Louisiana
In Louisiana's legal fight to post Ten Commandments in school, 'symbolism matters'
Should religion be in public schools? For a long time, the answer from the U.S. Supreme Court was no.
But in recent years, the court has blurred the sharp line between church and state in schools. Now, a Louisiana law has the potential to overturn decades of precedent.
The policy requires public schools to display the Ten Commandments in every classroom in “large, easily readable font.” It’s drawn national controversy.
“I did not know that the Ten Commandments was such a bad way for someone to live their life,” said Gov. Jeff Landry “I believe that the legislature was only following the will of the people in the state.”
In 1980, the Supreme Court ruled on the issue, saying states can’t put the religious document in schools.
After Louisiana’s law passed, Landry reportedly told a room of Republican donors he would sign it, adding “I can’t wait to be sued.”
A lawsuit from nine Louisiana families came quickly. The plaintiffs, who are Jewish, Christian, Unitarian Universalist and non-religious, include parents who are pastors and reverends.
The state’s attorney general, Liz Murrill has asked a federal court to dismiss the case, arguing it was filed “prematurely,” since the law doesn’t take effect until January. The first hearing in the case will take place in Baton Rouge on Monday.
Over the summer, Landry and Murrill held a press conference to make their case.
The two stood at a podium flanked by large posters displaying the commandments along with references to the doctrine, including Martin Luther King Jr.’s rules for protestors and a song from the musical Hamilton. They argued the document isn’t strictly religious and has historic value.
“It shows how ubiquitous, how frequent the Ten Commandments comes up in our culture,” Murrill said.
For parents who don’t want the rules in their kid’s classroom, Landry said, “Just tell the child not to look at it.”
Landry has supported a number of laws that expand religion in public education, including one that allows public schools to hire chaplains. At the press conference, he said he was surprised by the blowback over the Ten Commandments.
“Really and truly, I don’t see what the whole big fuss is about,” he said.
Critics argue Louisiana’s law violates the First Amendment, which protects freedom of religion. In fact, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down a nearly identical law more than 40 years ago.
The court said in Stone v. Graham that requiring schools in Kentucky to post the Ten Commandments “had no secular legislative purpose,” was “plainly religious in nature,” and unconstitutional.
The ACLU is challenging the law along with Americans United for Separation of Church and State and the Freedom from Religious Foundation. The firm Simpson Thacher & Bartlett LLP is providing pro bono counsel. (Murrill said the state will handle its defense in house and doesn’t have a separate budget for the case.)
“The premise of the Constitution is that religion is something that is private and it succeeds best when the government just stays out of that conversation,” says Andrew Perry, a lawyer on the case with the ACLU of Louisiana.
Katherine Stewart, the author of “Money, Lies, and God: Inside the Movement to Destroy American Democracy,” has written several books on the rise of Christian nationalism in the United States. She says for supporters of Louisiana’s law, the goal is to change legal precedent.
“They think they can get the Supreme Court to overturn that ruling,” she says.
Stewart says it’s part of a movement to embed conservative Christian beliefs in government and other public institutions.
Louisiana’s legal argument relies on what’s known as a “history and tradition test,” Stewart says. The standard allows judges to argue the present can be disregarded in favor of the past.
The state’s law requires the Ten Commandments be displayed along with a statement saying the rules were “a prominent part of American public education for almost three centuries.”
The Supreme Court has a conservative supermajority. If the justices throw out Stone v. Graham like they did with Roe v. Wade, that would open the door for dramatic change. In this case, for the role of religion in public schools to grow.
“The reason Christian nationalist leaders and activists are fighting for this is because they know symbolism matters,” Stewart says. “It matters because it suggests there is one group in society that is above all the rest.”
Robert Hogan studies state politics at LSU. He says elected officials in Louisiana are responding to people who want more religion in schools.
“They will tell you, ‘What’s wrong with schools? Well, they took prayer out of schools, right?’”
The state has a lot of conservative Christians. Hogan says while this law may not have been at the top of most voters’ priorities, the fact it easily passed the legislature — with votes from even some Democrats — shows it has public support.
So while Landry is playing to his base, Hogan says it’s also an opportunity for him to get attention nationally.
“Even if he loses on this, maybe even especially if he loses on this, he sends a signal that he’s willing to fight for these things and is willing to push the envelope in whatever way he can to achieve the aims of Christian conservatives,” he says.
Stewart says the goal of the Christian nationalist movement is to erode support for public schools so that more money can be directed to private institutions.
She says by dividing people over things like the Ten Commandments “reduces faith in public education overall among all groups. And that softens the ground for a wholesale assault.”
The Supreme Court has already opened a path to religious charter schools. Some states are sending more money to private schools through expanded vouchers.
Louisiana recently passed a universal program that, if fully funded, would give any family that sends their kid to private school, secular or religious, tuition money.
Landry insists the state’s new law has less to do with religion and more with morals. “Repeat this: That the people of Louisiana in a bipartisan measure spoke through this bill.”
The state’s law takes effect on Jan. 1, though the court has blocked the policy from being implemented until at least mid-November as the lawsuit makes its way through the courts.
Louisiana
Louisiana National Guard troops return to Washington for Trump task force
GOP-led states sending hundreds of additional National Guard troops to DC
Three GOP governors have pledged to send hundreds more National Guard troops to Washington, D.C., to aid Trump’s federalization of the city.
Straight Arrow News
Louisiana National Guard soldiers have returned to Washington, D.C., on a second deployment as part of President Trump’s continued crackdown on crime in the nation’s capital.
Trump declared a crime emergency in Washington nine months ago to trigger deployments of states’ National Guard troops to the capital.
Republican Gov. Jeff Landry first sent a contingent of Louisiana soldiers to Washington in August 2025. Lt. Col. Noel Collins told USA Today Network on May 13 that all of those soldiers returned to Louisiana by the end of December.
Landry’s latest deployment of Louisiana soldiers includes about 125 who began assisting other soldiers and local police May 12.
Louisiana’s soldiers won’t make arrests, but they will patrol high-traffic areas while playing a supporting role for the D.C. National Guard and local police.
The White House has said its capital crime task force has made more than 12,000 arrests since August and seized thousands of illegal guns.
Greg Hilburn covers state politics for the USA TODAY Network of Louisiana. Follow him on Twitter @GregHilburn1.
Louisiana
Louisiana students make biggest gains in nation
BATON ROUGE, La. (WAFB) – A new report shows Louisiana students are making some of the biggest gains in the country, with state education leaders celebrating the progress.
The newest national report card now ranks Louisiana 32nd in the nation, a jump from 49th in 2019.
“Louisiana is no longer about Louisiana simply believes, but for K-12 education, Louisiana achieves,” said state Superintendent Dr. Cade Brumley.
The jump comes mainly from improved reading and math scores, making Louisiana the only state that has returned to pre-pandemic levels.
Gov. Jeff Landry said the achievement comes at an opportune time for the generation to capitalize on economic developments coming to the state.
“These young men and women are going to get an opportunity we have never had. These kids get to grow up in a new Louisiana at a time when they are getting the education they need,” Landry said.
Brumley said the focus is now on attendance, more tutoring, higher teacher pay, and job readiness.
“Tutoring for every kid to get a little extra help if they need it; differentiated pay so we can target pay in a very precise way to those teachers doing great work for kids; and in the elevation in career and technical education,” Brumley said.
While leaders are celebrating, Brumley said the real work is keeping that momentum.
“Louisiana doesn’t have to be last. Indeed, we can be number one. We will continue to see great results,” Brumley said.
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Louisiana
As Louisiana’s Senate election nears, carbon capture becomes a big issue. Here’s what to know.
In a campaign that has focused more on President Donald Trump than the issues, government regulation of carbon capture and sequestration has emerged as a key fault line in Saturday’s Senate primary.
State Treasurer John Fleming has made his forceful opposition to the new process a key driver of his campaign, saying it threatens to poison waterways and strip landowners of property rights.
That has made him the target of attack ads broadcast by two outside groups associated with Gov. Jeff Landry and financed at least in part by oil and gas companies that want to inject the carbon dioxide deep in underground wells.
Fleming has counterattacked by saying that U.S. Rep. Julia Letlow, who has Landry’s support, actually supports the industry because her fiancée, Kevin Ainsworth, is a major lobbyist for carbon capture and sequestration companies in Baton Rouge. Letlow has called that accusation “a low blow.”
Letlow has said she favors letting local communities decide whether to allow the process.
“If a project is not safe, if it’s not transparent and if it does not have community buy-in, it should not move forward,” she said in a radio debate on May 5.
But in a separate interview, Letlow refused to be pinned down on how a community would decide to give a green light.
U.S. Sen. Bill Cassidy on Tuesday said he agrees with Fleming that oil and gas companies should not be able to exercise eminent domain to build pipelines and storage facilities without landowners’ approval.
Cassidy also said he supports the moratorium that Landry has imposed on new carbon capture and sequestration projects. Letlow also backs that moratorium.
Cassidy said allowing parish governments to block carbon capture and sequestration projects “is an acceptable option.”
Where the race stands
Fleming and Letlow are trying to unseat Cassidy this year in the Republican election campaign. Saturday is the primary, where the top two Republican finishers, if no one wins above 50%, advance to a runoff on June 27.
All three candidates are predicting they will win one of the two spots in the June 27 runoff. Polls indicate that Letlow has the best chance.
But political analysts note that the new semi-closed primary election system and recent seismic events – including a U.S. Supreme Court decision that nullified Louisiana’s congressional map and Landry then canceling the House elections – make prognosticating Saturday’s results a challenge.
Three Democrats are vying in their own primary to face the Republican Senate nominee in November. They are Nick Albares, a policy analyst in New Orleans; Gary Crockett, a business owner in New Orleans; and Jamie Davis, a soybean, cotton and corn farmer in northeast Louisiana.
Albares said on Tuesday that he sides with Fleming and Cassidy in not allowing companies to use eminent domain to build carbon capture and sequestration projects on private land.
Davis called for “binding consent from the people who live there, not a public comment period that gets ignored” before any injection wells are permitted.
Crockett said, “I’m totally against it.”
Trump dominates election
Trump has been a dominant topic in the campaign because each of the three Republicans is claiming to be the candidate best aligned with the president. Letlow has his endorsement.
The three Democrats have been scathing in their criticism of Trump.
In a weekly call with reporters Tuesday, Cassidy announced $150 million in additional federal money to build a replacement bridge on Interstate 10 over the Calcasieu River in Lake Charles.
In making the announcement, Cassidy slipped in a story about how he was riding on the ancient bridge with Trump in the presidential limousine nicknamed “the Beast” to an event in Hackberry in Cameron Parish in 2019. As they reached the top, Cassidy said, Trump wondered aloud, “Is this bridge going to hold us”?
Cassidy said the new bridge would be able to hold the Beast and is an example of how he delivers for Louisiana. He said the money came from the Infrastructure and Investment Jobs Act, a President Joe Biden-initiative that he supported, unlike the rest of Louisiana’s Republican delegation.
Fleming, meanwhile, speaking to a Republican luncheon Tuesday in Baton Rouge, highlighted a nine-page referral to the Department of Justice by a nonprofit group that accuses Letlow of filing false campaign finance reports to the Federal Elections Commission.
The Coolidge Reagan Foundation alleged that the Letlow Victory Fund raised money for two months without reporting it and then tried to conceal this later.
The foundation said it has filed previous complaints against Hillary Clinton and the Democratic National Committee.
“With the FEC, you have to be very careful with your paperwork,” Fleming told the crowd at the Ronald Reagan Newsmaker Luncheon.
Letlow’s campaign dismissed the allegation.
“Bill Cassidy voted to convict President Trump (on impeachment charges in 2021) and has spent over $10 million attacking Julia Letlow,” Letlow’s campaign said in a statement. “Now, in an attempt to distract from President Trump’s endorsement of Letlow, Cassidy’s allies are desperately trying to dress up routine FEC paperwork questions because they can’t defend Cassidy’s record. The Letlow campaign takes compliance seriously and has filed all required reports with the FEC.”
In recent days, Letlow has said that the defeat last week of five state senators opposed by Trump in Indiana bodes well for her campaign, since Trump wants to end Cassidy’s Senate career.
Outspent by Cassidy and Letlow, Fleming has said he is running a grassroots campaign. One example of that, he said in an interview, is that a majority of the members of the Republican State Central Committee have requested that the committee endorse him.
Derek Babcock, the party chair, didn’t respond to a text Tuesday asking how the party’s executive committee – which actually issues the endorsement – will respond.
Attack ads target Fleming
Landry has inserted himself into the campaign by raising money for two groups associated with him – the Accountability Project and MAGA Energy – to attack Fleming. Both groups are organized in a way that doesn’t require them to disclose their donors and are headed by two of his key campaign associates, Jay Connaughton and Jason Hebert.
Landry held an event at the Governor’s Mansion on April 20 with about 15 carbon capture and sequestration executives, said someone who attended the meeting but spoke on condition of anonymity. Landry warned the group that a Fleming victory would harm their industry. The executives then heard a pitch to raise $1.5 million to defeat Fleming, according to the source.
In a brief interview, Landry acknowledged holding the meeting but wouldn’t discuss it.
Fleming repeats his opposition to carbon capture and sequestration at every opportunity, telling the Reagan luncheon, “It’s just not good for Louisiana.”
In other appearances, Fleming has said the technology is unproven and dangerous, saying in a radio interview last month, “It’s stuffing toxic carbon dioxide in the ground and using your taxpayer money and stealing your land through private domain for profiteering.”
For a month, the Accountability Project and MAGA Energy have been attacking Fleming.
The Accountability Project has broadcast ads accusing Fleming of being a supporter of allowing illegal aliens across the Mexican border. Fleming called that a lie while speaking at the Reagan luncheon, saying he supports tough border restrictions.
MAGA Energy accuses Fleming of having voted for pro-carbon capture and sequestration bills while he served in the House. That, too, is a lie, Fleming told the Reagan crowd.
In a new line of attack, the Accountability Project is attempting to undermine a key part of Fleming’s pro-Trump biography by saying that Fleming never served as Trump’s deputy chief of staff during his final 10 months as president in first term.
In campaign appearances, Fleming has said his office was 10 steps from the Oval Office in the West Wing, and he told the Reagan luncheon that the accusation was “an absolute lie.”
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