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Florida requires teaching Black history. Some don't trust schools to do it justice

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Florida requires teaching Black history. Some don't trust schools to do it justice


TALLAHASSEE, Fla. (AP) — Buried among Florida’s manicured golf courses and sprawling suburbs are the artifacts of its slave-holding past: the long-lost cemeteries of enslaved people, the statutes of Confederate soldiers that still stand watch over town squares, the old plantations turned into modern subdivisions that bear the same name. But many students aren’t learning that kind of Black history in Florida classrooms.

In an old wooden bungalow in Delray Beach, Charlene Farrington and her staff gather groups of teenagers on Saturday mornings to teach them lessons she worries that public schools won’t provide. They talk about South Florida’s Caribbean roots, the state’s dark history of lynchings, how segregation still shapes the landscape and how grassroots activists mobilized the Civil Rights Movement to upend generations of oppression.

“You need to know how it happened before so you can decide how you want it to happen again,” she told her students as they sat as their desks, the morning light illuminating historic photographs on the walls.

Florida students are giving up their Saturday mornings to learn about African American history at the Spady Cultural Heritage Museum in Delray Beach and in similar programs at community centers across the state. Many are supported by Black churches, which for generations have helped forge the cultural and political identity of their parishioners.

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Since Faith in Florida developed its own Black history toolkit last year, more than 400 congregations have pledged to teach the lessons, the advocacy group says.

Florida has required public schools to teach African American history for the past 30 years, but many families no longer trust the state’s education system to adequately address the subject.

By the state’s own metrics, just a dozen Florida school districts have demonstrated excellence at teaching Black history, by providing evidence that they are incorporating the content into lessons throughout the school year and getting buy-in from the school board and community partners.

School district officials across Florida told The Associated Press that they are still following the state mandate to teach about the experience of enslavement, abolition and the “vital contributions of African Americans to build and strengthen American society.”

But a common complaint from students and parents is that the instruction seems limited to heroic figures like the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and Rosa Parks and rarely extends beyond each February’s Black History Month.

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When Sulaya Williams’ eldest child started school, she couldn’t find the comprehensive instruction she wanted for him in their area. So in 2016, she launched her own organization to teach Black history in community settings.

“We wanted to make sure that our children knew our stories, to be able to pass down to their children,” Williams said.

Williams now has a contract to teach Saturday school at a public library in Fort Lauderdale, and her 12-year-old daughter Addah Gordon invites her classmates to join her.

“It feels like I’m really learning my culture. Like I’m learning what my ancestors did,” Addah said. “And most people don’t know what they did.”

Black history mandate came at time of atonement

State lawmakers unanimously approved the African American history requirement in 1994 at a time of atonement over Florida’s history.

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Historians commissioned by the state had just published an official report on the deadly attack on the town of Rosewood in 1923, when a white mob razed the majority-Black community and drove out its residents. When the Florida Legislature approved financial compensation for Rosewood’s survivors and descendants in 1994, it was seen as a national model for reparations.

“There was a moment of enlightenment in Florida, those decades ago. There really was,” said Marvin Dunn, who has authored multiple books on Black Floridians. “But that was short-lived.”

Three decades later, the teaching of African American history remains inconsistent across Florida classrooms, inadequate in the eyes of some advocates, and is under fire by the administration of Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has championed efforts to restrict how race, history and discrimination can be talked about in the state’s public schools.

DeSantis has led attacks on “wokeness” in education that rallied conservatives nationwide, including President-elect Donald Trump. In 2022, the governor signed a law restricting certain race-based conversations in schools and businesses and prohibits teaching that members of one ethnic group should feel guilt or bear responsibility for actions taken by previous generations.

Last year, DeSantis’ administration blocked a new Advanced Placement course on African American Studies from being taught in Florida, saying it violates state law and is historically inaccurate.

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A spokesperson for the College Board, which oversees Advanced Placement courses, told the AP they are not aware of any public schools in Florida currently offering the African American Studies class. It’s also not listed in the state’s current course directory.

Representatives for the Florida Department of Education and the state’s African American History Task Force did not respond to requests for comment from the AP.

“People who are interested in advancing African diaspora history can’t rely on schools to do that,” said Tameka Bradley Hobbs, manager of Broward County’s African-American Research Library and Cultural Center. “I think it’s even more clear now that there needs to be a level of self-reliance and self-determination when it comes to passing on the history and heritage of our ancestors.”

Most Florida schools don’t offer Black history classes

Last year, only 30 of Florida’s 67 traditional school districts offered at least one standalone course on African American history or humanities, according to state data. While not required by state law, having a dedicated Black history class is a measure of how districts are following the state mandate.

Florida’s large urban districts are far more likely to offer the classes, compared to small rural districts, some of which have fewer than 2,000 students.

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Even in districts that have staff dedicated to teaching Black history, some teachers are afraid of violating state law, according to Brian Knowles, who oversees African American, Holocaust and Latino studies for the Palm Beach County school district.

“There’s so many other districts and so many kids that we’re missing because we’re tiptoeing around what is essentially American history,” Knowles said.

Frustration over the restrictions that teachers face pushed Renee O’Connor to take a sabbatical last year from her job teaching Black history at Miami Norland Senior High School in the majority-Black city of Miami Gardens. Now, she is back in the classroom, but she also has been helping community groups develop their own Black history programs outside of the public school system.

“I wish, obviously, all kids were able to take an African American history class,” O’Connor said, “but you have to pivot if it’s not happening in schools.”

___

Kate Payne is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

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Driver arrested after allegedly plowing onto Florida airport tarmac

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Driver arrested after allegedly plowing onto Florida airport tarmac


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Audubon Florida leader has built reputation for working across party lines | The Invading Sea

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Audubon Florida leader has built reputation for working across party lines | The Invading Sea


By Issabella Gutierrez 

As a child growing up in rural Florida, Julie Wraithmell once stood at the foot of a tall pine tree and watched a woman climb 50 feet into the air to occupy an abandoned eagle’s nest. The woman, Doris Mager, stayed there for a week to raise money for raptor rehabilitation. For young Julie, the “nest-in” became a blueprint for a life in conservation. 

In Florida’s often unpredictable environmental policy landscape, Wraithmell has built a reputation for working across party lines.

Audubon Florida Executive Director Julie Wraithmell at Corkscrew Swamp Sanctuary (Photo courtesy of Audubon Florida)

Today, as the vice president and executive director of Audubon Florida, the state office of the National Audubon Society, she leads the organization’s statewide science and advocacy efforts from her office in Tallahassee. She spends the legislative session in committee hearings and meetings with lawmakers, agency officials and conservation leaders.

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Over two decades, she has evolved from a field biologist and self-described “bird nerd” into an influential environmental leader in Florida, navigating a political landscape that can be as unpredictable as any treetop. 

A native Floridian, Wraithmell earned a bachelor’s degree in biology from Duke University and a master’s degree in science from Florida State University. 

She began her career in 1997 as a biologist at the Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission, where she worked for eight years and helped launch the Great Florida Birding Trail, a 2,000-mile network connecting more than 500 wildlife-viewing sites. 

Wraithmell now oversees 80 Audubon Florida staff members and 45 chapters statewide. Beyond lobbying, she directs habitat restoration strategies and coordinates policy teams focused on land conservation and water quality. 

Renée Wilson, a senior communications coordinator at Audubon Florida, described Wraithmell as a “getter-donner” who remains “cool as a cucumber” even when tension runs high in the Capitol.

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“She’s not a micromanager,” Wilson said. “She gives you the direction you need, and she’s there if you need a course correction, but she really empowers the staff to follow their passions.”

A great blue heron at Jonathan Dickinson State Park, where the state proposed to build golf courses before public outcry scuttled the plan. (Mwanner, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
A great blue heron at Jonathan Dickinson State Park, where the state proposed to build golf courses before public outcry scuttled the plan. (Mwanner, CC BY-SA 3.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

Her leadership was tested in 2024 and 2025, when proposals surfaced to add golf courses to state parks and to swap protected land at the Guana River Wildlife Management Area for development. Audubon Florida helped generate tens of thousands of public comments and coordinated bipartisan opposition that led to the withdrawal of both proposals. 

Elizabeth Alvi, senior director of policy for Audubon Florida, said Wraithmell’s leadership in these sensitive moments is defined by a refusal to be pulled off course by short-term pressure. She added that Wraithmell is widely respected by lawmakers across the aisle. 

“People know that when she speaks, it is grounded in science and aligned with a clear organizational priority, not opportunistic positioning,” Alvi said. “That discipline earns respect in the Capitol because it’s consistent and thoughtful.” 

Wraithmell often quotes a mentor who told her that advocacy requires “weaving back and forth across the political aisle like sloppy drunks.”

“You might find yourself fighting a legislator over a road project one year, but you have to be ready to partner with that same person on a land conservation bill the next,” Wraithmell said. Holding onto professional grudges, she said, is a luxury the environment cannot afford. 

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That pragmatism shapes her push for stable funding for Florida Forever, the state’s land acquisition program that has preserved more than 1 million acres. While funding has fluctuated in recent years, she said unstable funding could impede critical habitat purchases as development pressures increase.

Heavily oiled brown pelicans waiting to be cleaned following the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010. (International Bird Rescue Research Center, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons)
Heavily oiled brown pelicans waiting to be cleaned following the BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill in 2010. (International Bird Rescue Research Center, CC BY 2.0, via Wikimedia Commons)

In 2010, Wraithmell led Audubon’s response to the Deepwater Horizon oil spill, advocating for restoration settlement funds to be directed toward coastal bird habitat recovery. Her efforts earned her the Charles H. Callison Award in 2015, the highest honor from the National Audubon Society. 

Wraithmell does not shy away from the topic of climate change.  

“The ocean is coming for us,” Wraithmell said. “Whether you call it climate change, sea-level rise or flooding, we are seeing the impacts on our shorebirds and our coastal communities right now.” 

Under her leadership, Audubon Florida has expanded coastal resilience efforts, including protecting nesting grounds threatened by rising sea levels and promoting nature-based solutions such as wetland restoration and living shorelines. Alvi said many people underestimate how difficult it is to align science, policy timing and organizational reputation simultaneously. 

“The most significant win will likely be institutional strength: a conservation movement in Florida that is more strategic, more science-driven and more disciplined in its public engagement,” Alvi said.  

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When asked to summarize Florida’s environmental story in a single place, Wraithmell pointed to the Everglades. She described it as an ecosystem shaped by historical “screw-ups,” from ditching and draining to the exploitation of birds. 

“It’s a site of people coming together and saying, ‘Whoop, we screwed up. Now what are we going to do about it?’” Wraithmell said. “With billions of dollars in investment, we are seeing results.” 

Despite the rapid pace of development across Florida, Wraithmell remains optimistic about the future, pointing to volunteers, students, and local advocates who make up the Audubon Florida network.  

“Watching kind of the creative magic that they get up to together,” Wraithmell said. “That is what gives me hope for the next decade.” 

The little girl watching from the ground is gone. Now, Julie Wraithmell is the one in the treetop, asking young Floridians to climb with her and protect wild Florida. 

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Issabella M. Gutierrez is a junior majoring in multimedia journalism at Florida Atlantic University. Banner photo: A great egret flies over the Florida Everglades (iStock image).

Sign up for The Invading Sea newsletter by visiting here. To support The Invading Sea, click here to make a donation. If you are interested in submitting an opinion piece to The Invading Sea, email Editor Nathan Crabbe. 



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Florida Democrats flipped two legislative seats in 2026 special election, their best performance in years

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Florida Democrats flipped two legislative seats in 2026 special election, their best performance in years


Florida Democrats had their best election night in years Tuesday, flipping two legislative seats.

Analysts and politicians point to the combination of strong candidates, low turnout special elections, rising gas prices compounding existing affordability issues and the ongoing conflict in Iran, which helped offset the registration and financial advantages of Republicans.  

Also, historically, an unpopular president heading towards the midterm elections is always tricky for the party in power.

These factors may justify some optimism for the minority party in the state heading into the November election cycle, which could see rematches from Tuesday’s contests.

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University of Central Florida political science professor Aubrey Jewett said at the campaign level Florida Democrats did a good job getting solid candidates who didn’t make mistakes and stuck to the message of affordability.

Also, there is the timing, as historically the sitting president’s party more often loses seats in midterm elections at the congressional and state legislative levels. Jewett added that unpopular presidents lose even more seats, noting that since the 2024 presidential election, Democrats have flipped more than two dozen seats in Republican or battleground states.

“President Trump’s unpopularity cast a long, dark shadow over these Republican candidates in these races,” Jewett said. “And so, even if you had decent candidates, it was just too much of an uphill battle because of President Trump’s unpopularity.”

One of those Democrats who won did so in a district that includes Trump’s Mar-a-lago estate 

Democrat Emily Gregory of Jupiter led by 2.38 percentage points with 33,429 ballots cast in the House District 87 contest along the east coast of Palm Beach County. The district includes the home of President Donald Trump.

Gregory is a Treasure Coast native, a military spouse and mother of three with a master’s degree in public health from Columbia University who operates a small fitness business.

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Tampa Democrat Brian Nathan, a U.S. Navy veteran and organizer with the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, was up 0.51 percentage points in the state Senate District 14 contest in Hillsborough County, where 80,016 votes were cast.

The results remain unofficial.

Republican Hilary Holley easily won the third legislative special election, House District 51 in Polk County, by more than 8 percentage points.

In the Tampa State Senate race, Jewett said there was evidence that Republicans seemed to be doing well in early voting, noting GOP candidate Josie Tomkow, a former House member, had good name recognition and funding.  

“But it appears that the Democrats that turn out were strongly unified and (no party affiliation voters) must have gone strongly Democratic as well — and it seems likely that at least some Republicans voted Democratic,” Jewett said.

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House Speaker-designate Sam Garrison, R-Fleming Island, who led GOP efforts for the House special elections, issued a statement Tuesday night that Republican Jon Maples ran an “extremely strong campaign” for the Palm Beach County seat, but faced “low Republican turnout due to awkward special election timing,” and also questioned “despicable, dark-money” attacks against the candidate. 

Garrison added, “We will learn from today’s results and see you in November.”

Florida Republican and Democratic party chairs react to the election’s results 

Republican Party of Florida Chairman Evan Power said the party is “proud” of its special election candidates and will continue to “engage, mobilize and lead.”

“Republicans are leading on the issues that matter the most to Floridians — public safety, economic growth, meaningful property tax reform, expanded school choice, and strong environmental stewardship,” Power said in a statement. “Our record isn’t just strong, it is unmatched. With a Republican voter registration advantage of nearly 1.5 million, we are well-positioned and fully energized as we head toward November.”

Florida Democratic Party Chairwoman Nikki Fried hopes the result makes Republican lawmakers pause as they approach Gov. Ron DeSantis’ call for a special session to redraw congressional district lines the week of April 20.

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“Voters are tired of one-party rule and attempts to steal their votes,” Fried said in a conference call Wednesday with reporters. “They are tired of the skyrocketing costs and the chaos in the news this year.”

Fried also said the state party, which still faces a need to cut into the Republican supermajorities in the Legislature in the fall election, has been on the phones with national Democratic groups that have disengaged from Florida politics the past couple of cycles.



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