Maryland
Alonzo Washington announces his intention to run for Prince George’s County executive – Maryland Matters
The crowded field for Prince George’s County executive just got more crowded.
State Sen. Alonzo Washington (D-Prince George’s) told a crowd of supporters gathered at Busboys and Poets restaurant in Hyattsville on Wednesday night that he will run to succeed Sen.-elect Angela Alsobrooks, who resigned as county executive last week before moving to the Senate.
“I’m very proud here today, to announce to you all, on behalf of myself, my family, my wife [and] my baby daughter standing right in front of me, I announce my candidacy for county executive of Prince George’s County,” Washington said in a video posted on X by Del. Ashanti Martinez (D-Prince George’s), a Washington supporter. The two represent District 22, which includes Greenbelt, Hyattsville and New Carrollton.
In a press release released late Wednesday, Washington summarized a family history that included being homeless “for a short time” and living in the county’s most troubled neighborhoods, before becoming the first in his family to attend college.
“The responsibility of leading Prince George’s County is profound and consequential, and I’m excited to lead a grassroots campaign that focuses on integrity and accountabilit,” his statement said. “Our residents deserve nothing less.”
Washington is the fifth high-profile Democrat to enter the executive’s race: Former two-term County Executive Rushern L. Baker III officially announced Monday; Prince George’s County State’s Attorney Aisha Braveboy indicated her interest just days after Alsobrooks’ Senate victory, and will host a campaign event Dec. 18 in Lanham; County Council Chair Jolene Ivey, who won a special election last month for an at-large council seat, announced her executive bid last week, as did the other at-large councilmember, Calvin Hawkins.
Hawkins hosted an event earlier in the day Wednesday to formally unveil his candidacy for a roomful of supporters at the Homewood Suites by Hilton in Largo.
“You will hear the other candidates talk about their background and their plans, but what you won’t hear [is] a proven record of serving the grassroots of our community,” Hawkins told the crowd, which included Sen. Nick Charles (D-Prince George’s) and Terry Lierman, the father of Maryland Comptroller Brooke Lierman (D).
Washington was a member of the House of Delegates for a little more than 10 years before being appointed in January 2023 to replace longtime Sen. Paul Pinsky (D-Prince George’s), who left to become head of the Maryland Energy Administration under the then-new administration of Gov. Wes Moore (D).
While in the House, Washington served on the Commission on Innovation and Excellence in Education, also known as the Kirwan Commission. That group crafted the Blueprint for Maryland’s Future education reform plan the legislature first approved in 2019.
Ordinarily, Washington, like his 187 colleagues in the General Assembly, would be prohibited from raising money during the three-month legislative session, which runs from Jan. 8 to April 7. But the law makes an exception for state lawmakers seeking other offices while serving in the legislature and using their state campaign accounts for their campaigns.
That rule allowed then-Sen. Catherine Pugh (D) to continue raising money during the 2016 session for her campaign for mayor of Baltimore; in 2014, then-Sens. Barry Glassman (R) and Allan Kittleman (R) were able to raise money during the legislative session as they were running for Harford County and Howard County executive, respectively.
As a result, Washington should be able to keep raising money for his newly declared county executive campaign during the 2025 session — just like his opponents in the Democratic primary for executive, who are not bound by the moratorium on fundraising during the 90-day legislative session.
Under the county charter, the county’s chief administrative officer, Tara H. Jackson, became acting county executive after Alsobrooks’ resignation. Jackson said last week that she does not plan to seek the position permanently.
On Monday, the County Council voted unanimously to set special election dates for the primary election on March 4 and the general election May 27. In addition to the county executive race, residents of council District 5 will be voting to replace Ivey, who vacated the district seat when she was elected to the open at-large seat this fall.
Maryland Matters Founding Editor Josh Kurtz contributed to this story.
Maryland
Maryland congressional incumbents cruise to primary wins
Maryland
SCOTUS holds the fates of 20,000 Haitian TPS recipients on Maryland’s Eastern Shore
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Seven days after giving birth to a son in Salisbury, Maryland, immigration authorities took away 27-year-old Emane Alexandre’s husband following a scheduled court appearance for their pending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) and asylum applications.
This form of government protection, granted by the Department of Homeland Security, is issued to immigrants who are unable to safely return to their home countries due to armed conflict, an environmental disaster, an epidemic, or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. TPS was established for Haitians 16 years ago, following the devastating 2010 Earthquake in Haiti that killed hundreds of thousands.
There are approximately 350,000 Haitians with TPS in the U.S., and more than 20,000 Haitians on Maryland’s Eastern Shore. President Donald Trump has attempted to end TPS for multiple countries—including Haiti. TPS expired for the country on Feb. 3, though it was temporarily stayed by a federal judge. The Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to intervene, and now, thousands of families are in limbo as they await the court’s decision this month in Miot v. Trump.
Not only does Alexandre’s fate in the U.S. rest with the stacked Supreme Court, but so does her son’s. The court will also issue a decision this month on birthright citizenship, determining whether the children of newly arrived undocumented parents are U.S. citizens.
The administration’s ongoing xenophobic attacks have wreaked havoc on immigrant communities. This is especially true for Haitians, who found legal protection in the U.S. and whose futures in the country are now uncertain.
“The immigration system is slavery”
In October 2023, Alexandre fled her home in the Haitian-Dominican border town of Ouanaminthe, where the Earth is hot and the Dajabon River, also known as the Massacre River, separates the two countries. She left following an armed attack that destroyed her clothing business. Kidnapped, violated, and scared for her life, she felt unsafe staying in the country. Violence continues to roil the region. In February, four decapitated Haitian women were found along the border in Ouanaminthe.
Like many migrants from across the world, Alexandre made her way to Mexico in 2023 in hopes of requesting asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. This is where she met Wesley Pericles, who made the trek up from Chile. The couple was stuck in Mexico for close to a year waiting for an asylum appointment. Eventually, Alexandre and Pericles were paroled into Texas on Christmas Eve 2024 to await their asylum hearing in the U.S. Alexandre was six months pregnant at the time. “I was finally able to take a breath,” she said.
They immediately made their way to Salisbury, where Pericles had a friend working in a poultry processing plant, a $4.6 billion industry that has shaped the region. Along the Eastern Shore, a coastal region that includes Delaware, Maryland, and parts of Virginia, industrial poultry farms and processing plants dot the landscape, creating company towns. Historically, the region was a hub for slavery. It was also the birthplace of Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass, and a throughway for the Underground Railroad. Today, more than two-thirds of workers in meat and poultry processing industries are Black or Latinx and an estimated 40% to 50% are migrants.
Immigrants account for 17% of Maryland’s population, and they are the primary workforce for poultry giants in the region, such as Perdue and Mountaire Farms. In nearby Wicomico and Sussex Counties, the overwhelming majority of residents voted for Donald Trump in the 2024 presidential election. Ronald Cameron, CEO of Mountaire Farms, was a major donor to Trump’s campaign. Last summer, ahead of TPS expiring for Haiti, Mountaire plants laid off TPS workers who did not have a five-year work permit.
Mountaire did not respond to Prism’s request for comment.
One of Mounaire’s laid-off workers was Jean-Ronald Petit-Frere. In Haiti, the 47-year-old worked as a security guard for a Christian nonprofit. He reported armed group members to the police and he received death threats in return. He fled the port town of Leogane for the Haitian island La Gonave, where he was born. But the threats followed, so he hopped on a container ship to Puerto Rico.
His cousin was kidnapped, and his 16-year-old daughter was murdered in retribution for his cooperation with police. Four of his children remain in Haiti today.
After applying for both TPS and asylum, Petit-Frere received a work permit. In 2021, he joined his childhood friend in Salisbury, where he found work at Mountaire in 2022. He worked for the company for three years, earning enough to enroll his children in school in Haiti. He finally felt as if his life was moving forward, but last summer, he received a letter from the government instructing him to report to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Ultimately, he was given the choice to state his case in front of a judge or self-deport for $1,000. He took his chances in front of a judge and was allowed to remain in the U.S.—for now.
Soon after his court appearance, Petit-Frere lost his job. Though free, his life still hangs in the balance.
“I have nowhere else to go,” said Petit-Frere, his voice breaking as he considered the possibility of deportation. “If I go back they will kill me—they will kill my children.”
Another Haitian TPS recipient discarded by Mountaire is Venise Paul. She and her husband, also a Mountaire worker, bought a house in Salisbury in 2023, and their young children go to school in the area. The 40-year-old has lived in the U.S. for 12 years, and she started packing chicken at Mountaire in 2019. In January, she and her husband were laid off, a week apart. She begged Mountaire to let her stay, but management refused.
“I came here for a better life, I paid taxes, I haven’t done anything bad in the country,” she said.

Photo by Jess Dipierro Obert
Ultimately, whether an immigrant pays taxes or has a clean record has little bearing on whether they become targets for deportation—and this is especially true for Black immigrants under the Trump administration. Trump vowed to carry out mass deportations during his second term, and Black immigrants have been a regular target of the president’s racism and xenophobia.
“If you do not have a green card or citizenship, the immigration system can feel like slavery all over again,” said Dr. Marie D Bernadette Fouché, a former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention consultant and the founder and president of Safe Harbor Circles, an organization that provides support to immigrant communities across Maryland’s Eastern Shore.

The uptick in local job loss has caused some of Maryland’s migrant workers to become homeless, according to Rebirth, a Haitian nonprofit in Salisbury that supports the immigrant community. As unrest spiked in Haiti in 2024, Rebirth assisted 20-30 new immigrants a day, connecting them to government aid, healthcare, and other services.
Every Thursday, Rebirth’s founder, Habucuc Petion, and his wife Eddline, open a food bank for the community. The organization’s food bank was packed with community members in February after TPS for Haiti expired. Advocate Kenson Raymond stood at the front of the room and explained their rights in Haitian Creole, while members of the Black immigrants rights organization Haitian Bridge Alliance distributed packets about the Supreme Court’s TPS case and how recipients can prove work authorization in the interim.

In more recent months, the food bank’s attendance has dropped from 300 to 150—not because needs have lessened, but because people are afraid. The organization currently delivers directly to 19 people too scared to leave their homes.
“A lot of people had a few months left on their TPS and [poultry processing plants] let them go,” Petion said. “It’s like they are disposable.”
The court decision pausing the termination of TPS gave some hope they could begin working again. When Paul heard the news, she returned to Mountaire and once again asked for her job back. Again, management said no. Her husband now drives for Uber and the couple relies on food stamps to help feed their children.
Broadly, the court stay did not result in TPS recipients obtaining new work permit cards, said Guerline Jozef, co-founder and executive director of Haitian Bridge Alliance. According to advocates, the uncertainties around TPS are driving the hiring decisions of local poultry processing plants.
“They don’t want to take the risk to hire or bring back someone who they will have to let go again in a month or two,” Raymond said.
The targeting of Haitian immigrants in Maryland has made life in the region even more precarious.
Lyna Cobite, 60, had TPS since 2010 and lived in Salisbury for more than two decades. Her standing as a local, respected tax-paying business owner and mother of two American citizens did not save her from the Trump administration.
On May 15, Pastor Roosevelt Toussaint of the World of Life Center drove Cobite to what she believed would be a routine immigration appointment. However, Cobite didn’t return from the appointment. ICE detained her, claiming it had no record of her status as a TPS recipient. She was detained in Baltimore. “I feel very bad,” Toussaint said. “I encouraged her to go.”
Cobite’s niece, Patricia Vilacon, fought for her release. “My heart [was] pounding,” said Vilacon, describing the moment she learned her aunt was detained. “I [felt] the same exact pain as when my mom passed.”
After three days, Cobite was released, though she’s being monitored by ICE. “I just want her to be free,” her niece told Prism.
No safe return
Apart from video calls, Alexandre hasn’t seen her husband, Pericles, since last May.
Pericles, 32, was taken by ICE in May 2025 when the Trump administration first rolled out nationwide enforcement operations. Agents detained Pericles at a routine immigration appointment, in violation of basic due process.
In search of legal support, Alexandre connected with Jozef of Haitian Bridge Alliance. The organization provided three-months of rent assistance and offered a pro-bono lawyer. While tremendously helpful, Alexandre was still distraught.
The first week following her husband’s detainment, the stress made it difficult for her to breastfeed or to even remember her own name. The trauma of family separation one week after giving birth was too much to bear.
After Pericles’ detainment, Alexandre was left alone to raise their son while her husband spent a year shuffled between ICE detention centers in Louisiana and New Jersey. While in New Jersey, a judge ordered Pericles’ deportation for Nov. 10, 2025, but it was delayed for months. Living in a cramped cell with more than 100 people, he eventually found himself begging for a flight home.
“I was suffering from a fever that wouldn’t go away, headache, and a terrible toothache,” he later explained over a WhatsApp video call from Haiti. “I couldn’t eat.” While seemingly innocuous, a toothache can be deadly, given the inadequate healthcare and dire conditions inside detention centers. Earlier this year in Arizona, a detained Haitian man died from an untreated toothache.
During the first week of 2026, with his hands and legs shackled, ICE deported Pericles to Northern Haiti. In February, Alexandre was issued her own deportation order for March 11, but it was stayed after an emergency appeal by her lawyer.
In the months since, she received a work permit, but she is too scared to leave her apartment.
Despite her fear, she is not ready to give up on her dream of reuniting her family in the U.S. Her son, after all, is an American citizen—at least for now.
The topic of guardianship has become a regular focus of conversation among Haitian TPS recipients. Alexandre recently asked Fouché if she might be her son’s guardian— just in case.
“I don’t know what to do yet,” Alexandre said. “I would like to work, pay my bills, get my husband back so we can be together again.”

Currently, there is no legal way for Pericles to return to the U.S., and he finds himself displaced in Haiti as well, after armed groups in Artibonite set his parent’s home and small garden on fire. According to the United Nations, the armed group Gran Grif killed upward of 70 people in March as part of a massacre in the area, burning and looting more than 50 homes.
More broadly, Haiti is still reeling from the July 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse, which gave armed groups expansive control of more than 90% of the Haitian capital and national highways connecting the country. Women are at high risk of sexual violence, and more than 1.4 million people have been displaced. In May, Doctors Without Borders/Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) was forced to close a hospital in Port-au-Prince’s Cité Soleil neighborhood after it was flooded with gunshot victims and more than 800 people seeking refuge—a reflection of the healthcare crisis awaiting those sent back.
“People are risking their lives simply to reach a medical facility,” said MSF U.S. CEO Tirana Hassan in a statement.
These are the conditions Alexandre and thousands of others are fearful of returning to, and these are the conditions the U.S. government ignores as it deports Haitians such as Pericles. Even the Toussaint Louverture International Airport in Port-au-Prince remains closed due to armed groups shooting at airliners. Since July 2018, the State Department has given the country a Level 4: Do Not Travel warning, and the U.S. ban on international aviation to the country was recently extended through September.
Still, deportation flights to Haiti continue.
Editorial Team:
Tina Vasquez, Lead Editor
Lara Witt, Top Editor
Stephanie Harris, Copy Editor
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Maryland
On primary Election Day in Maryland, voters are deciding several highly competitive races – WTOP News
Maryland voters are choosing party nominees for state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.
Follow WTOP’s team coverage of June 23 Maryland primary and Election 2026 online, on air at 103.5 FM or on the WTOP News app.
Maryland voters are heading to the polls Tuesday to decide a wide range of primaries, including state legislative offices, governor and some of the costliest congressional contests in the country.
All the General Assembly seats are up for election this year, though Republicans are not offering GOP candidates in all their primaries.
The Maryland governor’s race
Gov. Wes Moore is seeking a second term and is being challenged in the Democratic primary by Eric Felber, who ran unsuccessfully for Congress two years ago against Rep. Jamie Raskin, who represents Maryland’s 8th District.
Moore and Felber are joined on their respective tickets by Lt. Gov. Aruna Miller and Felber’s running mate, LaTrece Hawkins Lytes.
Moore, who has been mentioned as a possible presidential candidate in 2028, is hoping for a strong showing but has downplayed White House aspirations.
In the Republican primary for governor, nine candidates are competing to face Moore in November.
The GOP candidates leading the field in campaign contributions and expenditures are Ed Hale, a Baltimore banker who switched parties last year, and Dan Cox, a former member of the Maryland House of Delegates.
Cox is angling for a rematch with Moore. He was the Republican nominee for in the 2022 governor’s race.
6th District race is among the nation’s most expensive
One of the most competitive and bitter Democratic primary battles is for the 6th District congressional seat held by Rep. April McClain Delaney and contested by former congressman David Trone, who once held the seat.
Trone, who ran for U.S. Senate two years ago but lost, has spent at least $25 million of his own money in the House race.
McClain Delaney has spent more than $7 million.
Six others are running in the Democratic primary, but have raised little money by comparison.
Trone and McClain Delaney have aired a flurry of negative ads, each accusing the other of not doing enough to counter President Donald Trump and his policies.
McClain Delaney has stressed affordability issues and her fight against cuts to the federal workforce.
Trone has emphasized the need to push back against the Trump administration’s immigration policies and reproductive rights for women, among other issues.
Both candidates actually agree on a lot of issues, though their TV ads seek to stress their differences.
On the Republican ballots, longtime candidate and former state Del. Robin Ficker is among several people seeking the GOP nomination.
The 6th District stretches from parts of Montgomery County to Frederick County and Allegany and Garrett counties.
Crowded field battles to succeed Rep. Hoyer
The retirement of longtime Rep. Steny Hoyer, who has represented Maryland’s 5th District since 1981, has opened the floodgates to two dozen Democratic candidates.
The candidates include: former Prince George’s County Executive Rushern Baker, healthcare business executive Quincy Bareebe, Prince George’s County state Del. Adrian Boafo, Prince George’s County Council member Wala Blegay and former U.S. Capitol Police officer Harry Dunn.
Money has also been an issue in the 5th District primary, though in a different way than in the 6th.
Boafo, who has Hoyer’s endorsement, has received millions of dollars in support from outside groups.
Some of his opponents have complained about the surge in money supporting Boafo in recent weeks.
In addition to Hoyer, Boafo has been endorsed by Moore and U.S. Sen. Angela Alsobrooks.
U.S. Sen. Chris Van Hollen has not endorsed any candidate in the race, but has warned about the danger of outside money from special interest groups.
WTOP’s Tracy Johnke contributed to this report.
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