Science
Richard L. Garwin, a Creator of the Hydrogen Bomb, Dies at 97
Richard L. Garwin, an architect of America’s hydrogen bomb, who shaped defense policies for postwar governments and laid the groundwork for insights into the structure of the universe as well as for medical and computer marvels, died on Tuesday at his home in Scarsdale, N.Y. He was 97.
His death was confirmed by his son Thomas.
A polymathic physicist and geopolitical thinker, Dr. Garwin was only 23 when he built the world’s first fusion bomb. He later became a science adviser to many presidents, designed Pentagon weapons and satellite reconnaissance systems, argued for a Soviet-American balance of nuclear terror as the best bet for surviving the Cold War, and championed verifiable nuclear arms control agreements.
While his mentor, the Nobel laureate Enrico Fermi, called him “the only true genius I have ever met,” Dr. Garwin was not the father of the hydrogen bomb. The Hungarian-born physicist Edward Teller and the Polish mathematician Stanislaw Ulam, who developed theories for a bomb, may have greater claims to that sobriquet.
In 1951-52, however, Dr. Garwin, at the time an instructor at the University of Chicago and just a summer consultant at the Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico, designed the actual bomb, using the Teller-Ulam ideas. An experimental device code-named Ivy Mike, it was shipped to the Western Pacific and tested on an atoll in the Marshall Islands.
Intended only to prove the fusion concept, the device did not even resemble a bomb. It weighed 82 tons, was undeliverable by airplane and looked like a gigantic thermos bottle. Soviet scientists, who did not test a comparable device until 1955, derisively called it a thermonuclear installation.
But at the Enewetak Atoll on Nov. 1, 1952, it spoke: An all-but-unimaginable fusion of atoms set off a vast, instant flash of blinding light, soundless to distant observers, and a fireball two miles wide with a force 700 times greater than the atomic bomb that destroyed Hiroshima in 1945. Its mushroom cloud soared 25 miles and expanded to 100 miles across.
Because secrecy shrouded the development of America’s thermonuclear weapons programs, Dr. Garwin’s role in creating the first hydrogen bomb was virtually unknown for decades outside a small circle of government defense and intelligence officials. It was Dr. Teller, whose name had long been associated with the bomb, who first publicly credited him.
“The shot was fired almost precisely according to Garwin’s design,” Dr. Teller said in a 1981 statement that acknowledged the crucial role of the young prodigy. Still, that belated recognition got little notice, and Dr. Garwin long remained unknown publicly.
Compared with later thermonuclear weapons, Dr. Garwin’s bomb was crude. Its raw power nonetheless recalled films of the first atomic bomb test in New Mexico in 1945, and the appalled reaction of its creator, J. Robert Oppenheimer, reflecting upon the sacred Hindu text of the Bhagavad Gita: “Now I am become Death, the destroyer of worlds.”
For Dr. Garwin, it was something less.
“I never felt that building the hydrogen bomb was the most important thing in the world, or even in my life at the time,” he told Esquire magazine in 1984. Asked about any feelings of guilt, he said: “I think it would be a better world if the hydrogen bomb had never existed. But I knew the bombs would be used for deterrence.”
A Pivot to I.B.M.
Although the first hydrogen bomb was constructed to his specifications, Dr. Garwin was not even present to witness its detonation at Enewetak. “I’ve never seen a nuclear explosion,” he said in an interview for this obituary in 2018. “I didn’t want to take the time.”
After his success on the hydrogen bomb project, Dr. Garwin said, he found himself at a crossroads in 1952. He could return to the University of Chicago, where he had earned his doctorate under Fermi and was now an assistant professor, with the promise of life at one of the nation’s most prestigious academic institutions.
Or he could accept a far more flexible job at the International Business Machines Corporation. It offered a faculty appointment and use of the Thomas J. Watson Laboratory at Columbia University, with wide freedom to pursue his research interests. It would also let him continue to work as a government consultant at Los Alamos and in Washington.
He chose the I.B.M. deal, and it lasted for four decades, until his retirement.
For I.B.M., Dr. Garwin worked on an endless stream of pure and applied research projects that yielded an astonishing array of patents, scientific papers and technological advances in computers, communications and medicine. His work was crucial in developing magnetic resonance imaging, high-speed laser printers and later touch-screen monitors.
A dedicated maverick, Dr. Garwin worked hard for decades to advance the hunt for gravitational waves — ripples in the fabric of space-time that Einstein had predicted. In 2015, the costly detectors he backed were able to successfully observe the ripples, opening a new window on the universe.
Meantime, Dr. Garwin continued to work for the government, consulting on national defense issues. As an expert on weapons of mass destruction, he helped select priority Soviet targets and led studies on land, sea and air warfare involving nuclear-armed submarines, military and civilian aircraft, and satellite reconnaissance and communication systems. Much of his work continued to be secret, and he remained largely unknown to the public.
He became an adviser to such Presidents as Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton. He also became known as a voice against President Ronald Reagan’s proposals for a space-based missile system, popularly called Star Wars, to defend the nation against nuclear attack. It was never built.
One of Dr. Garwin’s celebrated battles had nothing to do with national defense. In 1970, as a member of Nixon’s science advisory board, he ran afoul of the president’s support for development of the supersonic transport plane. He concluded that the SST would be expensive, noisy, bad for the environment and a commercial dud. Congress dropped its funding. Britain and France subsidized the development of their own SST, the Concorde, but Dr. Garwin’s predictions proved largely correct, and interest faded.
Clashes With Military
A small, professorial man with thinning flyaway hair and a gentle voice more suited to college lectures than a congressional hot seat, Dr. Garwin became an almost legendary figure in the defense establishment, giving speeches, writing articles and testifying before lawmakers on what he called misguided Pentagon choices.
Some of his feuds with the military were bitter and long-running. They included fights over the B-1 bomber, the Trident nuclear submarine and the MX missile system, a network of mobile, land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles that were among the most lethal weapons in history. All eventually joined America’s vast arsenal.
While Dr. Garwin was frustrated by such setbacks, he pressed ahead. His core message was that America should maintain a strategic balance of nuclear power with the Soviet Union. He opposed any weapon or policy that threatened to upset that balance, because, he said, it kept the Russians in check. He liked to say that Moscow was more interested in live Russians than dead Americans.
Dr. Garwin supported reductions of nuclear arsenals, including the 1979 Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT II), negotiated by President Carter and Leonid Brezhnev, the Soviet premier. But Dr. Garwin insisted that mutually assured destruction was the key to keeping the peace.
In 2021, he joined 700 scientists and engineers, including 21 Nobel laureates, who signed an appeal asking President Joseph R. Biden Jr. to pledge that the United States would never be the first to use nuclear weapons in a conflict. Their letter also called for an end to the American practice of giving the president sole authority to order the use of nuclear weapons; a curb on that authority, they said, would be “an important safeguard against a possible future president who is unstable or who orders a reckless attack.”
The ideas were politically delicate, and Mr. Biden made no such pledge.
Dr. Garwin told Quest magazine in 1981, “The only thing nuclear weapons are good for, and have ever been good for, is massive destruction, and by that threat deterring nuclear attack: If you slap me, I’ll clobber you.”
A Whiz Kid at 5
Richard Lawrence Garwin was born in Cleveland on April 19, 1928, the older of two sons of Robert and Leona (Schwartz) Garwin. His father was a teacher of electronics at a technical high school during the day and a projectionist in a movie theater at night. His mother was a legal secretary. At an early age, Richard, called Dick, showed remarkable intelligence and technical ability. By 5, he was repairing family appliances.
He and his brother, Edward, attended public schools in Cleveland. Dick graduated at 16 from Cleveland Heights High School in 1944 and earned a bachelor’s degree in physics in 1947 from what is now Case Western Reserve University.
In 1947, he married Lois Levy. She died in 2018. In addition to his son Thomas, he is survived by another son, Jeffrey; a daughter, Laura; five grandchildren; and one great-grandchild.
Under Fermi’s tutelage at the University of Chicago, Dr. Garwin earned a master’s degree in 1948 and a doctorate in 1949, scoring the highest marks on doctoral exams ever recorded by the university. He then joined the faculty, but at Fermi’s urging spent his summers at the Los Alamos lab, where his H-bomb work unfolded.
After retiring in 1993, Dr. Garwin chaired the State Department’s Arms Control and Nonproliferation Advisory Board until 2001. He served in 1998 on the Commission to Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States.
Dr. Garwin’s home in Scarsdale is not far from his longtime base at the I.B.M. Watson Labs, which had moved in 1970 from Columbia University to Yorktown Heights, in Westchester County.
He held faculty appointments at Harvard and Cornell as well as Columbia. He held 47 patents, wrote some 500 scientific research papers and wrote many books, including “Nuclear Weapons and World Politics” (1977, with David C. Gompert and Michael Mandelbaum), and “Megawatts and Megatons: A Turning Point in the Nuclear Age?” (2001, with Georges Charpak).
He was the subject of a biography, “True Genius: The Life and Work of Richard Garwin, the Most Influential Scientist You’ve Never Heard Of” (2017), by Joel N. Shurkin.
His many honors included the 2002 National Medal of Science, the nation’s highest award for science and engineering achievements, given by President George W. Bush, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian award, bestowed by President Barack Obama in 2016.
“Ever since he was a Cleveland kid tinkering with his father’s movie projectors, he’s never met a problem he didn’t want to solve,” Mr. Obama said in a lighthearted introduction at the White House. “Reconnaissance satellites, the M.R.I., GPS technology, the touch-screen — all bear his fingerprints. He even patented a mussel washer for shellfish — that I haven’t used. The other stuff I have.”
William J. Broad and Ash Wu contributed reporting.
Science
How to Build a Better Kind of Nuclear Power? This Side Hustle Might Help.
Atomic fusion has long been seen as the ultimate source of clean energy because of all its advantages over fission, the process that has powered nuclear power plants for nearly eight decades.
It’s safer — no chain reactions, no meltdowns. It would leave no long-lasting radioactive waste. And it would use fuels that are cheaper and more abundant, providing an attractive source of round-the-clock, emissions-free energy that could help stop climate change.
Now, one leading fusion start-up has decided the best way to beat fission might be to embrace it.
Zap Energy, a nine-year-old company in Everett, Wash., said on Wednesday that it had begun developing a small fission reactor, one that would be cheaper and less complex to build than existing nuclear reactors.
Zap isn’t moving away from fusion, Benj Conway, the company’s president and co-founder, said in an interview. Fission and fusion are opposite processes; the former splits atoms while the latter melds them. Even so, there are commonalities in engineering that give Zap and its particular design for a fusion reactor a head start in fission, Mr. Conway said.
Plus, developing fission reactors will give the company experience in obtaining regulatory approvals and building to commercial safety standards, he said. That experience will be important when the company starts building fusion plants.
By pursuing fission, “we’ll be building fusion power plants much, much earlier than we would be doing otherwise,” Mr. Conway said. Zap hopes to bring its fission reactor to market in the early 2030s.
Other start-ups around the country are also aiming to build small, next-generation fission reactors. But none of them started out in fusion.
Electricity demand is surging as data centers multiply, and the Trump administration is encouraging new nuclear plants to play a big role in meeting it. The administration is supporting fusion development as well, and a few fusion start-ups say their experimental devices are close to producing more power than they consume, the key breakthrough that has eluded fusion machines for decades. Still, most experts say fusion remains decades away from supporting the grid at large scale.
America’s best-funded fusion start-up, Commonwealth Fusion Systems, plans to build its first power plant in Virginia and turn it on the early 2030s. Helion Energy (which, like Zap, is based in Everett) is constructing a facility in eastern Washington that it says will deliver power to Microsoft in 2028.
Most fusion machines use either superstrong magnets or high-power lasers to cause plasma atoms to combine and release energy. Zap is working on a simpler device, one that achieves fusion by zapping plasma with electricity. The company hopes that, with no giant magnets or lasers, its reactors will be smaller and cheaper to build.
The design of Zap’s fusion reactor also shows promise for so-called hybrid nuclear systems that braid together fission and fusion. The company’s work in fission should help it develop hybrids down the road, Mr. Conway said.
According to Fusion Energy Base, a website that tracks the industry, Zap has raised $330 million from investors including the oil giants Chevron and Shell, the Japanese bank Mizuho and Breakthrough Energy Ventures, a venture capital firm founded by Bill Gates.
Zap’s experimental devices have crossed several technical milestones in recent years. “The fusion work’s going well, and fusion’s coming,” said Zabrina Johal, Zap’s newly appointed chief executive. “But there’s massive demand and need right now” for nuclear power, and the company can help fulfill it while continuing its core mission, Ms. Johal said.
Zap isn’t the first fusion start-up with a side hustle. Some sell magnets. Others produce radioactive substances used to diagnose and treat health conditions. One start-up, Marathon Fusion, says it has developed a method for using fusion reactors to turn mercury into gold.
Such efforts aren’t necessarily a sign that the prospects for fusion energy are dimming, said Sam Wurzel, the researcher who runs Fusion Energy Base. Commercial fusion is a colossal challenge, and generating revenue helps companies secure investment to fund research and development, he said. “In some ways, I see it as just responsible stewardship of investor funds.”
Zap is first aiming to build a 10-megawatt fission reactor, enough to power several thousand homes. The company is targeting users like remote data centers, logistics warehouses and isolated military bases, with devices that could be built in a factory and delivered by truck, train or cargo plane.
Most nuclear reactors today are cooled with highly pressurized water, but Zap’s would use liquid sodium. That would allow it to operate at lower pressures and with less shielding, helping it to be cooled more efficiently.
The challenge for many first-of-a-kind reactor technologies would be cost, said Jacopo Buongiorno, a professor of nuclear science and engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The energy such machines produce is likely to be very expensive, at least to start, he said.
“It is true that data centers are willing to pay more for electricity that is carbon free and stable, and nuclear provides that,” Dr. Buongiorno said. “But how much more?”
Science
How Iran Accumulated 11 Tons of Enriched Uranium
Since eight years ago when President Trump pulled out of a nuclear deal with Tehran, Iran has accumulated 22,000 pounds, or 11 tons, of enriched uranium. But the fate of Iran’s stockpile remains a mystery, two months after the United States began a war meant to prevent Iran from ever building an atomic bomb.
Uranium can light cities or destroy them. Low concentrations can power nuclear reactors. Higher concentrations, from a process called enrichment, can make nuclear bombs.
Concentrations in Iran’s stockpile
Uranium enrichment gets increasingly easy and fast as concentrations rise. It’s much harder to get to 20 percent from 0 percent than to 60 percent from 20 percent, or even to 90 percent — the preferred level for making nuclear arms.
Iran began enriching uranium on an industrial scale in 2006, describing its aims as peaceful. Reports from the International Atomic Energy Agency showed the stockpile growing over the next few years.
Chart shows the increasing stockpile of uranium enriched up to 5 percent, in light purple, from 2008 to 2010.
In 2010, Iran said it would begin enriching uranium up to 20 percent — ostensibly to make fuel for a research reactor. This level is the official dividing line between civilian and military uses.
Chart shows the increasing stockpile of uranium enriched up to 5 percent, in light purple, from 2008 to 2013, when it reaches about 20,000 pounds. A new area on the chart, in medium purple and indicating 20 percent enrichment, grows from 2010 onward.
The 20 percent level was alarming because it was about 80 percent of the way to bomb-grade fuel.
Chart zooms in into the area of uranium enriched to 20 percent.
As the stockpile kept growing, the Obama administration began talks to curb it.
In 2015, Iran and six nations led by the United States reached an accord that limited the purity of its enriched uranium to 3.67 percent and the size of its stockpile for 15 years.
Chart extends to show the increasing stockpile of uranium enriched to 5 percent, in light purple, from 2008 to 2015. The area of enriched to 20 percent is visible from 2010 to 2014.
Under the deal, Tehran shipped 25,000 pounds of enriched uranium, or 12.5 tons, and restricted the size of its stockpile to under 660 pounds.
Chart extends to show the stockpile of uranium enriched up to 2018, with the limit on its size imposed by the 2015 deal marked with a red line. The chart also shows a huge drop in the levels of enriched uranium after 2016.
Iran lacked a single bomb’s worth of uranium in 2018, when Mr. Trump withdrew the United States from the pact and reimposed a series of tough economic sanctions.
Then Iran began to enrich above the deal’s limit, first at low enrichment levels to pressure the West and then up to 20 percent in early 2021, just before Mr. Trump left office.
Chart shows the stockpile of uranium enriched from 2016 to 2022, and highlights May 2018, when Trump revoked the Iran nuclear deal.
The Biden administration tried, unsuccessfully, to restore aspects of the abandoned deal. Throughout the negotiations, Iran enriched uranium to an unprecedented level of up to 60 percent — a hairsbreadth away from the preferred grade for atom bombs.
Chart shows the stockpile of uranium enriched from 2019 to 2025, with all levels of enrichment increasing. Enrichment to 60 percent is also visible in dark colors from 2021 to 2025.
With Mr. Trump again in office in 2025, Iran’s stockpile of enriched uranium grew at the fastest rate since the International Atomic Energy Agency started reporting.
Chart zooms out to see the entire extent of the timeline, from 2006 to 2025.
In June 2025, during the 12-day war, the United States bombed Iran’s enrichment plants at Natanz and Fordow, as well as its uranium storage tunnels at Isfahan. One month later, Iran suspended cooperation with the I.A.E.A., ending the monitoring of the nation’s enrichment sites.
In the absence of on-site inspections and despite satellite monitoring, the location of the 11-ton stockpile remains uncertain.
Radioactive and chemically hazardous, parts of the stockpile remain hidden or buried under wartime rubble, making them difficult targets to access or destroy. It’s even a challenge to confirm they exist.
Even if Iran were to dig out the uranium, experts said, it would take many months — perhaps more than a year — to turn it into a warhead. They added that Iran, when the war started, posed no imminent nuclear threat.
The Trump administration has argued that U.S. satellites are monitoring the deeply buried uranium and that the cache is of little or no use to Iran because of the wide destruction of its nuclear sites and know-how.
Analysts question these assertions. They say Iran last year may have set up an enrichment plant in the mountain tunnels that adjoin its Isfahan site, where Tehran is also seen as storing the bulk of its uranium stockpile. If so, they say, that raises the possibility that Iran has a covert site where it might conduct new rounds of fuel enrichment to make fuel for an atomic bomb.
Methodology
To extract enrichment figures, The New York Times reviewed reports published quarterly by the International Atomic Energy Agency from 2003 to 2025. The agency started to report enrichment figures in February 2008. In 2016, it reported that the stockpile did not exceed 300 kilograms, or 660 pounds, of 3.67 percent enriched uranium, without providing exact figures.
Science
Immaculate Wilderness, Uncertain Future: Paddling the Boundary Waters
Saganaga Lake was so calm that I could see boulders 10 feet below the surface. The water reflected a mirror image of the clouds above as my partner, Brian, and I paddled between earth and sky. On the horizon, a forest of white pine, spruce and cedar delineated the northern shoreline, in Canada. The border between the two nations floated in the middle of this vast lake, one of more than 1,100 within Minnesota’s roadless, 1.1-million-acre Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness.
It was warm for mid-September — high 70s. We found a campsite on a small island dwarfed by a towering white pine. We quickly hauled up the canoe and jumped into the lake. I lost my breath, embracing the numbing water and letting it strip away 48 hours of grime.
What a difference a day makes. The previous afternoon we were stormbound, sitting under a tarp hastily strung between pines, watching lightning flash around us as rivulets of rainwater slowly flooded our campsite. Every so often a red-eyed loon would break the lake’s surface carrying a minnow in her beak to feed her chick.
But a nagging concern kept pulling me from the present: The beauty of this thriving ecosystem is increasingly shrouded by the threat of a proposed copper and nickel mine within the Rainy River watershed, which encompasses most of the Boundary Waters. Environmental groups warn that sulfuric acid, a byproduct of the mining operation, could contaminate the water and endanger everything living in it.
I grew up in northern Minnesota and have been paddling these lakes since I was a young child, first with my parents and four siblings, and later guiding teenagers out of a camp based on Sea Gull Lake. Now I paddle whenever I can string together a few free days and secure a permit.
A Pristine Ecosystem
Every year more than 150,000 people use the Boundary Waters, making it the most heavily visited wilderness area in the United States. At the height of summer, campsites on popular lakes can be in high demand. But “heavily visited” is a relative term; Glacier National Park, also roughly one million acres, welcomed 3.1 million visitors in 2025.
Designated a federal wilderness in 1964, the Boundary Waters stretches 150 miles along the international border and sits within the three-million-acre Superior National Forest.
The wilderness also sits within the five-million-acre 1854 Treaty Area, lands that the Ojibwe ceded to the federal government four years before Minnesota became a state. In return the Ojibwe reserved the right to hunt, fish and gather there in perpetuity.
This still pristine ecosystem of forests, lakes and rivers supports big animals like moose, black bear and lynx — and an abundance of mosquitoes. It’s not uncommon to watch a bald eagle dive out of the sky to spear a walleye, or to be lulled to sleep by the haunting trill of a loon.
There are almost 100 entry points to the wilderness and 2,000 designated, first-come-first-served campsites. Some lakes are no bigger than a pond. Others take hours to paddle across.
Paddlers can find ancient petroglyphs, carved by the Indigenous inhabitants who used this natural superhighway to move with the seasons and trade with neighboring tribes. In the 1600s their trade partners expanded to include French voyageurs in search of beaver pelts. In the 19th century, Europeans began to settle in the region, including my great-grandfather, who left Sweden in 1883, homesteading a patch of forest 20 miles west of Ely, the western gateway to what is now the wilderness.
Wildfires, hurricane-force winds and other natural disasters have altered the landscape, but what has remained nearly constant is the purity of the water. The Minnesota Pollution Control Agency recently declared water within the Rainy River drainage as “immaculate.”
Immaculate water is not a given. An eyelid-shaped deposit, known as the Duluth Complex, that arcs through the Superior National Forest and portions of the Boundary Waters, reportedly holds one of the largest undeveloped masses of copper-nickel on earth.
Iron ore and its derivative, taconite, have been mined to near depletion in northern Minnesota. In 1978, the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness Act banned mining within the wilderness and established a 222,000-acre protected zone along entry corridors. More than a decade before the ban, the Bureau of Land Management issued two 20-year federal mineral leases on 4,800 acres of Forest Service land, one directly adjacent to the Boundary Waters and the other within five miles. Twin Metals Minnesota, a subsidiary of the Chilean mining giant Antofagasta, eventually acquired the leases, though efforts to mine were paused after the B.L.M. denied a third lease-renewal request in 2016, citing environmental risks.
Conservation groups, tribal entities, politicians and locals have been working together to permanently ban copper mining here for more than a decade, since the process for extracting the metal creates dangerous byproducts, namely sulfuric acid.
“The only way to permanently protect this great wilderness is through legislation that bans copper mining in its headwaters,” said Becky Rom, a retired lawyer who grew up in Ely and is the national chair of the nonprofit coalition Save the Boundary Waters, in an interview last fall.
Twin Metals takes a different stance. Kathy Graul, the company’s director of communications, wrote in an email that Twin Metals would have to undergo years of regulatory review before it could begin mining, and “must prove through this process that we can meet the stringent environmental standards” set by the state of Minnesota.
In mid-April, after a decade of back-and-forth political battles, Congress narrowly overturned a mining ban instituted by the Biden administration. In an email, Representative Pete Stauber, Republican of Minnesota, said he was thrilled that the Senate passed his resolution, citing the development of critical minerals, helium and other natural resources. “The passage of this legislation is not an automatic green light for any proposed project,” he wrote. “Now, established federal and state permitting processes will determine the outcome.”
The resolution prevents a future Department of Interior from issuing similar protections without new congressional authorization. In response to the vote, Ingrid Lyons, the executive director of Save the Boundary Waters, said that “Congress has set a dangerous precedent for America’s public lands across the country.”
Ultimately, it is a state agency, Minnesota’s Department of Natural Resources, that will grant or deny the permit to mine, a process that may take years. In the meantime, a bill is pending in the Minnesota Legislature that prohibits copper mining in the headwaters of the Boundary Waters. Minnesotans could also pass an amendment to their Constitution to enshrine such a prohibition.
Strings of Islands and Intimidating Expanses
The beauty of the Boundary Waters is that excursions can be epic, weekslong adventures or short overnight trips to one lake. Brian and I had only a long weekend. Our plan was to paddle and portage roughly 20 miles through a chain of lakes, stopping to swim when the spirit moved us.
After a late start on the first day, under a bluebird sky with a light headwind, we met up at noon on Sea Gull Lake with Jim Wiinanen, 78, my old boss and the former director of a youth camp where I worked. Jim first set foot in the Boundary Waters in 1963 and hasn’t strayed far since, living 60 miles away in Grand Marais. Among other wilderness skills, Jim taught me how to use a compass, which feels quaint in the age of GPS, but is still invaluable when route-finding on a lake immersed in fog.
When I led canoe trips out of Sea Gull Lake in the early 1990s, we’d leave the comfort and safety of camp behind, paddling the narrow maze between the mainland and a string of islands that was lined by towering white pines and fragrant cedar. I felt exuberant and free until the 3,958-acre lake opened into an immense and intimidating expanse, at which point it would sink in that I was responsible for the health and well-being of eight other people, sometimes for up to two weeks.
Parts of Sea Gull’s shoreline are still densely forested. But a series of weather events — including powerful windstorms in 1999 and major fires in 2005, 2006 and 2007 — have drastically altered thousands of acres of forest, leaving behind a sparse, alien landscape of broken, charred trees.
Paddling Sea Gull Lake after the fires was gut-wrenching. Slowly, life has bounced back. I marveled at the clusters of young birch standing 15 feet high as we ate lunch at an island campsite near the southwestern corner of the lake.
“We are blessed with a natural system that from the beginning has absorbed catastrophic changes,” Jim said, diving into a turkey sandwich. “The ecosystem may not look the same, but it’s still there.”
We ate in silence, enjoying the warm rays of a weakening September sun. Inevitably we circled back — as most conversations in these parts do — to the omnipresent cloud of sulfide-ore copper mining.
“The scary part is the water,” Jim said. “ You probably won’t see the mercury accumulation, and you probably won’t see sulfuric acid accumulation. But how can anything live here if the lakes are poisoned?”
If you go:
How to reserve a permit: Plan your trip early. Permits are required between May 1 and Sept. 30, and quotas limit the number of visitors. Reservations on Recreation.gov open in the morning on the last Wednesday of January. The most popular put-ins go within minutes, so have a backup plan. Group size is limited to nine people and four canoes.
How to get there: The western gateway to the Boundary Waters is Ely; the eastern gateway is Grand Marais, which marks the beginning of the Gunflint Trail, a scenic byway; and there are multiple points of entry in between. Seasoned outfitters in both towns and along the Gunflint Trail offer every level of service, from canoe rentals to fully guided trips.
What to bring: Come prepared for a wide range of temperatures from May through September, from below freezing to 90 degrees. Bring layers, rain gear, tick and mosquito repellent, sturdy shoes and an extra dry pair for the campsite. Fisher or McKenzie maps, both of which are waterproof and show designated campsites and portages, are essential, as is a compass or a dedicated GPS device, which is usually more durable than a smartphone.
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