Science

What the Supreme Court’s abortion pill case could mean for California

Published

2 years ago

April 12, 2024

What the Supreme Court’s abortion pill case could mean for California

Lee had just been dumped when she found out she was pregnant.

With no car, no job and no support, the 23-year-old — who asked that her last name be withheld for medical privacy — ended up at the virtual clinic Hey Jane, where she was quickly assessed and prescribed abortion medication.

Four months later, thousands of Californians in a similar situation have been holding their breath as the U.S. Supreme Court weighed a case that could rewrite the rules of care in more than two-thirds of U.S. abortions, limiting access to a popular drug even in states where it remains legal.

The justices voiced clear doubts about a lower court’s decision to overrule the Food and Drug Administration and restrict mifepristone — the first in a two-drug protocol that now accounts for 63% of all legal abortions in the United States — signaling they are unlikely to restore byzantine rules for prescribing the medication.

“Do we have to also entertain your argument that no one else … in America should have this drug in order to protect your clients?” Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson said in a pointed exchange later echoed by her frequent rival Justice Neil M. Gorsuch.

But advocates in California say even if the current rules are left in place, the case represents a growing threat to reproductive rights in “sanctuary” states — particularly as legal challenges target telehealth, which has risen to account for 16% of U.S. abortions since 2021.

These numbers do not include the roughly 6,000 abortions estimated to take place outside the formal medical system each month, the overwhelming majority of them likewise induced by a combination of mifepristone and misoprostol procured through the mail, according to a study this week in the medical journal JAMA.

“I’m concerned that people don’t realize how important telehealth is — it’s a major pillar in the abortion care landscape,” said professor Ushma Upadhyay of UC San Francisco, a reproductive healthcare expert. “People don’t understand how important it could become in the future.”

‘Bewildering, surprising and unexpected’

The court’s ruling on mifepristone is not expected until June. The reason the stakes are high is that unlike the decision in Dobbs vs. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which overturned Roe vs. Wade in 2022, a Supreme Court ruling to restrict the drug would roll back a series of important changes to the way it is prescribed and dispensed nationwide.

Care that can currently be delivered by a nurse-midwife via a brief video call or online questionnaire would revert to a time-consuming and costly series of clinic visits with a physician. Medication abortion could be offered for only 49 days from the start of a patient’s last period, instead of up to 10 weeks as it is today. Those changes would also bar mifepristone prescriptions through telehealth, leaving some to rely on a less effective regimen with more unpleasant side effects.

Telehealth is the only viable option for patients who can’t take a sick day, find a babysitter — data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show the lion’s share of abortion patients are already mothers — or catch a ride to a clinic that may be hours away on public transit, experts say.

“I’ve had patients tell me, ‘I’ve got a job that won’t let me take time off. I’ve got kids and no child care,’” said Dr. Michele Gomez of the MYA Network, a consortium of virtual providers, who has served many patients with Medi-Cal. “Lots of people talk to me while they’re at work. I’ve had so many people [take appointments] with their kids crawling all over them.”

Women who have relied on the medication say it felt like the most convenient — and safest — option.

“I knew the clinic locations, but actually getting there was hard,” Lee said of her abortion. “It all felt so scary, on top of having to be in the situation.”

Gomez said that in years past doctors were required to watch patients take the pill. Eliminating those and other rules helped propel medication abortion from the margins of care to the heart of reproductive rights within the last decade, the Bay Area provider and others said.

“I can send [pills] out by mail any time it works for me,” she said.

The changes also paved the way for clinicians in California and five other states to prescribe and mail abortion medication to patients in jurisdictions where it’s been banned, under so-called shield laws.

“Abortion care via mail is now the most viable form of access for most of the country,” said Kiki Freedman, co-founder and chief executive of Hey Jane, an abortion telehealth startup. “Any change to the way mifepristone is prescribed is an attack on access, period.”

Indeed, a growing number of experts believe the rise of telehealth could explain why abortions jumped in the wake of the Dobbs decision, even as 21 states have partially or completely outlawed the procedure.

“This is bewildering, surprising and unexpected — we expected the numbers to drop,” said Upadhyay. “There’s a lot of unmet need being met through telehealth.”

‘Half the patients I see are sitting in their car’

The meteoric rise of medication abortion is part of the reason antiabortion activists have gone to such pains to get rid of it, many say.

“Telehealth abortion is worrisome to that side because they know that it is safe and it is effective and people can end pregnancies on their own,” said Michele Goodwin, a law professor at UC Irvine and an expert on reproductive justice. “That’s threatening to them.”

Medication abortion using mifepriestone was already cheaper, faster and easier to access than vacuum aspiration and other in-clinic procedures when telehealth became available under emergency pandemic rules in 2020.

But it became radically more accessible and less expensive in 2021, as virtual providers including Hey Jane, Abortion on Demand and 145 Abortion Telemedicine established themselves alongside brick-and-mortar clinics under the FDA’s new guidance.

And more clinicians felt called to offer it in 2022, as state bans pushed abortion seekers to neighboring states, stretching wait times at in-person clinics in Colorado, Illinois and Kansas, where an in-clinic appointment can take weeks to secure.

“Even before the Dobbs decision, I asked myself, what can I do?” said Dr. Stephanie Colantonio, a Los Angeles-based pediatrician who began providing care in 2021. “It was really meaningful to me that I would be able to offer this to people.”

California has also moved to make care more accessible, though barriers remain. Medi-Cal covers about half of all abortions in the state — almost the same as the proportion of births it pays for — but billing for telehealth is still novel, and few providers can do it.

“California only recently updated the law to cover telehealth for abortion last year,” said Upadhyay. “For most [Medi-Cal] patients, they have to decide, do I want free abortion or do I want to pay and get telehealth?”

That decision is often fraught.

“We see a lot of patients on lunch breaks,” said Leah Coplon, a nurse-midwife and director of clinical operations at Abortion on Demand. “I feel like half the patients I see are sitting in their car.”

‘In the comfort of my own home’

Seeking pills through the mail can also be the only physically accessible option for disabled abortion-seekers.

“The disability community is very concerned about this, because this could result in complete denials of care,” said Jillian MacLeod, reproductive justice legal fellow at the Disability Rights Education & Defense Fund, which filed a brief in support of telehealth abortion.

Still others say telehealth simply feels safer to them.

“I wanted to be able to do it in the comfort of my own home,” said Charlie Ann Max, a Los Angeles model who took the pills earlier this year. “It felt the most safe.”

With mifepristone under threat, some providers are looking at alternatives that would keep telehealth available to those who need it most. Many say that would mean prescribing only the second drug in the protocol, misoprostol, which is used to induce labor as well as for pregnancy termination.

“That would be the backup,” said Dr. Jayaram Brindala of 145 Telehealth. “It’s not ideal clinically, but still a good option for people who are in the first 13 weeks.”

Gomez agreed. “It’s very effective, but it’s not what I would recommend for my sister or my best friend or my daughter,” the doctor said.

Last year, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced California would stockpile the drug to maintain an emergency supply.

“Those who oppose abortion access have made it clear that they will not stop seeking new ways to roll back access and abortion rights across the country,” state Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta said.

His Department of Justice will use “every tool” at its disposal to keep California a haven for reproductive healthcare, he said.

“No matter what happens in the mifepristone case in the Supreme Court, it’s not going to be the end of our fight,” Bonta said.

Science

What a Speech Reveals About Trump’s Plans for Nuclear Weapons

Published

12 hours ago

February 14, 2026

Press Room

What a Speech Reveals About Trump’s Plans for Nuclear Weapons

Within hours of the expiration last week of the final arms control treaty between Moscow and Washington, the State Department sent its top arms diplomat, Thomas G. DiNanno, to Geneva to lay out Washington’s vision for the future. His public address envisioned a future filled with waves of nuclear arms buildups and test detonations.

The views of President Trump’s administration articulated in Mr. DiNanno’s speech represent a stark break with decades of federal policy. In particular, deep in the speech, he describes a U.S. rationale for going its own way on the global ban on nuclear test detonations, which had been meant to curb arms races that in the Cold War had raised the risk of miscalculation, and war.

This annotation of the text of his remarks aims to offer background information on some of the specialized language of nuclear policymaking that Mr. DiNanno used to make his points, while highlighting places where outside experts may disagree with his and the administration’s claims.

What remains unknown is the extent to which Mr. DiNanno’s presentation represents a fixed policy of unrestrained U.S. arms buildups, or more of an open threat meant to spur negotiations toward new global accords on ways to better manage the nuclear age.

Read the original speech.

New York Times Analysis

Established in 1979 as Cold War arsenals grew worldwide, the Conference on Disarmament is a United Nations arms reduction forum made up of 65 member states. It has helped the world negotiate and adopt major arms agreements.

In his State Department role, working under Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Mr. DiNanno is Washington’s top diplomat for the negotiation and verification of international arms accords. Past holders of that office include John Bolton during the first term of the George W. Bush administration and Rose Gottemoeller during Barack Obama’s two terms.

This appears to be referring to China, which has 600 nuclear weapons today. By 2030, U.S. intelligence estimates say it will have more than 1,000.

Here he means Russia, which is conducting tests to put a nuclear weapon into space as well as to develop an underwater drone meant to cross oceans.

New York Times Analysis

« Previous Next »

In this year’s federal budget, the Trump administration is to spend roughly $90 billion on nuclear arms, including basic upgrades of the nation’s arsenal and the replacement of aging missiles, bombers and submarines that can deliver warheads halfway around the globe.

A chief concern of many American policymakers is that Washington will soon face not just a single peer adversary, as in the Cold War, but two superpower rivals, China and Russia.

New York Times Analysis

« Previous Next »

The 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty or I.N.F. banned all weapons capable of traveling between 500 and 5,500 kilometers, or 310 and 3,420 miles, whether armed with nuclear or conventional warheads. The Trump administration is now deploying a number of conventionally armed weapons in that range, including a cruise missile and a hypersonic weapon.

The destructive force of the relatively small Russian arms can be just fractions of the Hiroshima bomb’s power, perhaps making their use more likely. The lesser warheads are known as tactical or nonstrategic nuclear arms, and President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia has repeatedly threatened to use them in Ukraine.

Negotiators of arms control treaties have mostly focused on long-range weapons because the delivery vehicles and their deadly warheads are considered planet shakers that could end civilization.

New York Times Analysis

« Previous Next »

This underwater Russian craft is meant to cross an ocean, detonate a thermonuclear warhead and raise a radioactive tsunami powerful enough to shatter a coastal city.

The nuclear power source of this Russian weapon can in theory keep the cruise missile airborne far longer than other nuclear-armed missiles.

Russia has conducted test launches for placing a nuclear weapon into orbit, which the Biden administration quietly warned Congress about two years ago.

The term refers to the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council—China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States.

New York Times Analysis

« Previous Next »

A top concern of American officials is that Beijing and Moscow might form an alliance to coordinate their nuclear forces. Their joint program to develop fuel for atom bombs is seen as an indication of this emerging threat.

This Trump administration plan is dated November but was made public in December.

Released last year, this Chinese government document sought to portray Beijing as a leader in reducing the global threat of nuclear weapons.

Typically, arms control treaties have not required countries to destroy warheads so their keepers put them into storage for possible reuse. The United States retains something on the order of 20,000 small atom bombs meant to ignite the larger blasts of hydrogen bombs.

An imminent surge centers on the nation’s Ohio-class submarines. The Trump administration has called for the reopening of submarine missile tubes that were closed to comply with the New START limits. That will add as many 56 long-range missiles to the fleet. Because each missile can hold multiple arms, the additional force adds up to hundreds more warheads.

This refers to weapons meant for use on a battlefield or within a particular geographic region rather than for aiming at distant targets. It is often seen as synonymous with intermediate-range weapons.

Here, the talk turns to the explosive testing of nuclear weapons for safety, reliability and devising new types of arms. The United States last conducted such a test in 1992 and afterwards adopted a policy of using such nonexplosive means like supercomputer simulations to evaluate its arsenal. In 1996, the world’s nuclear powers signed a global ban on explosive testing. A number of nations, including the United States and China, never ratified the treaty, and it never officially went into force.

In new detail, the talk addresses what Mr. Trump meant last fall when he declared that he had instructed the Pentagon “to start testing our Nuclear Weapons on an equal basis” in response to the technical advances of unnamed foreign states.

Outside experts say the central issue is not whether China and Russia are cheating on the global test ban treaty but whether they are adhering to the U.S. definition. From the treaty’s start in 1996, Washington interpreted “zero” explosive force as the compliance standard but the treaty itself gives no definition for what constitutes a nuclear explosion. Over decades, that ambiguity led to technical disputes that helped block the treaty’s ratification.

By definition, all nuclear explosions are supercritical, which means they split atoms in chain reactions that become self-sustaining in sufficient amounts of nuclear fuel. The reports Mr. DiNanno refers to told of intelligence data suggesting that Russia was conducting a lesser class of supercritical tests that were too small to be detected easily. Russian scientists have openly discussed such small experiments, which are seen as useful for assessing weapon safety but not for developing new types of weapons.

This sounds alarming but experts note that the text provides no evidence and goes on to speak of preparations, not detonations, except in one specific case.

New York Times Analysis

« Previous

The talk gave no clear indication of how the claims about Russian and Chinese nuclear testing might influence U.S. arms policy. But it repeated Mr. Trump’s call for testing “on an equal basis,” suggesting the United States might be headed in that direction, too.

The talk, however, ended on an upbeat but ambiguous note, giving no indication of what Mr. DiNanno meant by “responsible.” Even so, the remark came in the context of bilateral and multilateral actions to reduce the number of nuclear arms in the world, suggesting that perhaps the administration’s aim is to build up political leverage and spur new negotiations with Russia, China or both on testing restraints.

Science

Notoriously hazardous South L.A. oil wells finally plugged after decades of community pressure

Published

14 hours ago

February 14, 2026

Press Room

Notoriously hazardous South L.A. oil wells finally plugged after decades of community pressure

California Gov. Gavin Newsom announced this week that state oil and gas regulators have permanently closed one of the most infamous drill sites in Los Angeles, bringing an end to a decades-long community campaign to prevent dangerous gas leaks and spills from rundown extraction equipment.

A state contractor plugged all 21 oil wells at the AllenCo Energy drill site in University Park, preventing the release of noxious gases and chemical vapors into the densely populated South Los Angeles neighborhood. The two-acre site, owned by the Archdiocese of Los Angeles, is located across the street from several multifamily apartment buildings and less than 1,000 feet from St. Vincent School.

For years, residents and students had repeatedly complained about acrid odors from the site, with many suffering chronic headaches and nosebleeds. The health concerns prompted a community-driven campaign to shut down the site, with some residents even pleading (unsuccessfully) with the late Pope Francis to intervene.

AllenCo, the site’s operator since 2009, repeatedly flouted environmental regulations and defied state orders to permanently seal its wells.

This month, the California Department of Conservation’s Geologic Energy Management Division (CalGEM) finished capping the remaining unplugged wells with help from Biden-era federal funding.

“This is a monumental achievement for the community who have endured an array of health issues and corporate stalling tactics for far too long,” Newsom said in a statement Wednesday. “I applaud the tireless work of community activists who partnered with local and state agencies to finish the job and improve the health and safety of this community. This is a win for all Californians.”

The land was donated to the Catholic Archdiocese of Los Angeles in the 1950s by descendants of one of the city’s early oil barons. Over the decades, the archdiocese leased the land to several oil companies including Standard Oil of California.

Much of the community outcry over the site’s management occurred after AllenCo took over the site in 2009. The company drastically boosted oil production, but failed to properly maintain its equipment, resulting in oil spills and gas leaks.

In 2013, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency officials became sick while inspecting the site. The federal investigators encountered puddles of crude oil on the facility grounds, as well as caustic fumes emanating from the facility, resulting in violations for air quality and other environmental infractions.

In 2020, CalGEM ordered AllenCo to plug the wells after if determined the company had essentially deserted the site, leaving the wells unplugged and in an unsafe condition. AllenCo ignored the order.

In perhaps the most remarkable events in the site’s history, CalGEM officials in 2022 arrived on the site with a court order and used bolt cutters to enter the site to depressurize the poorly maintained oil wells.

The AllenCo wells were prioritized and plugged this week as part of a CalGEM program to identify and permanently cap high-risk oil and gas wells. Tens of thousands of unproductive and unplugged oil wells have been abandoned across California — many of which continue to leak potentially explosive methane or toxic benzene.

Environmental advocates have long fought for regulators to require oil and gas companies to plug these wells to protect nearby communities and the environment.

However, as oil production declines and fossil fuel companies increasingly become insolvent, California regulators worry taxpayers may have to assume the costs to plug these wells. Federal and state officials have put aside funding to deal with some of these so-called “orphaned” wells, but environmental advocates say it’s not enough. They say oil and gas companies still need to be held to account, so that the same communities that were subjected to decades of pollution won’t have to foot the bill for expensive cleanups.

“This is welcome news that the surrounding community deserves, but there is much more work to be done at a much faster pace,” said Cooper Kass, attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity’s Climate Law Institute. “There are still thousands of unplugged and hazardous idle wells threatening communities across the state, and our legislators and regulators should force polluters, not taxpayers, to pay to clean up these dangerous sites.”

Science

Newsom tells world leaders Trump’s retreat on the environment will mean economic harm

Published

1 day ago

February 13, 2026

Press Room

Newsom tells world leaders Trump’s retreat on the environment will mean economic harm

SACRAMENTO — Gov. Gavin Newsom told world leaders Friday that President Trump’s retreat from efforts to combat climate change would decimate the U.S. automobile industry and surrender the future economic viability to China and other nations embracing the transition to renewable energy.

Newsom, appearing at the Munich Security Conference in Germany, urged diplomats, business leaders and policy advocates to forcefully stand up to Trump’s global bullying and loyalty to the oil and coal industry. The California governor said the Trump administration’s massive rollbacks on environmental protection will be short-lived.

“Donald Trump is temporary. He’ll be gone in three years,” Newsom said during a Friday morning panel discussion on climate action. “California is a stable and reliable partner in this space.”

Newsom’s comments came in the wake of the Trump administration’s repeal of the endangerment finding and all federal vehicle emissions regulations. The endangerment finding is the U.S. government’s 2009 affirmation that planet-heating pollution poses a threat to human health and the environment.

Environmental Protection Agency administrator Lee Zeldin said the finding has been regulatory overreach, placing heavy burdens on auto manufacturers, restricting consumer choice and resulting in higher costs for Americans. Its repeal marked the “single largest act of deregulation in the history of the United States of America,” he said.

Scientists and experts were quick to condemn the action, saying it contradicts established science and will put more people in harm’s way. Independent researchers around the world have long concluded that greenhouse gases released by the burning of gasoline, diesel and other fossil fuels are warming the planet and worsening weather disasters.

The move will also threaten the U.S.’s position as a leader in the global clean energy transition, with nations such as China pulling ahead on electric vehicle production and investments in renewables such as solar, batteries and wind, experts said.

Newsom’s trip to Germany is just his latest international jaunt in recent months as he positions himself to lead the Democratic Party’s opposition to Trump and the Republican-led Congress, and to seed a possible run for the White House in 2028. Last month Newsom traveled to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, and in November to the U.N. climate summit in Belém, Brazil — mocking and condemning Trump’s policies on Greenland, international trade and the environment.

When asked how he would restore the world’s confidence in the United States if he were to become president, Newsom sidestepped. Instead he offered a campaign-like soliloquy on California’s success on fostering Tesla and the nation’s other top electric vehicle manufacturers as well as being a magnet for industries spending billions of dollars on research and development for the global transition away from carbon-based economies.

The purpose of the Munich conference was to open a dialogue among world leaders on global security, military, economic and environmental issues. Along with Friday’s discussion on climate action, Newsom is scheduled to appear at a livestreamed forum on transatlantic cooperation Saturday.

Andrew Forrest, executive chairman of the Australia-based mining company giant Fortescue, said during a panel Friday his company is proof that even the largest energy-consuming companies in the world can thrive without relying on the carbon-based fuels that have driven industries for more than a century. Fortescue, which buys diesel fuel from countries across the world, will transition to a “green grid” this decade, saving the company a billion dollars a year, he said.

“The science is absolutely clear, but so is the economics. I am, and my company Fortescue is, the industrial-grade proof that going renewable is great economics, great business, and if you desert it, then in the end, you’ll be sorted out by your shareholders or by your voters at the ballot box,” Forrest said.

Newsom said California has also shown the world what can be done with innovative government policies that embrace electric vehicles and the transition to a non-carbon-based economy, and continues to do so despite the attacks and regressive mandates being imposed by the Trump administration.

“This is about economic prosperity and competitiveness, and that’s why I’m so infuriated with what Donald Trump has done,” Newsom said. “Remember, Tesla exists for one reason — California’s regulatory market, which created the incentives and the structure and the certainty that allowed Elon Musk and others to invest and build that capacity. We are not walking away from that.”

California has led the nation in the push toward EVs. For more than 50 years, the state enjoyed unique authority from the EPA to set stricter tailpipe emission standards than the federal government, considered critical to the state’s efforts to address its notorious smog and air-quality issues. The authority, which the Trump administration has moved to rescind, was also the basis for California’s plan to ban the sale of new gasoline-powered cars by 2035.

The administration again targeted electric vehicles in its announcement on Thursday.

“The forced transition to electric vehicles is eliminated,” Zeldin said. “No longer will automakers be pressured to shift their fleets toward electric vehicles, vehicles that are still sitting unsold on dealer lots all across America.”

But the efforts to shut down the energy transition may be too little, too late, said Hannah Safford, former director of transportation and resilience at the White House Climate Policy Office under the Biden administration.

“Electric cars make more economic sense for people, more models are becoming available, and the administration can’t necessarily stop that from happening,” said Safford, who is now associate director for climate and environment at the Federation of American Scientists.

Still, some automakers and trade groups supported the EPA’s decision, as did fossil fuel industry groups and those geared toward free markets and regulatory reform. Among them were the Independent Petroleum Assn. of America, which praised the administration for its “efforts to reform and streamline regulations governing greenhouse gas emissions.”

Ford, which has invested in electric vehicles and recently completed a prototype of a $30,000 electric truck, said in a statement to The Times that it appreciated EPA’s move “to address the imbalance between current emissions standards and consumer choice.”

Toyota, meanwhile, deferred to a statement from Alliance for Automotive Innovation president John Bozzella, who said similarly that “automotive emissions regulations finalized in the previous administration are extremely challenging for automakers to achieve given the current marketplace demand for EVs.”