Politics
Trump's own unorthodox rise, focus on loyalty loom large as nominees face headwinds
For weeks, President-elect Donald Trump has faced a barrage of criticism over his nomination of Pete Hegseth for Defense secretary.
Hegseth, an Army National Guard major and co-host of “Fox & Friends Weekend,” is a staunchly conservative combat veteran who has defended Trump’s “America First” policies and called for an end to decades of progress in the U.S. military, including the deployment of women in fighting roles.
He also has little leadership experience and a raft of personal baggage that has dripped out steadily since Trump selected him — from sexual assault allegations in California, to accusations of financial mismanagement at two veterans groups, to widespread claims of severe alcohol abuse going back years, including in work settings.
Those issues have sparked concern among senators who would need to confirm Hegseth to the Pentagon post, and reports swirled Thursday that the nomination was doomed and Trump was considering withdrawing it.
Trump, however, swung back sharply Friday, defending Hegseth as a “WINNER” who was still in the fight.
“Pete Hegseth is doing very well,” Trump posted on his social media platform Truth Social. “His support is strong and deep, much more so than the Fake News would have you believe.”
The pitched battle over Hegseth is one piece of a broader fight among Trump, his critics on the left and a handful of Senate Republicans who have shown a willingness to block the president-elect’s most unqualified nominees. It is also one of the clearest examples yet, experts said, of how Trump’s own unorthodox rise to power and extreme need for loyalty will play a defining role in his second term.
That Trump would downplay traditional experience, dismiss alarming baggage and prioritize camera-ready adherence to his agenda as he seeks candidates for top positions in his new administration is not surprising, they said. Rather, it is in keeping with his own against-all-odds rise to power and his belief that the voters who reelected him — despite his own baggage — are largely unbothered by such issues, experts said.
Time and again, they said, Trump has shown he is willing to overlook criminal charges and convictions, allegations of sexual misconduct and various other red flags that may have short-circuited nominations in the past, as long as the nominees in question have a clear track record of loyalty to him. And while not all of those picks have panned out, and more may still fall, it remains likely that Trump will assemble one of the most unorthodox and inexperienced leadership teams in American history, the experts said.
In some ways, backers of the president-elect have championed that idea.
In a statement to The Times, Karoline Leavitt, a Trump transition spokeswoman, said that Trump “was re-elected by a resounding mandate from the American people to change the status quo in Washington,” and “has chosen brilliant and highly-respected outsiders” whom he will continue to “stand behind” despite efforts to “derail the MAGA Agenda.”
“All of President Trump’s cabinet nominees are receiving great feedback and support on Capitol Hill because they are qualified men and women who have the talent, experience, and necessary skill sets to help Make America Great Again,” Leavitt said.
Other conservative backers of Trump have echoed that idea — including in closing ranks around Hegseth — while Trump has lashed out at any suggestion that he is not in complete control of the nominations process. After the Wall Street Journal reported on a second Trump nominee pulling out under pressure, Trump lambasted the newspaper, writing on Truth Social that Chad Chronister, his pick to lead the Drug Enforcement Administration, “didn’t pull out, I pulled him out.”
Democratic critics and some outside experts take a different view. They say loyalty to Trump appears to be the only metric being applied to his nominees, and that those picks are facing stiff headwinds because they are clearly unfit for the roles otherwise.
Andrea Katz, a legal historian who teaches constitutional law at Washington University School of Law in St. Louis and writes often on presidential power, said all presidents make appointments based on a “mixture of who they like, who they can get, who will actually do the job well, and who needs to be rewarded for their loyalty.” And, conservative presidents for years have held the added assumption that many mainstream candidates and agency experts are too liberal to be trusted, she said.
“With the GOP generally, there’s been since Nixon — definitely accelerating under Reagan — this idea that the bureaucracy is not a conservative president’s friend, and you need to appoint people who are loyal to you and not to the agency you are appointing them to,” Katz said.
But Trump has taken that idea to a new level, she said, making the notion that career civil servants are “woke” and the “deep state” must be destroyed in favor of his own loyalists core to his approach to governance — and to nominations.
His picks, she said, “are historically aberrational outliers, beyond the pale normally, and therefore he is making a point by appointing them.”
In addition to Hegseth, Trump has put forward several Justice Department candidates who have raised eyebrows. His first pick for attorney general, former Rep. Matt Gaetz of Florida, withdrew his name amid allegations that he paid for sex with a minor and used illicit drugs and the widespread concerns about his fitness for office among senators.
Critics have noted that some of the allegations were already public — and under investigation by a House ethics panel — when Trump selected Gaetz for the nation’s top law enforcement position.
Trump’s replacement pick for attorney general, former Florida Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi, is viewed as more qualified, but has also been criticized for backing Trump’s false claims about the 2020 election being stolen. His pick for FBI director, Kash Patel, has been widely panned given his thin credentials and his embrace of Trump’s calls for retaliation against a “deep state” of government workers, members of the media and others who have challenged the once and future president.
FBI directors are normally appointed and left in office for 10-year terms, and Trump’s suggestion that he will replace current FBI Director Christopher A. Wray — who Trump himself appointed — has drawn derision in its own right.
Trump nominated Charles Kushner, the father of his son-in-law Jared Kushner, to serve as ambassador to France. The elder Kushner was pardoned by Trump in 2020 after pleading guilty in 2005 to 16 counts of tax evasion, one count of retaliating against a federal witness and one count of lying to the Federal Election Commission.
Trump nominated Peter Navarro, a top trade aide in his first administration, to again serve as a trade advisor. Navarro got out of prison earlier this year after being convicted of two counts of contempt of Congress for defying a congressional subpoena from a House committee investigating the attack on the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021.
Trump also has taken heat for his nominations of former Rep. Tulsi Gabbard to serve as his director of national intelligence despite her having little relevant experience and a history of defending U.S. adversaries; of billionaires Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy to serve in his newly invented “Department of Government Efficiency” despite having clear conflicts of interest through their business holdings; and of various others with ties to the conservative Project 2025 playbook despite his disavowing the blueprint during the campaign.
Besides Gaetz, the only Trump nominee to withdraw to date is Chronister, Trump’s pick to run the Drug Enforcement Administration. Chronister, the sheriff in Hillsborough County, Fla., had been criticized by conservatives over his record on immigration and his having arrested a mega-church pastor who defied a COVID-19 lockdown.
The unorthodox nature and baggage of Trump’s various picks have raised questions about his process for selecting leaders for his next administration, with some questioning whether his transition team is simply bad at vetting. Others see a purposeful disregard for past improprieties, with loyalty being the only true test.
“Trump is assembling a palace of the most loyal guards,” said Michael Sozan, a senior fellow at the liberal Center for American Progress, who worked for years in the Senate — including as chief of staff to former Sen. Mark Udall of Colorado — and has written extensively about the checks and balances in American government.
Trump’s nominees, Sozan noted, include people who lent credence to wild conspiracy theories, who have promised to “weaponize government to assault Trump’s political enemies,” and who have been accused of sexual assault or served time in prison, as well as “billionaires with massive conflicts of interest.” The only thing they all have in common is that they are “extremely loyal to Trump” — which is by design, he said. “This is what we see from authoritarians, what we see in other backsliding democracies.”
Sozan said every president “should get a lot of deference” in standing up their own administration, but Trump’s nominees are “so far out of the mainstream” that they deserve special scrutiny. “We have never seen anything like this in modern times.”
Sozan said he doesn’t think Trump cares whether people have been accused or convicted of crimes, and might even see nominating such people as “a way of minimizing” his own legal troubles, including allegations of sexual assault. “It’s almost a way of inoculating himself when he is surrounding himself with loyalists who have gone through similar travails.”
Katz said Trump’s revelry in shocking the mainstream leaders of his own party, angering his progressive opponents and delighting his anti-establishment MAGA base is clearly a factor in his nominations. But so is his deeply held belief, which he has “tested” repeatedly in the past, that “the public is going to perceive a legal liability the way he wants it to be perceived,” she said.
Trump tested that idea when he fired FBI Director James Comey during his first term amid an investigation into his campaign’s ties with Russia, and when he derided as baseless that investigation, the separate investigations into his political strong-arming of Ukraine, his 2020 election denial and the Jan. 6 attack, and both of his resulting impeachments, Katz said.
Each time, voters “didn’t leave him,” she said, “so I think he’s pretty confident that he is able to mold people’s perceptions of where an ethical red line is,” including when it comes to his nominees.
Robert C. Rowland, a professor of rhetoric at the University of Kansas and author of the book “The Rhetoric of Donald Trump: Nationalist Populism and American Democracy,” said Trump’s picks — a dozen now from Fox alone — have been characteristic of his approach to governing.
“Image and loyalty are always the first two things that influence Trump’s view of those with whom he works. He has picked any number of people who excel in praising him and who also have experience on television,” Rowland said.
Trump has “total faith in his own gut instincts” — over and above formal vetting — and “relishes playing the role of provocateur, with a special focus on ‘owning the libs,’” Rowland said.
Rowland said the result may well be a “crazy” mix of loyalists running the country — which he said was scary, as “they are not the adults in the room.”
Politics
Trump-aligned House holdouts accused of holding ‘life-saving’ veterans bill ‘hostage’ over SAVE America Act
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A sweeping veterans package supporters describe as the largest expansion of veterans’ health care and benefits in more than a decade is expected to return to the House floor when lawmakers come back from the July recess, but backers warn the legislation could once again become collateral damage in the Republican standoff over the SAVE America Act.
The Take Care of America’s Veterans Act rolls roughly 60 veterans bills into a package that would dramatically expand veterans’ health care and benefits. At its core, the legislation would cement veterans’ access to community care outside the VA while increasing benefits for combat-wounded veterans, caregivers and Gold Star families, expanding mental health services and enacting dozens of additional reforms.
House Veterans’ Affairs Committee Chairman Mike Bost, R-Ill., told Fox News Digital he intends to bring the Take Care of America’s Veterans Act back for a vote as soon as the House reconvenes next week.
WASHINGTON, D.C. – MARCH 17: Eugene Simpson, 29, from Dale City, Virginia goes through physical therapy at the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Washington, D.C. with Michael Minor, a kinesiotherapist with the United States Department of Veterans Affairs on March 17, 2006 in Washington, D.C., USA. (Photo by Jeff Hutchens/Getty Images) (Jeff Hutchens/Getty Images)
HOUSE CONSERVATIVES DERAIL GOP AGENDA IN SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWDOWN
The legislation was held up last month after a group of House Republicans joined Democrats to defeat a procedural vote, stopping the House from taking up the bill.
“I’m feeling good as long as my members stay with us on the rule,” Bost said. “Right now, there’s some politics being played, not about this bill, but just in general.”
The bill became entangled in a broader House Republican fight over the SAVE America Act, legislation championed by President Donald Trump that would require proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections.
On June 30, the House voted on H. Res. 1398, the procedural rule governing floor consideration of several bills, including the National Defense Authorization Act and the Take Care of America’s Veterans Act. The rule failed after 14 Republicans joined Democrats in opposition, preventing the House from taking up the veterans package and bringing floor business to a standstill. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., claimed to have voted against the rules vote in protest against House leadership’s handling of the SAVE America Act. As a result, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson sent the members home early.
Bost accused the holdouts of effectively putting veterans legislation on hold.
The US Department of Veterans Affairs building is seen in Washington, DC, on July 22, 2019. (Photo by Alastair Pike / AFP) (Photo credit should read ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP via Getty Images) (Photo credit should read ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP via Getty Image)
‘IT’S A MESS’: GOP TURNS ON HOUSE CONSERVATIVES AS VOTER ID BLOCKADE STALLS TRUMP’S AGENDA
“They’re holding all bills hostage,” Bost said. “They’re not voting for any rule. Any bill that has to pass a rule before it comes to the floor—which this bill does because of its size—can’t move.”
Although Bost said he supports the SAVE America Act and has voted for it three times, he argued the Senate’s failure to act should not stop the House from advancing unrelated legislation.
“I agree with that bill,” Bost said. “But the Senate still has to do their work. We don’t stop our work because the Senate isn’t doing it.”
With 23 legislative days left in the Congressional session, Concerned Veterans for America Strategic Director John Byrnes, a supporter of the bill, said time is of the essence.
“There are lots and lots of things that have to get done,” Byrnes told Fox News Digital. “There’s also the National Defense Authorization Act, which is a must pass every year, so these things eat up time. There’s requirements to have debate on these, which eat up session time.”
Byrnes argued that every procedural delay pushes other legislation further down the calendar.
“This bill will save lives in 2027,” Byrnes said. “If we lose veterans because they could have had faster, better access to health care, we’re never going to get those veterans back.”
Rep. Mike Bost, R-Ill. ( )
TRUMP’S SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWS SIGNS OF LIFE IN THE SENATE DESPITE REPUBLICAN REVOLT
But Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, who also voted no on the procedural vote, told Fox News Digital that he has concerns about how the bill is financed.
“I appreciate what the chairman’s trying to do in some respects, but there’s a few issues,” Roy said.
Among them, Roy pointed to provisions offsetting new spending through changes affecting other veterans.
“You’re taxing certain veterans to provide some sort of benefits and changes to other veterans,” Roy said. “There are concerns about some of the pay-fors.”
Veterans of Foreign Wars has also taken issue with Section 108 of the bill, warning that it would codify changes to future disability ratings for tinnitus and sleep apnea to help finance other veterans priorities.
But Bost said this is inaccurate.
“No veteran is going to have their benefits reduced,” Bost said. “If you’re receiving a benefit right now, that’s not going to be reduced at all.”
Roy, who previously served two years on the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee, said he supported a lot of what the bill was seeking to accomplish; but said other pieces of legislation are priorities, too.
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“There is a block of us for whom border security, the SAVE Act and demonstrating our leadership on major issues is critical,” Roy said. “Some of these other bills may or may not get hung up based on a desire of many in the conference to see movement on other things.”
Fox News Digital reached out to Luna’s office and the White House for comment.
Politics
Assassinations unleashed under Trump haunt Iran war endgame
WASHINGTON — Shortly before President Trump ended a ceasefire with Iran this week, Israeli officials presented his team with intelligence indicating Tehran was hatching new plots to kill him.
It was not the first such warning. U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies have tracked evidence for years of Iranian efforts to target the president, with signals only increasing since the start of the war.
Their desire to target Trump and his top aides began six years ago, just outside Baghdad International Airport, when the president ordered a drone strike that killed Iran’s most powerful general. The assassination of Qassem Suleimani brought the two countries to the brink of war.
Yet even as full-scale war was averted, top Iranian officials vowed revenge for the strike, authorizing attempts on the lives not just of the president, but of his secretary of State and national security advisor, among others, even after they had left office.
Now, calls for revenge have reached a sharper pitch in Tehran, after a joint U.S.-Israeli operation killed Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, at the start of the war in February.
At Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies this week, red flags of vengeance flew throughout the capital as protesters explicitly called on their government to “kill Trump.” His son, Mojtaba, the new supreme leader, was absent from the commemorations, fearing assassination himself.
Mourners hold an anti-President Trump banner at the Imam Khomeini Grand Mosque during mass funeral prayers for Iran’s late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his family in Tehran on Sunday.
(Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto via Getty Images)
The prospect of foreign assassination plots targeting U.S. leaders puts the United States in dangerous new territory, where its embrace of political killings could ultimately place its own officials at unprecedented risk. And experts fear the existential threat of assassination has pushed peace further out of reach: When both sides believe their survival is at stake, the trust required for diplomacy becomes far harder to achieve.
Israeli news organizations have reported that Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, cited Iranian attempts to kill Trump in recent years as part of his case to go to war in the first place.
A U.S. official told The Times that a range of serious threats exist against the president, including from Iran, but that Israel’s intelligence pointed to a more specific plot. The official did not provide further details. Israeli officials did not respond to requests for comment.
Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has said in recent months that the government sees vengeance against U.S. officials as “its legitimate duty and right,” and “will fulfill this great responsibility and duty with all its might.”
“The Suleimani killing accelerated a lifting of restraints on foreign assassinations — and the taboo on targeting and killing foreign leaders, with U.S. military assets, has been more or less lifted,” said Matt Dallek, a political professor at George Washington University.
“If the United States sets the example of how to conduct international relations, and it is using assassination of foreign leaders as a political weapon, it’s only logical that other countries will be more inclined to also engage in assassinations,” Dallek added. “It does seem likely that Trump will have a bigger target on his back.”
Returning from a NATO summit in Turkey on Wednesday, Trump was forced to switch back to an old model of Air Force One — equipped with specialized defensive technologies — from a new plane given as a gift by Qatar, after the Secret Service warned of potential threats to the aircraft from Iran.
“They want to take out the U.S. leader — me,” Trump told reporters aboard the plane. “I’m on whatever list. I saw this morning I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a bit lucky, but maybe that doesn’t last very long.”
The threat has remained on his mind in the days since. In an interview with the New York Post, Trump told the reporter, “I hope you’ll miss me,” adding that he has “been on their list for a long time.” And in a subsequent social media post Friday night, he warned of a catastrophic response he instructed the administration to pursue in the event Tehran succeeds.
“1000 Missiles are Locked and Loaded and aimed at the Islamic Republic of Iran,” he wrote, “with thousands of more to immediately follow, should the Iranian Government act on its threat, pronounced in many corners of the Globe, to assassinate, or attempt to assassinate, the sitting President of the United States of America, in this case, ME!”
The United States had a decades-old prohibition against assassinating foreign leaders before Trump’s presidency, codified in an executive order signed by President Ford in 1976 over concerns of a CIA plot to kill Fidel Castro.
The policy was only strengthened further by subsequent administrations, fearing a new international standard for targeted killings could result in unintended consequences in the halls of Washington.
Other administrations have been accused of targeting foreign leaders before. Under the Obama administration, an international coalition targeting the Libyan regime of Moammar Kadafi during the country’s 2011 civil war struck his fleeing convoy, leading to his capture and killing by rebel fighters.
But experts say Trump’s explicit targeting of Suleimani and Khamenei — and his public celebration of their deaths — marks a new paradigm.
“Through words and actions, President Trump has done more to normalize political violence than any other U.S. president, certainly in modern times,” said Robert Pape, a professor at the University of Chicago and author of “Our Own Worst Enemies: America in the Age of Violent Populism.”
“On the international front alone, the president routinely brags about killing Iranian leaders and seizing the leader of Venezuela, among others,” he added, “to the point that assassination is becoming the new normal in international politics.”
Politics
Trump takes unusual step, lets bipartisan housing bill become law unsigned amid SAVE pressure campaign
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A bipartisan housing bill became law Saturday at midnight after President Donald Trump declined to sign it, capping a weeks-long saga over whether the president would veto the measure amid frustrations with Congress over his stalled agenda.
Trump refused to sign the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act — legislation aimed at expanding the nation’s housing stock and lowering costs — in an attempt to pressure Congress to pass the SAVE America Act, despite the housing bill clearing both chambers with overwhelming majorities.
“I will not sign the Housing Bill, which has been fully approved by Congress and sent to the White House, in PROTEST over the fact that the United States Senate is not capable of passing THE SAVE AMERICA ACT, which is polling at 97% with the Republican Party, and very high with the non-politician Dumocrats,” he declared on Truth Social Friday morning.
The Trump-backed election measure, which would require proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections and impose voter ID requirements, has struggled to overcome the Senate’s 60-vote threshold.
Meanwhile, the House has not passed a version of the bill that includes the president’s proposed crackdown on mail-in voting and banning men from women’s sports.
President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House, Wednesday, June 3, 2026, in Washington. (Alex Brandon/AP)
HOUSE CONSERVATIVES DERAIL GOP AGENDA IN SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWDOWN
Under the U.S. Constitution, Trump had 10 days, not including Sundays, to sign or veto the housing measure after the House formally transmitted the legislation to the White House in late June. The president ultimately chose neither option, allowing the measure to become law without his signature.
Though Trump declined to veto the legislation, he sharply criticized elements of the bill and argued it should not have been a legislative priority in recent weeks.
“It’s so unimportant … compared to the SAVE America Act,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office in late June. “I think the SAVE America Act is exactly what it says. It’s saving America from crooked elections.”
Trump went on to call the housing bill “a yawn,” adding, “compared to the SAVE America Act, just about everything is a big yawn.”
It would have taken a two-thirds majority in both chambers to override a veto — a margin the House and Senate exceeded when they passed the legislation. However, it remains unclear whether so many Republicans would have defied the president had he vetoed the bill.
Trump also appeared to criticize the bill over a provision restricting Wall Street investors from purchasing single-family homes — a policy he first proposed during his January State of the Union address and later urged Congress to pass. Trump previously argued the investor ban would give individual homebuyers a leg up against private equity firms in the housing market.
“I don’t want to hurt people that own houses, too,” Trump later told reporters, appearing to reference the provision. “These people, for the first time in their lives, they have valuable houses. They’ve become rich. I don’t want to hurt them either. What you want to do is what’s good for everyone, get the interest rates down.”
The law also aims to boost housing supply by streamlining federal environmental reviews, loosening rules around the construction of factory-built homes, and incentivizing local governments to modify their zoning laws to allow more housing, among roughly 60 provisions.
Trump’s souring on the legislation created headaches for Republicans, who touted the bill as an affordability win as voters grapple with high housing costs.
“It’s irresponsible to postpone signing the Housing bill due to the SAVE Act,” Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., a retiring lawmaker who lost re-election to a Trump-backed challenger, wrote on social media. “We need to start delivering relief to people for the high cost of housing ASAP!!”
Construction workers stand on the roof of homes under construction at a new housing development on June 24, 2026, in Valencia, Calif. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
WARREN TELLS TRUMP TO ‘SIGN THE DAMN BILL’ AS BIPARTISAN HOUSING PACKAGE REMAINS STALLED IN WASHINGTON
Trump abruptly canceled a signing ceremony for the legislation at the U.S. Capitol in June with GOP leaders. The stage had already been set, with at least one senior Republican arriving unaware the president had called off the event shortly before it was scheduled to begin.
The president then declared he would not sign the legislation until Congress passed the SAVE America Act, despite Senate GOP leaders insisting the votes do not exist to advance the measure.
Trump has also expressed frustration with the Republican-controlled Senate for declining to weaken the legislative filibuster, which requires 60 votes to advance most legislation in the upper chamber.
“GET SMART REPUBLICANS, IF YOU DON’T, YOU WON’T BE IN OFFICE FOR LONG!” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post on Sunday.
Before Trump came out against the bill, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt called it “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history” and said it included an array of policies “long championed” by Trump.
House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican from Louisiana, speaks during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 15, 2025. (Eric Lee/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Meanwhile, Trump political operative James Blair touted the legislation for including the president’s Wall Street investor ban, which he referred to as a “signature commitment.”
House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., has argued that Republicans will still promote the landmark housing bill ahead of November.
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“We’ll still celebrate it, but he’s trying to make a point, and I think he’s making it very effectively,” the speaker recently told reporters, referring to Trump. “And the fact that you all ask me every three steps down the hallway illustrates that he has achieved the desired objective, and that is to make SAVE America the number one thing, because if we don’t get that right, everybody’s concerned about what happens next.”
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