On Saturday, an attempt to assassinate former president and then-presumptive Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump at a rally in Butler, Pa., left firefighter Corey Comperatore dead, two others critically injured and Trump with a wound to his ear.

Social media, being the unregulated thirst game that it is, immediately exploded with a jumble of actual news and opportunistic misinformation — righteous shock and calls for prayer were thrown in among baseless conspiracy theories that ranged from “It was staged” to “Biden did it.”

President Biden attempted to restore calm, denouncing political violence in the strongest terms and calling on Americans to turn down the temperature of the 2024 election campaign, words that were echoed by Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-La.). Less predictably, Trump appeared to do so as well, calling for unity “against evil” and saying that, in light of the horrific event, the tone of the Republican National Convention, which began Monday, would change to reflect his message.

I say “less predictably” because it was Trump who ratcheted up and then normalized aggressive, and at times explicitly violent, political rhetoric in America. In the 2016 presidential election, he created a persona that relied almost entirely on blunt force trauma, treating that race, and the one that followed it in 2020, like bar fights. At one point early in the 2016 primary race he famously crowed, “I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters.” Relying on mockery, vilification, threats and a willingness to say pretty much anything that would elicit a cheer from the like-minded, he appealed to those who agreed with his strongman approach and/or mistook unfiltered emotion for truth.

We are, and should be, grateful that Trump was not killed at the Butler rally, but that doesn’t change the fact that he, unlike Biden, the Clintons or any other presidential candidate of the modern era, has been willing to incite violence on his own behalf. Trump is the only president in history to send a deadly mob to the Capitol to overturn a fair and legal election that he lost — and to threaten similar consequences should he lose this one. He has regularly promised to jail his opponents and warned that there would be a “bloodbath” if he is not elected in 2024.

That Democrats eventually began responding with heated arguments that Trump posed a threat to democracy is not the same thing at all — on Jan. 6, 2021, we all watched him do it.

So for Trump to call for unity rather than vengeance, to suggest that the personal peril he faced had served as some kind of wake-up call, was, to say the least, notable.

As many have discovered throughout history, violence, when conjured, is not easily controlled or quelled. Our stories, on page and screen, are filled with those who believed otherwise only to find themselves consumed when violence becomes part of everyday life.

But if Trump had experienced a road-to-Damascus moment on the issue of political violence after the attempt on his life, by Monday it was clear that any reform would be short-lived. He posted a typical rant on Truth Social, celebrating the dismissal of his classified documents case to call for an end to “ALL the witch hunts” including “the January 6 hoax,” characterizing his legal woes, including those in which he was convicted, as an “Election Interference conspiracy” and a “Weaponization of our Justice System.”

Later that day, he named Sen. J.D. Vance (R-Ohio) as his vice presidential nominee. Vance, who in the moments after the shooting and long before any details about the shooter were known, was one of the first elected Republicans to publicly blame Biden and his campaign for the attack. “The central premise of the Biden campaign is that President Donald Trump is an authoritarian fascist who must be stopped at all costs,” Vance wrote in a post on X. “That rhetoric led directly to President Trump’s attempted assassination.”

If Trump himself has not blamed the Democrats for the attack, he clearly supported those who did.

Vance’s uninformed and wildly inappropriate words were undercut not only by the emerging facts — the killer was a 20-year old registered Republican who appears to fit the white male demographic of virtually every mass shooter — but also by Vance’s own previous statements.

Eight years ago, it was Vance himself who called Trump “cultural heroin” and compared him to Hitler.

Even if one accepts Vance’s change of heart on his new running mate (Vance now says he bought into the media’s narrative about Trump), Vance is not exactly a bring-down-the-temperature, unify-the-country kind of guy.

Nor were many of those chosen to speak at the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee on Monday night. Right out of the box, Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) called Democratic policies “a clear and present danger to our institutions, our values and our people.” (When asked later about the hyperbolic statements, Johnson told an NPR reporter that an older version of his speech had been mistakenly loaded into the teleprompter.)

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), one of the Republican Party’s most, let’s just say, incendiary members, was the night’s third speaker. Right after Saturday’s shooting, she posted on X that “Democrats wanted this to happen. They’ve wanted Trump gone for years and they’re prepared to do anything to make that happen.” Since then she‘s posted, “The left wants a civil war. They have been trying to start one for years. These people are sick and evil” and “the Democratic Party is flat-out evil and yesterday they tried to murder President Trump.”

The fact that she remained one of the convention’s opening-night speakers indicates Trump’s support for her specious claims.

She did not make any of these dangerous and ill-founded accusations in her relatively short speech Monday night. Instead, she stuck, as many others did, to more general talking points about inflation and immigration, though she did manage to attack transgender people and “illegal” immigrants while indicating that Trump had been anointed by God.

It being the first night of a national convention, most of the speechifying revolved around the greatness of the nominee and the devolution of the country under his opponent. (Strangely, the many speakers who insisted that the country was in much better shape four years ago seem to have forgotten that, four years ago, COVID-19 was killing thousands of Americans every week and the economy was at a standstill.)

The assassination attempt was referenced often, with no blame beyond “evil” attached; certainly gun control was not discussed. Politically, it behooves Republicans to focus on Trump’s survival rather than the fact that yet another young man determined to do violence had access to an AR rifle, with which he killed Comperatore, who died protecting his family.

Many of the speakers commended Trump’s bravery and saw the hand of God in his escape. As expected, Trump made an appearance toward the middle of the evening, a large white bandage affixed to his ear. He moved slowly past the stage. He smiled, waved and offered a raised fist as the audience clapped and cheered, but he seemed uncharacteristically subdued.

First-night convention speeches are rarely barn-burners, but even with the appearance of their beloved nominee with his bandaged ear, the energy of the crowd was, like Trump, a bit muffled, as if his supporters were waiting for their cue to cheer Trump’s characteristic scorched-earth calls to action.

It is difficult to imagine Trump campaigning with anything but. Violent rhetoric is Trump’s lingua franca. Exploiting this country’s political divisions with “make them pay” exhortations is his brand.

It’s what his base expects, what they appear to need, just like the heroin addicts Vance referenced eight years ago.

Long after Trump defeated Hillary Clinton, his supporters were still yelling “Lock her up” — even when it was clear that he had no reason for, or intention of, doing so. They supported Trump when he mocked the dreadful attack on Paul Pelosi and the plot to kidnap Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer; they rallied around his insistence that, all factual information to the contrary, Biden did not win the 2020 election. Too many of then followed his instructions to prevent the certification of that election by a show of force that included breaking into and vandalizing the Capitol, killing a police officer and threatening the lives of those doing their sworn constitutional duty, including Trump’s own then-Vice President Mike Pence.

They cheer now when he continues to insist that he was the victim of election fraud, that Jan. 6 was simply a protest by patriots, that he is the victim of a conspiracy. They applaud when he vows to jail or destroy those who oppose him or become a dictator ‘for a day.”

It is true that the presidential campaign needs to cool down, to move from rhetorical violence to debates about policy and how Americans work together to improve its future. But it is disingenuous to suggest that both sides have contributed equally to the current conflagration.

For almost 10 years now, Trump has blown through all the time-honored guardrails of American politicking and the American presidency. Despite the best efforts of those who believe those rails are in place for good reason, words and deeds that once seemed beyond the pale have become normalized. Even if Trump wants to put some of the rails back in place, even if he truly desires to unify the American people and make presidential politics safer for all concerned, he’s got nothing to work with but the wreckage of his own making.

President Biden is focused on maintaining his support from Black voters as the once solid foundational bloc of the Democratic Party begins to waver.

Biden will be participating in an interview for BET on Tuesday to pitch himself as the obvious choice for Black voters. 

Following the interview, Biden is expected to attend the 115th NAACP National Convention in Las Vegas. He will be delivering remarks during the event. 

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Finally, Biden will meet with Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) Chairman Rep. Steven Horsford for an economic summit, where he will speak to Black voters and meet with Black members of congress to discuss his vision for a second term.

Members of the CBC who are expected to meet with Biden include Reps. Jim Clyburn, Jonathan Jackson, Yvette Clarke, Robin Kelly, Gabe Amo, Bennie Thompson, Bobby Scott, Troy Carter and Nikema Williams.

The extensive tour focusing on the Black community comes at the same time former President Trump is courting solidly blue areas of the country, seeking to capitalize on Biden’s perceived weakness.

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President Biden, left, listens to Steven Horsford, a Democrat from Nevada and the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, speaking during a campaign event at the South Side restaurant in Philadelphia. (MANDEL NGAN/AFP via Getty Images)

Trump’s decision to target minority voters in places like New York, where Republicans have not carried the state in decades, reflects the Trump campaign’s belief that Biden is showing weakness with key Democratic constituencies.

Despite holding a solid majority of Black voters, the Biden campaign has seen a notable drop in enthusiasm in key swing states since 2020.

“Our campaign believes that Black voters deserve to hear from Team Biden-Harris, and they deserve to have their vote earned, not assumed,” the Biden campaign previously said about Black voter engagement. “That’s exactly what we are doing through historic investments in Black media and outreach, creative engagement efforts, culturally competent content and innovative organizing initiatives. No campaign has valued Black voters like we have, including through investing earlier and with more money than ever before talking to Black voters.” 

Former President Trump attends Day 1 of the Republican National Convention at the Fiserv Forum in Milwaukee. (REUTERS/Callaghan O’Hare)

A USA Today/Suffolk University poll released last month found that support for Biden among Black voters has dropped roughly 20 percentage points in both Michigan and Pennsylvania since the last election. 

In Michigan, the poll found Trump has 15% of Black voters, compared to Biden at 54% of the support from Black voters. Trump received just 9% of the Black vote in Michigan in the 2020 election. 

Many pollsters expect Trump to experience a bump in support across all demographics following the assassination attempt that nearly took his life last weekend.

Fox News Digital’s Hanna Panreck contributed to this report.

A string of security failures led to a gunman being able to fire multiple shots at former President Trump, killing a retired fire chief and wounding two others at a campaign rally in Butler, Pa., according to law enforcement sources.

Although armed security personnel responded swiftly, rushing a bloodied Trump off the stage after Saturday’s assassination attempt, questions about security flaws are mounting.

Among the issues that have been exposed in recent days:

• How the gunman was able to gain access to the roof of a nearby building and why authorities were not able to stop him before he opened fire: The building was meant to be covered by local law enforcement because it was not in the immediate vicinity of the venue, according to law enforcement sources not authorized to speak publicly about the investigation. The details of how the U.S. Secret Service and local authorities divided tasks for the rally remain unclear.
• When authorities learned of the threat: Videos show that some in the crowd noticed the gunman and tried to get the attention of law enforcement at least a minute before he fired at Trump. Local police say an officer got onto the roof just before the shooting but had to retreat because the gunman moved to shoot at him.
• Whether Secret Service sharpshooters could have fired on the gunman before he launched his attack: Videos from the rally show Trump standing at a lectern with two Secret Service snipers positioned on a rooftop in the background. In the seconds leading up to Trump’s being struck by gunfire, the snipers can be seen looking through a scope and adjusting their rifles before firing. Investigators also are examining those tactics, according to law enforcement sources not authorized to discuss the inquiry.

Twenty-year-old Thomas Matthew Crooks shot at the former president with an AR-style rifle from more than 450 feet away. A bullet grazed Trump’s ear before Secret Service snipers returned fire and killed Crooks a few seconds after.

Federal officials have defended the Secret Service while acknowledging security failures at the rally.

An FBI investigation is underway, and an independent review will be conducted on the Secret Service’s actions at the campaign event, Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro N. Mayorkas said during a news briefing Monday.

A person not authorized to discuss the investigation said that Crooks’ father purchased the rifle in 2013 and that Crooks purchased about 50 rounds from Allegheny Arms & Gun Works in Bethel Park, Pa., on the morning of the shooting.

Steve Gordon, a retired Los Angeles Police Department SWAT team sniper who reviewed social media video of the shooting, said he saw a slight delay before Secret Service snipers fired on Crooks. Gordon said the delay was caused by the agent trying to find his target.

The investigation also is examining communications between local police and the Secret Service.

Despite public criticism of security at the rally, Mayorkas offered his support to the Secret Service and its leadership.

“What you saw onstage on Saturday, with respect to individuals putting their own lives at risk for the protection of another, is exactly what the American public should see every single day,” Mayorkas said, referring to the agents who surrounded Trump after he was shot.

In an interview with ABC News on Monday, Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle said the shooting “was unacceptable” and “something that shouldn’t happen again.”

“It was obviously a situation that as a Secret Service agent, no one ever wants to occur in their career,” she said. “The buck stops with me.”

Cheatle said local police were inside the American Glass Research building where Crooks was positioned.

“There was local police in that building. There was local police in the area that were responsible for the outer perimeter of the building,” she said.

Cheatle said the Secret Service shared support for the building where Crooks was as well as the inner perimeter at the rally site.

“And then we sought assistance from our local counterparts for the outer perimeter,” she added.

Mayorkas said it’s not unusual for the Secret Service to rely on other law enforcement agencies during a presidential campaign to fill out tasks, noting that is especially true for the Trump campaign.

“We draw upon resources not only across the federal government, but with state and local law enforcement,” he said.

Mayorkas declined to comment on specifics of the security detail or communications between the Secret Service and local law enforcement.

The Pennsylvania State Police said in a statement that the Secret Service requested 30 to 40 of their officers to assist in securing the rally’s inner perimeter Saturday.

The agency said securing the property and building where Crooks was perched on the roof was not part of the officers’ duties. It remains unclear which agency was responsible for securing that building.

Law enforcement became aware of Crooks after people alerted security that a man was acting strangely outside the rally venue. Attendees saw Crooks pacing near magnetometers at the event entrance, according to reporting from the Associated Press.

The tip sparked a search for Crooks, who was able to elude security and climbed onto the roof.

In multiple videos from the rally and shared on social media, attendees can be heard shouting, “He’s got a gun!” as they point to the nondescript rooftop where Crooks was positioned.

When local police were alerted to the armed man lying on the roof, officers tried to climb up but were deterred when the gunman pointed his weapon at them, sending them ducking for cover, Butler County Sheriff Michael Slupe told local news stations.

Although While the gunman was visible to those at the back of the building, the angle of the roof meant it was far harder for Secret Service snipers to see him until he aimed over the peak with his gun.

Rally attendee and Butler resident David Bocci was seated about 50 to 60 yards away from Trump’s stage on Saturday.

He said he watched as armed Secret Service snipers atop the building behind Trump looked around with binoculars. About three minutes later, he heard what he thought were fireworks. When the noises kept going, he realized they were gunshots. He said he heard the Secret Service yell, “President down!” and panic broke out.

Bocci dropped to the ground with the rest of the crowd before seeing Trump get back up and raise a fist in the air a few moments later.

“It was mind-blowing to me that [Secret Service] were looking and aiming that way for so long and somehow the shooter still got shots off first,” he said.

Police snipers return fire after shots rang out during former President Trump’s campaign rally in Butler, Pa., on July 13, 2024.

(Gene J. Puskar / Associated Press)

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Mayorkas did not speak about any specific flaws in Saturday’s security detail.

He declined to say how security has changed for the Trump campaign and for President Biden’s administration. But the direction of the Biden administration, the Secret Service will now also provide a security detail to independent presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

“The Secret Service enhanced former President Trump’s protection based on the evolving nature of threats to the former president and his imminent shift from presumptive nominee to nominee. This includes enhancements related to securing the former president during the Republican National Convention,” Mayorkas said during Monday’s news briefing.

Details of those enhancements would not be made public because they involve sensitive tactics and procedures, he said.

Troy Douthett with the Butler City Council dismissed as “hogwash” the Secret Service’s claim that the shooter was outside its security perimeter.

“Anything in sight should be under their watch,” said Douthett, an independent who voted for Trump in 2016 but did not vote in 2020.

“Local law enforcement is not equipped for protecting a president. That’s just insanity to me. We would have full expectation that the professionals would be professional,” he added.

On Monday, the FBI gained access to Crook’s cellphone, searched his car and home and conducted nearly 100 interviews of “law enforcement personnel, event attendees and other witnesses,” according to a news release from the agency.

The bureau has also received “hundreds of digital media tips” from the public, including images and videos from the scene. Anyone with information can contact the FBI at tips.fbi.gov or (800) 225-5324.

Times staff writers Goldberg and Lin reported from Pennsylvania, Solis and Winton from Los Angeles.