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This Democrat pulled off one of the country's biggest upsets. Can she win again in Trump country?

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This Democrat pulled off one of the country's biggest upsets. Can she win again in Trump country?

Two years ago, one of the nation’s biggest political upsets took place here amid the radiant greenery of the Pacific Northwest. A new mom, the 34-year-old owner of an auto repair shop, made a run for Congress with zero help from national Democrats and nabbed a seat Republicans had held for more than a decade.

Now that seat is central to the fight for control of the House.

The incumbent, Marie Gluesenkamp Perez, is among the least likely Democrats you’ll find in Congress.

She trashes the Biden administration’s record on immigration and won’t endorse Kamala Harris for president. She resides down a gravel road in a house she and her husband built. She exalts those who work with their hands — plumbers, mechanics, electricians — and belittles the highbrows who populate Washington, speaking the put-upon language of people ignored or disdained because of where they live or how they labor.

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“It makes my skin crawl,” she told a small gathering at a strip-mall bar and grill, “when I hear a politician get up there and they say, ‘My dad was just a janitor. I’m the first person in my family to go to college.’” What does that sound like to everyone else in the room who didn’t go to college?”

(Her degree in economics from Portland’s prestigious Reed College goes unmentioned.)

Columnist Mark Z. Barabak joins candidates for various offices as they hit the campaign trail in this momentous election year.

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Still, Gluesenkamp Perez’s willingness to buck her party and her fluency in grievance politics are the reason she stands a chance in this southwest corner of Washington state, in a district that twice voted for Donald Trump and will surely do so again Nov. 5. She’s one of the few rural Democrats left in Congress and one of just five House Democrats seeking reelection in pro-Trump districts. All are endangered species.

Her Republican opponent, whom Gluesenkamp Perez barely defeated two years ago, is an unreconstructed MAGA warrior, who hangs with the Proud Boys and white nationalists and parrots Trump’s blather about a stolen 2020 election and Jan. 6 martyrs. He moved to the district less than a year before launching his candidacy.

But given the district’s Republican lean, the rematch appears to be a toss-up at a time control of the House may come down to just a handful of seats.

“A bunch of people who didn’t vote in 2022 in the midterm will be voting this time around,” said Mark Stephan, who teaches political science at Washington State University in Vancouver, population roughly 200,000, which is the closest thing the district has to a large city. “Enough that it could go either direction.”

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With the campaign heading into the homestretch, Gluesenkamp Perez recently embarked on a RV tour of the 3rd Congressional District, down twisting two-lane roads, past farmland and forests daubed with red, yellow and orange. Her husband, Dean, the couple’s 3-year-old son, Ciro, and the family’s German shepherd, Uma Furman, came along for the ride.

Six days, 20 stops, many in wide spots with just a few thousand residents. It’s in those rural reaches the campaign will be decided.

At the end of Day One, after visiting two small taverns for “Pints with Perez” events, it was time for some family fun. So the RV bee-lined to a chainsaw museum in Amboy, where the couple spent nearly an hour browsing the floor-to-ceiling display, eyes wide with delight.

“This is super cool,” exulted Dean, an auto mechanic who does the repair work at the family-run garage.

“Yes, this is amazing,” the congresswoman agreed.

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Marie Gluesenkamp Perez and her husband, Dean, in a chainsaw museum

Marie Gluesenkamp Perez and her husband, Dean, in a chainsaw museum.

(Mark Z. Barabak / Los Angeles Times)

Gluesenkamp Perez was born and raised in Texas, but her family has deep roots in Washington state, going back generations on her mother’s side. (Gluesenkamp Perez’s great-great grandfather helped quarry the stone used to build the state Capitol.) She spent childhood summers with family in Bellingham, playing in the woods and developing an abiding love of nature.

There are no political reds or blues in the forest, she tells audiences.

Gluesenkamp Perez’s father, an immigrant from Mexico, pastored in an evangelical church in Houston. When Perez stopped going to services, her parents stopped paying for college, so she worked three jobs to pay her way through Reed. One was in a factory making iPhone cases.

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As she bids for reelection, Gluesenkamp Perez’s main sales pitch is her blue-collar self.

Someone who appreciates hard labor and thrills to the sight of heavy machinery. Who scrounged to build her home and start a small business, struggled to meet a payroll and was forced to deal with clueless bureaucrats. In short, someone who shares her constituents’ skepticism toward big government and antipathy for far-off Washington, D.C.

Recounting an oversight hearing on Capitol Hill, Gluesenkamp Perez describes looking over the witnesses with their fusty manner and fancy pedigrees and wondering if any had ever turned a wrench.

“It’s wild to me to see these D.C. staffer bros in bow ties making decisions,” she said, calling for national codification of abortion rights to nullify the Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision. “They don’t know what the f—.” Her voice trailed off, the crowd at another saloon stop erupting in laughter at her indecorous F-bomb.

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Gluesenkamp Perez’s Republican opponent, Joe Kent, is trying to nationalize the race, turning the contest into a ratification of Trump, his pugnacious personality and belligerent policies. She’s trying to rise above party labels — even as national Democrats and their allies pour millions into her campaign — and focus almost entirely on the whys and wherefores of the 3rd District.

The congressional seat can’t be surrendered to “a political hack,” she told a few score at a roadhouse grill in Amboy, done up with cobwebs and skeletons for Halloween. “We have got to have a seat that’s based on local issues … not something that’s imported from a think tank or political action committee, but here. Us. We are the solution.”

Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez talks to a constituent while holding her child

Gluesenkamp Perez, holding her son, Ciro, answers questions after a “Pints with Perez” event in Amboy, Wash.

(Mark Z. Barabak / Los Angeles Times)

Her platform is all practicality: making farm loans more accessible; better insulating mobile homes to save energy; giving people the right to choose where to repair broken appliances and the like, rather than having to ship them back to the manufacturer.

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Why she asked, should tax-deferred 529 savings accounts only pay for college tuition, books and such? “We needs a tax code that honors the trades,” she said, allowing write-offs for the kinds of equipment used by loggers, plumbers and electricians.

In Washington, Gluesenkamp Perez has had no compunction separating herself from her party. A vote study by CQ Roll Call found her the second-most likely House Democrat to break ranks.

She backed a resolution rebuking Harris for her role in the administration’s border policy and was one of just four Democrats supporting a defense bill that would have limited abortion access, transgender care and diversity training for military personnel. She opposes an assault-weapons ban — though Gluesenkamp Perez would raise the age for purchasing one from 18 to 21 — and was one of just two House Democrats to oppose a student-debt relief plan proposed by the Biden administration.

The latter drew a flood of scathing reviews of the family’s auto repair shop — “Worst car care Ive been to,” one Yelp reviewer wrote online — in a purposeful left-wing campaign of retribution. Much of the trolling came from outside the district.

At home, Democrats like Howard Marshack are more understanding.

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Marie Gluesenkamp Perez speaking to voters in Woodland, Wash.

The candidate at a “Pints with Perez” event in Woodland, Wash.

(Mark Z. Barabak / Los Angeles Times)

“She isn’t as liberal as I am,” said Marshack, who was seeing his congresswoman in person for the first time at a Rotary Club luncheon in Vancouver. As he spoke, a steady rain pattered on the promenade facing Portland, just across the Columbia River.

“I can’t help but think that a significant amount of her stances are genuine and possibly some are because she needs to represent her district,” said Marshack, 75, a retired family law attorney “That’s OK, given the options I have … I can’t stand her opponent.”

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The words “Trump” and “Harris” never pass Gluesenkamp Perez’s lips, if she can possibly manage.

But in this ferociously inflamed political season, discussion of the fight for the White House is unavoidable. Drawn in, Gluesenkamp Perez appears less than sure-footed, pausing and carefully choosing her words, as though verbally picking her way through a political minefield — which she is.

In Longview, the district’s second-largest city (population not quite 40,000), she spoke to a friendly audience of about 50 residents gathered in a curtained-off section of another bar and grill. Several wanted to know her thoughts about the two presidential antagonists.

One woman asked what she should say to Trump-supporting neighbors who fail, she suggested, to realize how he’ll hurt their interests if elected. Gluesenkamp Perez’s roundabout response — about respecting people who do manual labor, building community — petered out in a small sigh. “It’s a wild political climate,” she said.

A man wondered what the congresswoman thought of Harris’ proposal for a $25,000 tax credit for first-time home-buyers. Another long and winding answer followed — about affordability, regulations, building her own home, the virtues of shop class — before Gluesenkamp Perez finally expressed concern the proposal could merely end up boosting housing costs.

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The refusal to embrace Harris in a district the Democrat seems destined to lose is hardly surprising. “What I say is not going to change anyone’s vote in my community,” she said as she left the Shamrock grill and prepared to roll to her next stop.

At least not in the presidential race. But it could make a big difference in her coin-flip race for reelection.

Gluesenkamp Perez may be a freshman member of Congress — and an improbable one, at that. But she’s no political naif.

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Trump-aligned House holdouts accused of holding ‘life-saving’ veterans bill ‘hostage’ over SAVE America Act

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Trump-aligned House holdouts accused of holding ‘life-saving’ veterans bill ‘hostage’ over SAVE America Act

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A sweeping veterans package supporters describe as the largest expansion of veterans’ health care and benefits in more than a decade is expected to return to the House floor when lawmakers come back from the July recess, but backers warn the legislation could once again become collateral damage in the Republican standoff over the SAVE America Act.

The Take Care of America’s Veterans Act rolls roughly 60 veterans bills into a package that would dramatically expand veterans’ health care and benefits. At its core, the legislation would cement veterans’ access to community care outside the VA while increasing benefits for combat-wounded veterans, caregivers and Gold Star families, expanding mental health services and enacting dozens of additional reforms.

House Veterans’ Affairs Committee Chairman Mike Bost, R-Ill., told Fox News Digital he intends to bring the Take Care of America’s Veterans Act back for a vote as soon as the House reconvenes next week.

WASHINGTON, D.C. – MARCH 17: Eugene Simpson, 29, from Dale City, Virginia goes through physical therapy at the Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Washington, D.C. with Michael Minor, a kinesiotherapist with the United States Department of Veterans Affairs on March 17, 2006 in Washington, D.C., USA. (Photo by Jeff Hutchens/Getty Images) (Jeff Hutchens/Getty Images)

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HOUSE CONSERVATIVES DERAIL GOP AGENDA IN SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWDOWN

The legislation was held up last month after a group of House Republicans joined Democrats to defeat a procedural vote, stopping the House from taking up the bill.

“I’m feeling good as long as my members stay with us on the rule,” Bost said. “Right now, there’s some politics being played, not about this bill, but just in general.”

The bill became entangled in a broader House Republican fight over the SAVE America Act, legislation championed by President Donald Trump that would require proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections.

On June 30, the House voted on H. Res. 1398, the procedural rule governing floor consideration of several bills, including the National Defense Authorization Act and the Take Care of America’s Veterans Act. The rule failed after 14 Republicans joined Democrats in opposition, preventing the House from taking up the veterans package and bringing floor business to a standstill. Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., claimed to have voted against the rules vote in protest against House leadership’s handling of the SAVE America Act. As a result, Speaker of the House Mike Johnson sent the members home early.

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Bost accused the holdouts of effectively putting veterans legislation on hold.

The US Department of Veterans Affairs building is seen in Washington, DC, on July 22, 2019. (Photo by Alastair Pike / AFP) (Photo credit should read ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP via Getty Images) (Photo credit should read ALASTAIR PIKE/AFP via Getty Image)

‘IT’S A MESS’: GOP TURNS ON HOUSE CONSERVATIVES AS VOTER ID BLOCKADE STALLS TRUMP’S AGENDA

“They’re holding all bills hostage,” Bost said. “They’re not voting for any rule. Any bill that has to pass a rule before it comes to the floor—which this bill does because of its size—can’t move.”

Although Bost said he supports the SAVE America Act and has voted for it three times, he argued the Senate’s failure to act should not stop the House from advancing unrelated legislation.

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“I agree with that bill,” Bost said. “But the Senate still has to do their work. We don’t stop our work because the Senate isn’t doing it.”

With 23 legislative days left in the Congressional session, Concerned Veterans for America Strategic Director John Byrnes, a supporter of the bill, said time is of the essence.

“There are lots and lots of things that have to get done,” Byrnes told Fox News Digital. “There’s also the National Defense Authorization Act, which is a must pass every year, so these things eat up time. There’s requirements to have debate on these, which eat up session time.”

Byrnes argued that every procedural delay pushes other legislation further down the calendar.

“This bill will save lives in 2027,” Byrnes said. “If we lose veterans because they could have had faster, better access to health care, we’re never going to get those veterans back.”

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Rep. Mike Bost, R-Ill. ( )

TRUMP’S SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWS SIGNS OF LIFE IN THE SENATE DESPITE REPUBLICAN REVOLT

But Rep. Chip Roy, R-Texas, who also voted no on the procedural vote, told Fox News Digital that he has concerns about how the bill is financed.

“I appreciate what the chairman’s trying to do in some respects, but there’s a few issues,” Roy said.

Among them, Roy pointed to provisions offsetting new spending through changes affecting other veterans.

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“You’re taxing certain veterans to provide some sort of benefits and changes to other veterans,” Roy said. “There are concerns about some of the pay-fors.”

Veterans of Foreign Wars has also taken issue with Section 108 of the bill, warning that it would codify changes to future disability ratings for tinnitus and sleep apnea to help finance other veterans priorities.

But Bost said this is inaccurate.

“No veteran is going to have their benefits reduced,” Bost said. “If you’re receiving a benefit right now, that’s not going to be reduced at all.”

Roy, who previously served two years on the House Veterans’ Affairs Committee, said he supported a lot of what the bill was seeking to accomplish; but said other pieces of legislation are priorities, too.

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“There is a block of us for whom border security, the SAVE Act and demonstrating our leadership on major issues is critical,” Roy said. “Some of these other bills may or may not get hung up based on a desire of many in the conference to see movement on other things.”

Fox News Digital reached out to Luna’s office and the White House for comment.

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Assassinations unleashed under Trump haunt Iran war endgame

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Assassinations unleashed under Trump haunt Iran war endgame

Shortly before President Trump ended a ceasefire with Iran this week, Israeli officials presented his team with intelligence indicating Tehran was hatching new plots to kill him.

It was not the first such warning. U.S. law enforcement and intelligence agencies have tracked evidence for years of Iranian efforts to target the president, with signals only increasing since the start of the war.

Their desire to target Trump and his top aides began six years ago, just outside Baghdad International Airport, when the president ordered a drone strike that killed Iran’s most powerful general. The assassination of Qassem Suleimani brought the two countries to the brink of war.

Yet even as full-scale war was averted, top Iranian officials vowed revenge for the strike, authorizing attempts on the lives not just of the president, but of his secretary of State and national security advisor, among others, even after they had left office.

Now, calls for revenge have reached a sharper pitch in Tehran, after a joint U.S.-Israeli operation killed Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, at the start of the war in February.

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At Khamenei’s funeral ceremonies this week, red flags of vengeance flew throughout the capital as protesters explicitly called on their government to “kill Trump.” His son, Mojtaba, the new supreme leader, was absent from the commemorations, fearing assassination himself.

Mourners hold an anti-President Trump banner at the Imam Khomeini Grand Mosque during mass funeral prayers for Iran’s late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his family in Tehran on Sunday.

(Morteza Nikoubazl / NurPhoto via Getty Images)

The prospect of foreign assassination plots targeting U.S. leaders puts the United States in dangerous new territory, where its embrace of political killings could ultimately place its own officials at unprecedented risk. And experts fear the existential threat of assassination has pushed peace further out of reach: When both sides believe their survival is at stake, the trust required for diplomacy becomes far harder to achieve.

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Israeli news organizations have reported that Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, cited Iranian attempts to kill Trump in recent years as part of his case to go to war in the first place.

A U.S. official told The Times that a range of serious threats exist against the president, including from Iran, but that Israel’s intelligence pointed to a more specific plot. The official did not provide further details. Israeli officials did not respond to requests for comment.

Iran’s president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has said in recent months that the government sees vengeance against U.S. officials as “its legitimate duty and right,” and “will fulfill this great responsibility and duty with all its might.”

“The Suleimani killing accelerated a lifting of restraints on foreign assassinations — and the taboo on targeting and killing foreign leaders, with U.S. military assets, has been more or less lifted,” said Matt Dallek, a political professor at George Washington University.

“If the United States sets the example of how to conduct international relations, and it is using assassination of foreign leaders as a political weapon, it’s only logical that other countries will be more inclined to also engage in assassinations,” Dallek added. “It does seem likely that Trump will have a bigger target on his back.”

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Returning from a NATO summit in Turkey on Wednesday, Trump was forced to switch back to an old model of Air Force One — equipped with specialized defensive technologies — from a new plane given as a gift by Qatar, after the Secret Service warned of potential threats to the aircraft from Iran.

“They want to take out the U.S. leader — me,” Trump told reporters aboard the plane. “I’m on whatever list. I saw this morning I’m on every single one of their lists. And so far, I guess I’ve been a bit lucky, but maybe that doesn’t last very long.”

The threat has remained on his mind in the days since. In an interview with the New York Post, Trump told the reporter, “I hope you’ll miss me,” adding that he has “been on their list for a long time.” And in a subsequent social media post Friday night, he warned of a catastrophic response he instructed the administration to pursue in the event Tehran succeeds.

“1000 Missiles are Locked and Loaded and aimed at the Islamic Republic of Iran,” he wrote, “with thousands of more to immediately follow, should the Iranian Government act on its threat, pronounced in many corners of the Globe, to assassinate, or attempt to assassinate, the sitting President of the United States of America, in this case, ME!”

The United States had a decades-old prohibition against assassinating foreign leaders before Trump’s presidency, codified in an executive order signed by President Ford in 1976 over concerns of a CIA plot to kill Fidel Castro.

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The policy was only strengthened further by subsequent administrations, fearing a new international standard for targeted killings could result in unintended consequences in the halls of Washington.

Other administrations have been accused of targeting foreign leaders before. Under the Obama administration, an international coalition targeting the Libyan regime of Moammar Kadafi during the country’s 2011 civil war struck his fleeing convoy, leading to his capture and killing by rebel fighters.

But experts say Trump’s explicit targeting of Suleimani and Khamenei — and his public celebration of their deaths — marks a new paradigm.

“Through words and actions, President Trump has done more to normalize political violence than any other U.S. president, certainly in modern times,” said Robert Pape, a professor at the University of Chicago and author of “Our Own Worst Enemies: America in the Age of Violent Populism.”

“On the international front alone, the president routinely brags about killing Iranian leaders and seizing the leader of Venezuela, among others,” he added, “to the point that assassination is becoming the new normal in international politics.”

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Trump takes unusual step, lets bipartisan housing bill become law unsigned amid SAVE pressure campaign

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Trump takes unusual step, lets bipartisan housing bill become law unsigned amid SAVE pressure campaign

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A bipartisan housing bill became law Saturday at midnight after President Donald Trump declined to sign it, capping a weeks-long saga over whether the president would veto the measure amid frustrations with Congress over his stalled agenda.

Trump refused to sign the 21st Century ROAD to Housing Act — legislation aimed at expanding the nation’s housing stock and lowering costs — in an attempt to pressure Congress to pass the SAVE America Act, despite the housing bill clearing both chambers with overwhelming majorities.

“I will not sign the Housing Bill, which has been fully approved by Congress and sent to the White House, in PROTEST over the fact that the United States Senate is not capable of passing THE SAVE AMERICA ACT, which is polling at 97% with the Republican Party, and very high with the non-politician Dumocrats,” he declared on Truth Social Friday morning. 

The Trump-backed election measure, which would require proof of citizenship to vote in federal elections and impose voter ID requirements, has struggled to overcome the Senate’s 60-vote threshold. 

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Meanwhile, the House has not passed a version of the bill that includes the president’s proposed crackdown on mail-in voting and banning men from women’s sports.

President Donald Trump speaks in the Oval Office of the White House, Wednesday, June 3, 2026, in Washington. (Alex Brandon/AP)

HOUSE CONSERVATIVES DERAIL GOP AGENDA IN SAVE AMERICA ACT SHOWDOWN

Under the U.S. Constitution, Trump had 10 days, not including Sundays, to sign or veto the housing measure after the House formally transmitted the legislation to the White House in late June. The president ultimately chose neither option, allowing the measure to become law without his signature.

Though Trump declined to veto the legislation, he sharply criticized elements of the bill and argued it should not have been a legislative priority in recent weeks.

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“It’s so unimportant … compared to the SAVE America Act,” Trump told reporters in the Oval Office in late June. “I think the SAVE America Act is exactly what it says. It’s saving America from crooked elections.”

Trump went on to call the housing bill “a yawn,” adding, “compared to the SAVE America Act, just about everything is a big yawn.”

It would have taken a two-thirds majority in both chambers to override a veto — a margin the House and Senate exceeded when they passed the legislation. However, it remains unclear whether so many Republicans would have defied the president had he vetoed the bill.

Trump also appeared to criticize the bill over a provision restricting Wall Street investors from purchasing single-family homes — a policy he first proposed during his January State of the Union address and later urged Congress to pass. Trump previously argued the investor ban would give individual homebuyers a leg up against private equity firms in the housing market.

“I don’t want to hurt people that own houses, too,” Trump later told reporters, appearing to reference the provision. “These people, for the first time in their lives, they have valuable houses. They’ve become rich. I don’t want to hurt them either. What you want to do is what’s good for everyone, get the interest rates down.”

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The law also aims to boost housing supply by streamlining federal environmental reviews, loosening rules around the construction of factory-built homes, and incentivizing local governments to modify their zoning laws to allow more housing, among roughly 60 provisions.

Trump’s souring on the legislation created headaches for Republicans, who touted the bill as an affordability win as voters grapple with high housing costs.

“It’s irresponsible to postpone signing the Housing bill due to the SAVE Act,” Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., a retiring lawmaker who lost re-election to a Trump-backed challenger, wrote on social media. “We need to start delivering relief to people for the high cost of housing ASAP!!”

Construction workers stand on the roof of homes under construction at a new housing development on June 24, 2026, in Valencia, Calif. (Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)

WARREN TELLS TRUMP TO ‘SIGN THE DAMN BILL’ AS BIPARTISAN HOUSING PACKAGE REMAINS STALLED IN WASHINGTON

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Trump abruptly canceled a signing ceremony for the legislation at the U.S. Capitol in June with GOP leaders. The stage had already been set, with at least one senior Republican arriving unaware the president had called off the event shortly before it was scheduled to begin.

The president then declared he would not sign the legislation until Congress passed the SAVE America Act, despite Senate GOP leaders insisting the votes do not exist to advance the measure.

Trump has also expressed frustration with the Republican-controlled Senate for declining to weaken the legislative filibuster, which requires 60 votes to advance most legislation in the upper chamber.

“GET SMART REPUBLICANS, IF YOU DON’T, YOU WON’T BE IN OFFICE FOR LONG!” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post on Sunday.

Before Trump came out against the bill, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt called it “one of the most significant pieces of housing affordability legislation in American history” and said it included an array of policies “long championed” by Trump.

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House Speaker Mike Johnson, a Republican from Louisiana, speaks during a news conference at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 15, 2025. (Eric Lee/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

Meanwhile, Trump political operative James Blair touted the legislation for including the president’s Wall Street investor ban, which he referred to as a “signature commitment.”

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., has argued that Republicans will still promote the landmark housing bill ahead of November.

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“We’ll still celebrate it, but he’s trying to make a point, and I think he’s making it very effectively,” the speaker recently told reporters, referring to Trump. “And the fact that you all ask me every three steps down the hallway illustrates that he has achieved the desired objective, and that is to make SAVE America the number one thing, because if we don’t get that right, everybody’s concerned about what happens next.”

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