Politics
Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin says he won't support recently passed budget that includes tax hike
RICHMOND, Va. (AP) — The budget the Democratic-led Virginia General Assembly passed last week is a “broken” plan that would impose a $2.6 billion tax hike over two years, Gov. Glenn Youngkin said Thursday, announcing he had asked lawmakers to work with him on revisions.
Youngkin, who said he hoped to avoid vetoing the budget as a whole, called on Democratic leaders to “get around the table” with his administration to refashion a plan that axes a proposed new sales tax on digital goods and makes corresponding spending cuts to account for the revenue reduction. Youngkin suggested he could then submit compromise amendments to the budget for a General Assembly vote in April, when lawmakers reconvene next.
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“So that’s the work we’ll do over the course of the next three weeks in order to come up with a budget that does not have tax increases in it and make sure that we’re funding our key priorities,” Youngkin said.
He also made clear he would keep pushing to advance another priority lawmakers have so far rejected — a $2 billion development district with a new arena backed partly by public dollars and intended to lure the NBA’s Washington Wizards and the NHL’s Washington Capitals to Alexandria.
Youngkin’s remarks, which came during a campaign-style appearance at a Richmond-area restaurant filled with supporters, were the most extended he’s given on the budget since lawmakers adjourned their annual session Saturday after passing the spending plan for the next two years and a bill that makes adjustments to the existing budget.
Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin delivers his State of the Commonwealth address before a joint session of the Virginia General Assembly, Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2024, at the Capitol in Richmond, Va. Gov. Glenn Younkin took final action Friday, March, 8, 2024 on 84 pieces of legislation as the legislative session neared its conclusion in Richmond, Va.
Democrats have defended their budget proposal, which passed with some Republican support, as focused on the needs of working families and Virginia’s public education system.
The plan “was on time, it was balanced, structured, consistent with Virginia traditions, invested more in K-12 and advanced the priorities of Virginians we’re working for,” Senate Majority Leader Scott Surovell said Saturday.
But Youngkin called the plan “broken” and argued it would take Virginia “backward” after bills signed in the previous two years enacted a combined $5 billion in tax cuts, some through one-time rebates.
“They want to put their hand in your pocket and take your money that you deserve to keep and go do pet projects with it,” said Youngkin, who initially introduced the idea of the expanded sales tax in December but did so coupled with a cut to the income tax rates, resulting in a budget plan he said would reduce taxes overall.
Lawmakers also included language in their budget legislation directing Virginia to rejoin the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a multistate carbon cap-and-trade program intended to reduce power plants’ carbon emissions. A regulatory panel removed the state from the program under Youngkin’s direction in a move that’s being challenged in court.
The governor argues the program has functioned as a tax on Virginians because utilities can at least partly recover the compliance costs from ratepayers.
The combination of the cost of rejoining the initiative along with the proposed new tax on digital goods, which lawmakers expanded to include business-to-business transactions as well, would amount to $2.6 billion over two years, said Youngkin, who made clear he wants both components removed from the bill.
“We will not have a tax increase,” he said.
Democratic Del. Luke Torian, who chairs the House Appropriations Committee and is the top budget negotiator for his chamber, said in an interview Thursday evening that Youngkin had requested a meeting with legislators and that work was under way to find a date.
Torian said he would otherwise reserve further comment on the governor’s speech or his own position on the negotiations until he’d had the chance to discuss the matter with Youngkin.
Democratic Sen. L. Louise Lucas, Torian’s Senate counterpart and a sharp critic of the governor, didn’t immediately weigh in on Youngkin’s remarks but took a jab at the proposed arena deal on social media and in emails on which she copied reporters. She has been the Assembly’s leading opponent of the proposal, which Youngkin unveiled in December, and has effectively defeated standalone legislation underpinning it and blocked its inclusion in the budget legislation.
“The GlennDome is done,” she wrote in one of the emails, using her nickname for the project.
Youngkin, who noted he could insert arena language back into the budget bill, told reporters he hoped the Senate would give the proposal a more thorough vetting.
“The Senate has to engage,” he said.
Separately Thursday, Youngkin announced he had vetoed 20 bills, on top of eight others he shot down last week.
In a statement, his office said the measures “would impose significant burdens on small businesses, limit statewide decision-making, and escalate tuition fees and expenses for hardworking Virginia families.”
Among those vetoed was a bill that would have made Virginia the 49th state in the country to allow class-action lawsuits, Surovell said on social media.
Another sponsored by Democratic Sen. Jennifer Boysko would have prohibited employers from seeking the wage or salary history of a prospective employee or relying on that information in determining wages or salary. Boysko has argued such legislation would help narrow the wage gap for women and minorities.
Lawmakers sent Youngkin over 1,000 bills during the course of the 60-day legislative session. Legislators will meet April 17 to consider his proposed amendments to the budget and other legislation. They can also attempt to override his vetoes, which would require Republicans to join with the narrow Democratic majorities to reach a two-thirds vote threshold.
Politics
Video: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
new video loaded: Trump’s War of Choice With Iran
By David E. Sanger, Gilad Thaler, Thomas Vollkommer and Laura Salaberry
March 1, 2026
Politics
Dems’ potential 2028 hopefuls come out against US strikes on Iran
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Some of the top rumored Democratic potential candidates for president in 2028 are showing a united front in opposing U.S. strikes on Iran, with several high-profile figures accusing President Donald Trump of launching an unnecessary and unconstitutional war.
Former Vice President Kamala Harris said Trump was “dragging the United States into a war the American people do not want.”
“Let me be clear: I am opposed to a regime-change war in Iran, and our troops are being put in harm’s way for the sake of Trump’s war of choice,” Harris said in a statement Saturday following the joint U.S. and Israeli strikes throughout Iran.
“This is a dangerous and unnecessary gamble with American lives that also jeopardizes stability in the region and our standing in the world,” she continued. “What we are witnessing is not strength. It is recklessness dressed up as resolve.”
Former Vice President Kamala Harris, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and California Gov. Gavin Newsom are leading Democratic 2028 hopefuls who spoke out against U.S. strikes on Iran. (Big Event Media/Getty Images for HumanX Conference; Reuters/Liesa Johannssen; Mario Tama/Getty Images)
California Gov. Gavin Newsom delivered some of his sharpest criticism during a book tour stop Saturday night in San Francisco, accusing Trump of manufacturing a crisis.
“It stems from weakness masquerading as strength,” Newsom said. “He lied to you. So reckless is the only way to describe this.”
“He didn’t describe to the American people what the endgame is here,” Newsom added. “There wasn’t one. He manufactured it.”
Newsom is currently promoting his memoir, “Young Man in a Hurry,” with recent and upcoming stops in South Carolina, New Hampshire and Nevada — three key early voting states in the Democratic presidential calendar.
Earlier in the day, Newsom said Iran’s “corrupt and repressive” regime must never obtain nuclear weapons and that the “leadership of Iran must go.”
“But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war that will risk the lives of our American service members and our friends without justification to the American people,” Newsom wrote on X.
California is home to more than half of the roughly 400,000 Iranian immigrants in the United States, including a large community in West Los Angeles often referred to as “Tehrangeles.”
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Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., a leading progressive voice and “Squad” member, accused Trump of dragging Americans into a conflict they did not support.
“The American people are once again dragged into a war they did not want by a president who does not care about the long-term consequences of his actions. This war is unlawful. It is unnecessary. And it will be catastrophic,” Ocasio-Cortez said.
“Just this week, Iran and the United States were negotiating key measures that could have staved off war. The President walked away from these discussions and chose war instead,” she continued.
“In moments of war, our Constitution is unambiguous: Congress authorizes war. The President does not,” she said, pledging to vote “YES on Representatives Ro Khanna and Thomas Massie’s War Powers Resolution.”
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress. (Daniel Boczarski/Getty Images for Vox Media)
Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, another Democrat often mentioned as a potential 2028 contender, also criticized the strikes and accused Trump of ignoring Congress.
“No justification, no authorization from Congress, and no clear objective,” Pritzker wrote on X.
“Donald Trump is once again sidestepping the Constitution and once again failing to explain why he’s taking us into another war,” he continued. “Americans asked for affordable housing and health care, not another potentially endless conflict.”
“God protect our troops,” Pritzker added.
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails.
“In our democracy, the American people — through our elected representatives — decide when our nation goes to war,” Shapiro said, adding that Trump “acted unilaterally — without Congressional approval.”
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Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro focused his criticism on war powers, arguing Trump acted outside constitutional guardrails. (Rachel Wisniewski/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
“Make no mistake, the Iranian regime represses its own people… they must never be allowed to possess nuclear weapons,” he said. “But that does not justify the President of the United States engaging in an illegal, dangerous war.”
Shapiro added that “Congress must use all available power” to prevent further escalation.
Former Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg also accused Trump of launching a “war of choice.”
“The President has launched our nation and our great military into a war of choice, risking American lives and resources, ignoring American law, and endangering our allies and partners,” Buttigieg wrote on X. “This nation learned the hard way that an unnecessary war, with no plan for what comes next, can lead to years of chaos and put America in still greater danger.”
Buttigieg has been hitting early voting states, stopping in New Hampshire and Nevada in recent weeks to campaign for Democrats ahead of the 2026 midterm elections.
Sen. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., who has been floated as a rising national figure within the party, said he lost friends in Iraq to an illegal war and opposed the strikes.
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“Young working-class kids should not pay the ultimate price for regime change and a war that hasn’t been explained or justified to the American people. We can support the democracy movement and the Iranian people without sending our troops to die,” Gallego wrote on X.
Fox News’ Daniel Scully and Alex Nitzberg contributed to this report.
Politics
Commentary: With midterm vote starting, here’s where things stand in national redistricting fight
Donald Trump has never been one to play by the rules.
Whether it’s stiffing contractors as a real estate developer, defying court orders he doesn’t like as president or leveraging the Oval Office to vastly inflate his family’s fortune, Trump’s guiding principle can be distilled to a simple, unswerving calculation: What’s in it for me?
Trump is no student of history. He’s famously allergic to books. But he knows enough to know that midterm elections like the one in November have, with few exceptions, been ugly for the party holding the presidency.
With control of the House — and Trump’s virtually unchecked authority — dangling by a gossamer thread, he reckoned correctly that Republicans were all but certain to lose power this fall unless something unusual happened.
So he effectively broke the rules.
Normally, the redrawing of the country’s congressional districts takes place once every 10 years, following the census and accounting for population changes over the previous decade. Instead, Trump prevailed upon the Republican governor of Texas, Greg Abbott, to throw out the state’s political map and refashion congressional lines to wipe out Democrats and boost GOP chances of winning as many as five additional House seats.
The intention was to create a bit of breathing room, as Democrats need a gain of just three seats to seize control of the House.
In relatively short order, California’s Democratic governor, Gavin Newsom, responded with his own partisan gerrymander. He rallied voters to pass a tit-for-tat ballot measure, Proposition 50, which revised the state’s political map to wipe out Republicans and boost Democratic prospects of winning as many as five additional seats.
Then came the deluge.
In more than a dozen states, lawmakers looked at ways to tinker with their congressional maps to lift their candidates, stick it to the other party and gain House seats in November.
Some of those efforts continue, including in Virginia where, as in California, voters are being asked to amend the state Constitution to let majority Democrats redraw political lines ahead of the midterm. A special election is set for April 21.
But as the first ballots of 2026 are cast on Tuesday — in Arkansas, North Carolina and Texas — the broad contours of the House map have become clearer, along with the result of all those partisan machinations. The likely upshot is a nationwide partisan shift of fewer than a handful of seats.
The independent, nonpartisan Cook Political Report, which has a sterling decades-long record of election forecasting, said the most probable outcome is a wash. “At the end of the day,” said Erin Covey, who analyzes House races for the Cook Report, “this doesn’t really benefit either party in a real way.”
Well.
That was a lot of wasted time and energy.
Let’s take a quick spin through the map and the math, knowing that, of course, there are no election guarantees.
In Texas, for instance, new House districts were drawn assuming Latinos would back Republican candidates by the same large percentage they supported Trump in 2024. But that’s become much less certain, given the backlash against his draconian immigration enforcement policies; numerous polls show a significant falloff in Latino support for the president, which could hurt GOP candidates up and down the ballot.
But suppose Texas Republicans gain five seats as hoped for and California Democrats pick up the five seats they’ve hand-crafted. The result would be no net change.
Elsewhere, under the best case for each party, a gain of four Democratic House seats in Virginia would be offset by a gain of four Republican House seats in Florida.
That leaves a smattering of partisan gains here and there. A combined pickup of four or so Republican seats in Ohio, North Carolina and Missouri could be mostly offset by Democratic gains of a seat apiece in New York, Maryland and Utah.
(The latter is not a result of legislative high jinks, but rather a judge throwing out the gerrymandered map passed by Utah Republicans, who ignored a voter-approved ballot measure intended to prevent such heavy-handed partisanship. A newly created district, contained entirely within Democratic-leaning Salt Lake County, seems certain to go Democrats’ way in November.)
In short, it’s easy to characterize the political exertions of Trump, Abbott, Newsom and others as so much sound and fury producing, at bottom, little to nothing.
But that’s not necessarily so.
The campaign surrounding Proposition 50 delivered a huge political boost to Newsom, shoring up his standing with Democrats, significantly raising his profile across the country and, not least for his 2028 presidential hopes, helping the governor build a significant nationwide fundraising base.
In crimson-colored Indiana, Republicans refused to buckle under tremendous pressure from Trump, Vice President JD Vance and other party leaders, rejecting an effort to redraw the state’s congressional map and give the GOP a hold on all nine House seats. That showed even Trump’s Svengali-like hold on his party has its limits.
But the biggest impact is also the most corrosive.
By redrawing political lines to predetermine the outcome of House races, politicians rendered many of their voters irrelevant and obsolete. Millions of Democrats in Texas, Republicans in California and partisans in other states have been effectively disenfranchised, their voices rendered mute. Their ballots spindled and nullified.
In short, the politicians — starting with Trump — extended a big middle finger to a large portion of the American electorate.
Is it any wonder, then, so many voters hold politicians and our political system in contempt?
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