to data centers in Northern Virginia. And while a big data center hub is in the early stages of development in Frederick County, some big technology companies are now eyeing the Calvert Cliffs nuclear property as a possible location for a data center.
During this year’s legislative session, as lawmakers debated a measure to restructure the electricity market in Maryland, the House attempted to insert an amendment that dealt with the complicated topic of onsite electricity generation and how electric suppliers interact with their largest commercial customers. It would have effectively prevented Constellation from building a data center on the Calvert Cliffs property.
The amendment was dropped on the final day of the legislative session after House-Senate negotiations, but Constellation continues to talk to tech companies about a data center at Calvert Cliffs. It isn’t a widespread practice in the industry yet, but it’s likely to become one: Talen Energy Corp., which operates the Susquehanna Steam Electric Station nuclear plant in Berwick, Pa., generates electricity for an adjacent data center, which it sold earlier this year to Amazon Web Services.
And Constellation announced Friday that it had reached an agreement with Microsoft to reopen the infamous Three Mile Island nuclear plant in Pennsylvania – site of the worst nuclear accident in U.S. history, in 1979 – to help power Microsoft’s data centers. Under the agreement, the plant, which was mothballed in 2019, could reopen as soon as 2028.
“It makes perfect sense to place a data center adjacent to your power providing center,” said Del. Mark N. Fisher (R-Calvert), whose district includes the Calvert Cliffs nuclear plant. “The closer you are to the power supply, the more secure your data center is.”
But that potential development has also sparked a debate about whether a data center next to a nuclear site would effectively be siphoning off a significant portion of power that’s meant to go on the electric grid.
“We’ve been telling our customers that [nuclear plants] are there for the grid, but now we’re taking them off the grid,” said Vincent Duane, a principal at Copper Monarch LLC, an electricity markets and cybersecurity consulting firm. He spoke at a conference on data centers last month sponsored by the Maryland Tech Council.
Nuclear advocates counter that the electricity is going to be consumed anyway, regardless of whether the data center is near a power plant or not. Setting up a data center that feeds directly off a power plant will reduce the need for expensive electric transmission updates, they argue, and income that the nuclear company takes in from a data center could prompt more investments and more efficient power generation at the nuclear plant.
“You have a question of configuration — how do you plug it in?” said Emnett, the Constellation executive. “Do you plug it in to the generator or do you plug it in to the grid?”
That’s one of many questions that Maryland policymakers and regulators will have to consider as they contemplate the possible expansion of nuclear energy in the state.
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Seven days after giving birth to a son in Salisbury, Maryland, immigration authorities took away 27-year-old Emane Alexandre’s husband following a scheduled court appearance for their pending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and asylum applications.
This form of government protection, granted by the Department of Homeland Security, is issued to immigrants who are unable to safely return to their home countries due to armed conflict, an environmental disaster, an epidemic, or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. TPS was established for Haitians 16 years ago, following the devastating 2010 Earthquake in Haiti that killed hundreds of thousands.
There are approximately 350,000 Haitians with TPS in the U.S., and more than 20,000 Haitians on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. President Donald Trump has attempted to end TPS for multiple countries—including Haiti. TPS expired for the country on Feb. 3, though it was temporarily stayed by a federal judge. The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to intervene, and now, thousands of families are in limbo as they await the court’s decision this month in Miot v. Trump.
Not only does Alexandre’s fate in the U.S. rest with the stacked Supreme Court, but so does her son’s. The court will also issue a decision this month on birthright citizenship, determining whether the children of newly arrived undocumented parents are U.S. citizens.
The administration’s ongoing xenophobic attacks have wreaked havoc on immigrant communities. This is especially true for Haitians, who found legal protection in the U.S. and whose futures in the country are now uncertain.
“The immigration system is slavery”
In October 2023, Alexandre fled her home in the Haitian-Dominican border town of Ouanaminthe, where the Earth is hot and the Dajabon River, also known as the Massacre River, separates the two countries. She left following an armed attack that destroyed her clothing business. Kidnapped, violated, and scared for her life, she felt unsafe staying in the country. Violence continues to roil the region. In February, four decapitated Haitian women were found along the border in Ouanaminthe.
Like many migrants from across the world, Alexandre made her way to Mexico in 2023 in hopes of requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. This is where she met Wesley Pericles, who made the trek up from Chile. The couple was stuck in Mexico for close to a year waiting for an asylum appointment. Eventually, Alexandre and Pericles were paroled into Texas on Christmas Eve 2024 to await their asylum hearing in the U.S. Alexandre was six months pregnant at the time. “I was finally able to take a breath,” she said.
They immediately made their way to Salisbury, where Pericles had a friend working in a poultry processing plant, a $4.6 billion industry that has shaped the region. Along the Eastern Shore, a coastal region that includes Delaware, Maryland, and parts of Virginia, industrial poultry farms and processing plants dot the landscape, creating company towns. Historically, the region was a hub for slavery. It was also the birthplace of Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass, and a throughway for the Underground Railroad. Today, more than two-thirds of workers in meat and poultry processing industries are Black or Latinx and an estimated 40% to 50% are migrants.
Immigrants account for 17% of Maryland’s population, and they are the primary workforce for poultry giants in the region, such as Perdue and Mountaire Farms. In nearby Wicomico and Sussex Counties, the overwhelming majority of residents voted for Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Ronald Cameron, CEO of Mountaire Farms, was a major donor to Trump’s campaign. Last summer, ahead of TPS expiring for Haiti, Mountaire plants laid off TPS workers who did not have a five-year work permit.
Mountaire did not respond to Prism’s request for comment.
One of Mounaire’s laid-off workers was Jean-Ronald Petit-Frere. In Haiti, the 47-year-old worked as a security guard for a Christian nonprofit. He reported armed group members to the police and he received death threats in return. He fled the port town of Leogane for the Haitian island La Gonave, where he was born. But the threats followed, so he hopped on a container ship to Puerto Rico.
His cousin was kidnapped, and his 16-year-old daughter was murdered in retribution for his cooperation with police. Four of his children remain in Haiti today.
After applying for both TPS and asylum, Petit-Frere received a work permit. In 2021, he joined his childhood friend in Salisbury, where he found work at Mountaire in 2022. He worked for the company for three years, earning enough to enroll his children in school in Haiti. He finally felt as if his life was moving forward, but last summer, he received a letter from the government instructing him to report to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Ultimately, he was given the choice to state his case in front of a judge or self-deport for $1,000. He took his chances in front of a judge and was allowed to remain in the U.S.—for now.
Soon after his court appearance, Petit-Frere lost his job. Though free, his life still hangs in the balance.
“I have nowhere else to go,” said Petit-Frere, his voice breaking as he considered the possibility of deportation. “If I go back they will kill me—they will kill my children.”
Another Haitian TPS recipient discarded by Mountaire is Venise Paul. She and her husband, also a Mountaire worker, bought a house in Salisbury in 2023, and their young children go to school in the area. The 40-year-old has lived in the U.S. for 12 years, and she started packing chicken at Mountaire in 2019. In January, she and her husband were laid off, a week apart. She begged Mountaire to let her stay, but management refused.
“I came here for a better life, I paid taxes, I haven’t done anything bad in the country,” she said.
Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert
Ultimately, whether an immigrant pays taxes or has a clean record has little bearing on whether they become targets for deportation—and this is especially true for Black immigrants under the Trump administration. Trump vowed to carry out mass deportations during his second term, and Black immigrants have been a regular target of the president’s racism and xenophobia.
“If you do not have a green card or citizenship, the immigration system can feel like slavery all over again,” said Dr. Marie D Bernadette Fouché, a former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention consultant and the founder and president of Safe Harbor Circles, an organization that provides support to immigrant communities across Maryland’s Eastern Shore.
The uptick in local job loss has caused some of Maryland’s migrant workers to become homeless, according to Rebirth, a Haitian nonprofit in Salisbury that supports the immigrant community. As unrest spiked in Haiti in 2024, Rebirth assisted 20-30 new immigrants a day, connecting them to government aid, healthcare, and other services.
Every Thursday, Rebirth’s founder, Habucuc Petion, and his wife Eddline, open a food bank for the community. The organization’s food bank was packed with community members in February after TPS for Haiti expired. Advocate Kenson Raymond stood at the front of the room and explained their rights in Haitian Creole, while members of the Black immigrants rights organization Haitian Bridge Alliance distributed packets about the Supreme Court’s TPS case and how recipients can prove work authorization in the interim.
In more recent months, the food bank’s attendance has dropped from 300 to 150—not because needs have lessened, but because people are afraid. The organization currently delivers directly to 19 people too scared to leave their homes.
“A lot of people had a few months left on their TPS and [poultry processing plants] let them go,” Petion said. “It’s like they are disposable.”
The court decision pausing the termination of TPS gave some hope they could begin working again. When Paul heard the news, she returned to Mountaire and once again asked for her job back. Again, management said no. Her husband now drives for Uber and the couple relies on food stamps to help feed their children.
Broadly, the court stay did not result in TPS recipients obtaining new work permit cards, said Guerline Jozef, co-founder and executive director of Haitian Bridge Alliance. According to advocates, the uncertainties around TPS are driving the hiring decisions of local poultry processing plants.
“They don’t want to take the risk to hire or bring back someone who they will have to let go again in a month or two,” Raymond said.
The targeting of Haitian immigrants in Maryland has made life in the region even more precarious.
Lyna Cobite, 60, had TPS since 2010 and lived in Salisbury for more than two decades. Her standing as a local, respected tax-paying business owner and mother of two American citizens did not save her from the Trump administration.
On May 15, Pastor Roosevelt Toussaint of the World of Life Center drove Cobite to what she believed would be a routine immigration appointment. However, Cobite didn’t return from the appointment. ICE detained her, claiming it had no record of her status as a TPS recipient. She was detained in Baltimore. “I feel very bad,” Toussaint said. “I encouraged her to go.”
Cobite’s niece, Patricia Vilacon, fought for her release. “My heart [was] pounding,” said Vilacon, describing the moment she learned her aunt was detained. “I [felt] the same exact pain as when my mom passed.”
After three days, Cobite was released, though she’s being monitored by ICE. “I just want her to be free,” her niece told Prism.
No safe return
Apart from video calls, Alexandre hasn’t seen her husband, Pericles, since last May.
Pericles, 32, was taken by ICE in May 2025 when the Trump administration first rolled out nationwide enforcement operations. Agents detained Pericles at a routine immigration appointment, in violation of basic due process.
In search of legal support, Alexandre connected with Jozef of Haitian Bridge Alliance. The organization provided three-months of rent assistance and offered a pro-bono lawyer. While tremendously helpful, Alexandre was still distraught.
The first week following her husband’s detainment, the stress made it difficult for her to breastfeed or to even remember her own name. The trauma of family separation one week after giving birth was too much to bear.
After Pericles’ detainment, Alexandre was left alone to raise their son while her husband spent a year shuffled between ICE detention centers in Louisiana and New Jersey. While in New Jersey, a judge ordered Pericles’ deportation for Nov. 10, 2025, but it was delayed for months. Living in a cramped cell with more than 100 people, he eventually found himself begging for a flight home.
“I was suffering from a fever that wouldn’t go away, headache, and a terrible toothache,” he later explained over a WhatsApp video call from Haiti. “I couldn’t eat.” While seemingly innocuous, a toothache can be deadly, given the inadequate healthcare and dire conditions inside detention centers. Earlier this year in Arizona, a detained Haitian man died from an untreated toothache.
During the first week of 2026, with his hands and legs shackled, ICE deported Pericles to Northern Haiti. In February, Alexandre was issued her own deportation order for March 11, but it was stayed after an emergency appeal by her lawyer.
In the months since, she received a work permit, but she is too scared to leave her apartment.
Despite her fear, she is not ready to give up on her dream of reuniting her family in the U.S. Her son, after all, is an American citizen—at least for now.
The topic of guardianship has become a regular focus of conversation among Haitian TPS recipients. Alexandre recently asked Fouché if she might be her son’s guardian— just in case.
“I don’t know what to do yet,” Alexandre said. “I would like to work, pay my bills, get my husband back so we can be together again.”
Currently, there is no legal way for Pericles to return to the U.S., and he finds himself displaced in Haiti as well, after armed groups in Artibonite set his parent’s home and small garden on fire. According to the United Nations, the armed group Gran Grif killed upward of 70 people in March as part of a massacre in the area, burning and looting more than 50 homes.
More broadly, Haiti is still reeling from the July 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, which gave armed groups expansive control of more than 90% of the Haitian capital and national highways connecting the country. Women are at high risk of sexual violence, and more than 1.4 million people have been displaced. In May, Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) was forced to close a hospital in Port-au-Prince’s Cité Soleil neighborhood after it was flooded with gunshot victims and more than 800 people seeking refuge—a reflection of the healthcare crisis awaiting those sent back.
“People are risking their lives simply to reach a medical facility,” said MSF U.S. CEO Tirana Hassan in a statement.
These are the conditions Alexandre and thousands of others are fearful of returning to, and these are the conditions the U.S. government ignores as it deports Haitians such as Pericles. Even the Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince remains closed due to armed groups shooting at airliners. Since July 2018, the State Department has given the country a Level 4: Do Not Travel warning, and the U.S. ban on international aviation to the country was recently extended through September.
Still, deportation flights to Haiti continue.
Editorial Team:
Tina Vasquez, Lead Editor
Lara Witt, Top Editor
Stephanie Harris, Copy Editor
Related
Maryland
On primary Election Day in Maryland, voters are deciding several highly competitive races – WTOP News
Maryland voters are choosing party nominees for state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.
Follow WTOP’s team coverage of June 23 Maryland primary and Election 2026 online, on air at 103.5 FM or on the WTOP News app.
Maryland voters are heading to the polls Tuesday to decide a wide range of primaries, including state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.
All the General Assembly seats are up for election this year, though Republicans are not offering GOP candidates in all their primaries.
The Maryland governor’s race
Gov. Wes Moore is seeking a second term and is being challenged in the Democratic primary by Eric Felber, who ran unsuccessfully for Congress two years ago against Rep. Jamie Raskin, who represents Maryland’s 8th District.
Moore and Felber are joined on their respective tickets by Lt. Gov. Aruna Miller and Felber’s running mate, LaTrece Hawkins Lytes.
Moore, who has been mentioned as a possible presidential candidate in 2028, is hoping for a strong showing but has downplayed White House aspirations.
In the Republican primary for governor, nine candidates are competing to face Moore in November.
The GOP candidates leading the field in campaign contributions and expenditures are Ed Hale, a Baltimore banker who switched parties last year, and Dan Cox, a former member of the Maryland House of Delegates.
Cox is angling for a rematch with Moore. He was the Republican nominee for in the 2022 governor’s race.
6th District race is among the nation’s most expensive
One of the most competitive and bitter Democratic primary battles is for the 6th District congressional seat held by Rep. April McClain Delaney and contested by former congressman David Trone, who once held the seat.
Trone, who ran for U.S. Senate two years ago but lost, has spent at least $25 million of his own money in the House race.
McClain Delaney has spent more than $7 million.
Six others are running in the Democratic primary, but have raised little money by comparison.
Trone and McClain Delaney have aired a flurry of negative ads, each accusing the other of not doing enough to counter President Donald Trump and his policies.
McClain Delaney has stressed affordability issues and her fight against cuts to the federal workforce.
Trone has emphasized the need to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration policies and reproductive rights for women, among other issues.
Both candidates actually agree on a lot of issues, though their TV ads seek to stress their differences.
On the Republican ballots, longtime candidate and former state Del. Robin Ficker is among several people seeking the GOP nomination.
The 6th District stretches from parts of Montgomery County to Frederick County and Allegany and Garrett counties.
Crowded field battles to succeed Rep. Hoyer
The retirement of longtime Rep. Steny Hoyer, who has represented Maryland’s 5th District since 1981, has opened the floodgates to two dozen Democratic candidates.
The candidates include: former Prince George’s County Executive Rushern Baker, healthcare business executive Quincy Bareebe, Prince George’s County state Del. Adrian Boafo, Prince George’s County Council member Wala Blegay and former U.S. Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn.
Money has also been an issue in the 5th District primary, though in a different way than in the 6th.
Boafo, who has Hoyer’s endorsement, has received millions of dollars in support from outside groups.
Some of his opponents have complained about the surge in money supporting Boafo in recent weeks.
In addition to Hoyer, Boafo has been endorsed by Moore and U.S. Sen. Angela Alsobrooks.
U.S. Sen. Chris Van Hollen has not endorsed any candidate in the race, but has warned about the danger of outside money from special interest groups.
WTOP’s Tracy Johnke contributed to this report.
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© 2026 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.
The job involves handling the daily administration of county departments and submitting proposals for the county budget. The current officeholder is Marc Elrich (Democrat), who is running to serve as an at-large member of the County Council.
The leading contenders vying for the four-year term include Councilmembers Andrew Friedson (Democrat), Evan Glass (Democrat) and Will Jawando (Democrat), all of whom hold seats on the County Council.
The four other candidates rounding out the competition include Mithun Banerjee (Democrat), Peter James (Democrat), Shelly Skolnick (Republican) and Esther Wells (Republican).
County Council At-Large Candidates
Another key race to keep an eye on this election cycle is the County Council at-large position, which is responsible for voting on the operating budget, introducing and passing legislation and providing oversight on multiple departments.
A total of 18 candidates are running for the four-year candidacy, although only four contenders will ultimately be selected by voters.
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