Louisiana
Louisiana to spend $1.5 billion on coastal projects next fiscal year under new plan
Louisiana will spend $1.54 billion on coastal projects over the next fiscal year under a plan approved Wednesday that solidifies a controversial shift away from large-scale river diversions, a major change in strategy pursued by Gov. Jeff Landry’s administration.
The plan approved unanimously by the board of the state’s Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority now goes to the state Legislature. Lawmakers must give it an up-or-down vote, with no ability to change individual projects, and it is typically overwhelmingly approved.
It lays out project spending for fiscal year 2027, which begins in July, and is separate from the CPRA’s operational budget. Funding for projects comes from a combination of state and federal money, along with proceeds related to fines and settlements from the 2010 BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill.
This year’s plan also includes $28 million from settlements with energy companies sued by Louisiana parishes over pollution and damage to the coastline. Most of that money is allocated for coastal restoration and shoreline protection efforts in Cameron Parish, in the state’s far southwest.
The coastal authority’s projects range from levee building to marsh creation and ecosystem restoration, with the aim of protecting the state from intensifying storms while addressing Louisiana’s land loss crisis to as great an extent as possible. The state has lost around 2,000 square miles of land over the past century, about the size of Delaware, and sea level rise is projected to worsen the problem.
The authority’s mission has traditionally received broad support from across the political spectrum, though debate over two large-scale river diversions aimed at restoring lost wetlands in recent years proved to be a high-profile exception.
Completed Spanish Pass project photographed near New Orleans, La., Saturday, June 3, 2023. The 7-mile-long project is a ridge and marsh built with Mississippi River sediment to buffer Barataria Bay against future storm surge. (Flight courtesy of SouthWings)(Photo by Sophia Germer, NOLA.com, The Times-Picayune)
Landry’s administration has abandoned those plans in favor of a strategy that prioritizes restoring eroding barrier islands and rebuilding “land bridges” along vulnerable areas of Louisiana’s coastline, though actual construction on much of that approach remains far off.
The change has been lauded by commercial fishermen and their parish leaders who strongly opposed the diversions, but harshly criticized by a range of scientists and coastal advocates who saw them as key to a broader strategy of salvaging parts of the coastline.
‘Really moving forward’
But while debate over the now-canceled Mid-Barataria and Mid-Breton Sediment Diversions has been front and center, the new annual plan includes a total of 143 active projects across the state’s coast. Of the $1.54 billion in total spending, proceeds linked to the BP spill account for about 27%, or $416 million.
“I think it is a reflection of the continued work that CPRA has been investing in for the past decade,” said Michael Hare, executive director of the coastal authority. “And I think it’s unfortunate that a lot of people focus on ‘a project’ in ‘a place,’ and then forget to recognize the 143 active projects across the entire coast.”
CPRA Chairman Gordon Dove said “this is really moving forward, from pump stations to the levee systems, to coastal restoration, to marsh recreation, to land bridges to barrier islands…”
The plan approved by the board represents an increase over the $1.27 billion draft initially presented in December. That is due to the addition of coastal settlement dollars as well as a handful of projects being accelerated sooner than anticipated, said Hare.
Larger projects include continued work on the Morganza to the Gulf levee system for Terrebonne and Lafourche parishes as well as the West Shore Lake Pontchartrain levee system for St. Charles, St. John the Baptist and St. James parishes. It also includes funding toward restoring the disappearing Chandeleur Islands, among a long list of other projects.
The sector gate along the IHNC-Lake Borgne Surge Barrier in New Orleans on Wednesday, January 21, 2026. (Staff photo by Brett Duke, The Times-Picayune)
Some coastal advocates noted the benefits that will occur from the annual plan, but lamented the diversions’ cancelations and pressed the Landry administration to provide details of workable, large-scale alternatives.
“Many of the investments in this year’s annual plan will help sustain communities, wildlife habitat and a working coast economy, and we are encouraged to see them move forward,” Restore the Mississippi River Delta, a coalition of national and local coastal advocacy organizations, said in a statement.
“However, the plan still falls short of what Louisianans deserve — a vision that matches the scale of the challenge, meaningful efforts to reconnect the river and restore natural processes, and regional restoration projects that deliver real benefits well into the future.”
‘Meaningful projects’
The Coalition to Restore Coastal Louisiana, the state’s oldest coastal advocacy group and which also supported the diversions, said the new plan “represents meaningful projects across our coast, from Cameron Parish to St. Bernard.”
“We hope that the state continues to look for ways to leverage Louisiana’s economic boom to form fruitful public-private partnerships and to make beneficial use of dredged material,” said CRCL government affairs director Ethan Melancon.
The large-scale land bridges prioritized by the Landry administration would be built with dredged sediment in the Terrebonne, Barataria and Breton basins. Much of that could potentially be paid for with BP funding formerly set aside for the diversions, though significant work remains to evaluate the plans and gain approval from trustees overseeing the money.
Those favoring the diversions note that land-building projects using dredged material work better when infusions of sediment from the river maintain them. That’s because such rebuilding projects eventually erode and subside like the rest of the coast.
But commercial shrimpers and oyster farmers forcefully opposed the diversions because the fresh water that would accompany them would have forced them to move or go out of business.
The cost of the Mid-Barataria diversion, at more than $3 billion, was also criticized by Landry, who argued it was too much to spend on one project alone. More than $600 million had already been spent on it before it was canceled.
Those favoring the project said it matched the scale of Louisiana’s land-loss crisis and that the BP funds provided a unique opportunity to build it.
Louisiana
Louisiana governor plans to suspend May primary to redraw US House map, Washington Post reports
Louisiana
Louisiana Supreme Court to weigh legality of ‘sanctuary’ policy at Orleans jail
Louisiana’s highest court could soon decide whether the Orleans Parish Sheriff’s Office’s longstanding immigration policy — which prohibits the office from holding people in the city’s jail at the request of federal immigration authorities — will be allowed to stand.
On Tuesday (April 28), civil rights lawyers defended the policy before the Louisiana Supreme Court, while attorneys for the state argued it should be abolished as it violates a two-year-old state law targeting so-called “sanctuary cities.”
The law, Act 314 of 2024, prohibits local law government bodies from adopting policies that limit the extent to which they can cooperate with federal immigration investigations and demands that local law enforcement comply with any immigration detainer requests. Detainer requests, typically issued by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, authorize local jailers to hold certain people — those facing potential deportation — in custody for up to 48 hours beyond their normal release dates in order to facilitate transfer into federal immigration custody.
The law, enacted in May 2024, is in direct conflict with the OPSO policy, which was enacted more than a decade ago and stems from a settlement in a federal civil rights lawsuit filed by two construction workers, Mario Cacho and Antonio Ocampo. Cacho and Ocampo were arrested by the New Orleans Police Department on minor charges in 2009 and 2010, respectively, and were given short sentences in jail. The two men alleged that in response to a request from ICE then-Sheriff Marlin Gusman illegally held them inside his facility for months after their scheduled release dates, well beyond what federal law authorizes for immigration detainers.
To settle the suit, in 2013, Gusman agreed to adopt an immigration policy that bars the office from honoring immigration detainers except in cases where the subjects of the hold requests are facing very serious criminal charges, including first degree murder, aggravated rape or treason, among others. The policy, which remains in effect today, also prohibits sheriff’s office employees from initiating investigations into jail detainees’ immigration status and places limits on how they can share information about detainees with federal authorities.
Last year, Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill sought to reopen the case, asking for the state to be allowed to intervene as a named party and for a federal judge to dissolve the 2013 policy, saying it violated Act 314.
“Like every Louisiana law enforcement agency bound by Louisiana law, the Orleans Parish Sheriff’s Office cannot obstruct or impede federal immigration authorities,” Murrill said in a statement on Tuesday. We look forward to the Louisiana Supreme Court’s swift resolution of this case, which should put an end to the federal consent decree that has perpetuated the unlawful sanctuary policy in New Orleans.”
Orleans Parish Sheriff Susan Hutson did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
In a ruling last year, federal Magistrate Judge Janis van Meerveld allowed the state to intervene in the case. She did not, however, rule on the motion to dissolve the immigration policy. In February, van Meerveld found that the case was centered on a matter of state, not federal, law and referred the matter to the Louisiana Supreme Court to determine whether and how the new state law would impact the 13-year-old policy.
In court filings, attorneys for Cacho and Ocampo argued that the justices need to consider three questions: Can Act 314 be applied to a pre-existing legal agreement? Does the state law conflict with local autonomy granted in the state constitution to cities, such as New Orleans, that operate under a “home rule” charter. And, does Act 314 go against a provision in the Louisiana constitution that prohibits the state from imposing “unfunded mandates” on local agencies?
In court, Alyssa Bernard-Yanni, who is representing Cacho and Ocampo, told the court the new state law alone may not be enough to dismiss a policy that was enacted from a federal judge’s order.
“Act 314 does not apply to federal consent decrees,” Bernard-Yanni said, referring to the language of the law.
Bernard-Yanni and Zachary Faircloth, who was representing the state, engaged in exchanges with the Supreme Court Justices over the intent of the recently enacted law.
Bernard-Yanni repeatedly referred to the legislative record and questions raised during the 2024 legislative session from Democratic lawmakers to the bill’s Republican sponsors about whether it would impact the federal consent order governing the OPSO policy.
During legislative debate in 2024, Sen. Blake Miguez, R-New Iberia, who sponsored the bill that became Act 314, said it was not meant to conflict with any federal court judgment.
At the time there were two New Orleans policies that became targets of criticism from immigration hardliners because they placed some restrictions on local cooperation with immigration investigations: the sheriff’s policy and a similar New Orleans Police Department immigration policy — adopted in 2016 to comply with the department’s wide-ranging federal consent decree. The NOPD consent decree, which was put into effect in 2013, was dissolved last year. Earlier this year, the department nixed the policy.
“The sponsors … disclaimed any conflict under the respective consent decrees,” Bernard-Yanni said.
Faircloth said the legislative record should not matter in this case because the federal consent order that governs the OPSO immigration policy states that the policy should remain in place, “absent a change in federal or state law applicable to immigration detainers”.
“We made the case over at the federal court,” Faircloth said. “The plain language in the (Cacho settlement) says a change in law as it relates to immigration detainers.”
Louisiana Supreme Court Chief Justice John Wiemer said the legislative record makes clear the intent of the sponsors of the law.
“If you go to the record — it says that it really doesn’t affect the (consent) decree,” Wiemer said. “There’s numerous statements to that effect. In context it seems like they were saying, ‘Look it can co-exist.’”
Justice Cade Cole, who said he was inclined to agree with Faircloth’s argument, pressed Bernard-Yanni on the issue of the sheriff’s office falling under New Orleans’ home rule charter. The charter governs the city government, which is separate from the sheriff’s office. And language in the state Constitution exempts sheriffs from being a part of such a charter.
Justice John Michael Guidry, however, acknowledged that although the sheriff’s office does not fall under the home rule charter it is funded by an entity — the city of New Orleans — that does.
With respect to the issue of unfunded mandates, Cole suggested that the federal government could address that by paying jailers for the time that they hold immigrants on detainers. However, Bernard-Yanni corrected that suggestion. Jailers hold immigrants on detainers, which are intended for short-term holds, at their own expense. If they enter into a contract with the federal government to operate a long-term detention center in their facilities, then they are reimbursed by the federal government for holding those individuals. The OPSO has no such agreement with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
Guidry questioned whether the change to state law can impact a local entity’s policy if it’s enacted through a federal judge’s orders.
“Statute talks about local law enforcement cannot have a sanctuary policy,” Guidry told Faircloth “And my question to you is, do you believe that they are operating under a locally implemented policy or under a federal consent decree?”
Before arguments closed, Weimer asked Bernard-Yanni if the correct remedy for the state is to seek a state court injunction against OPSO for not complying with Act 314, to which she answered that the state cannot enjoin a federal consent decree.
It is not clear when the Supreme Court will issue a ruling on the sheriff’s immigration policy and Act 314.
Louisiana
Ankle monitoring oversight questioned after bond violation case
BATON ROUGE, La. (WAFB) – Questions about Louisiana’s private ankle-monitoring companies are back in the spotlight.
It comes after the East Baton Rouge District Attorney’s Office filed a motion this week to revoke bond for a man who allegedly violated monitoring orders and other requirements.
Prosecutors want a judge to revoke Marcus Washington’s bond after court filings say he violated his conditions when he was arrested in Livingston Parish on drug and gun charges while on ankle monitoring. Washington is accused of firing a gun inside a classroom at a local high school. A judge placed him on house arrest.
The case has renewed attention on Louisiana’s private ankle-monitoring companies.
Monitoring companies lack regulation
“The ankle monitoring companies have never had any regulation about what they can do, what they’re supposed to do,” said District Attorney Sam D’Aquilla, who represents East and West Feliciana.
D’Aquilla said that lack of oversight gained new attention after a separate case where a man violated a stay-away order, killed his wife, then killed himself. In that case, two ankle-monitoring workers were charged and accused of not alerting police when the monitor kept going off. The Louisiana Supreme Court said they can be criminally prosecuted.
“The company is supposed to monitor where they are at any given time,” D’Aquilla said.
Device switched from GPS to phone monitoring
In Washington’s case, the filing says the monitoring agency, Magnolia, reported a charging issue April 7. His monitoring was changed from an ankle GPS device to phone monitoring.
Two days later, prosecutors say his location services were turned off and he was stopped in Livingston Parish, where deputies say they found marijuana, illegal pills and a handgun.
“So that’s been the whole problem all along. It’s like the Wild Wild West. Put an ankle monitor on them, an ankle monitor company doesn’t notify the judge or anybody,” D’Aquilla said.
D’Aquilla said despite legislation combating violation issues, private monitoring companies are not obligated to notify anyone of violations.
“They’re in direct violation of their bond obligation, and they need to be in jail. So we haven’t been doing that,” he said.
The state also noted investigators looked at possible ties to the Mall of Louisiana shooting with Washington, but said a preliminary phone analysis did not put his device near the mall at the time.
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