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Opinion: The GOP assault on election integrity has already begun

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Opinion: The GOP assault on election integrity has already begun

If you needed just one fact to show that in the world’s greatest democracy one of the two major parties is perversely devoted to suppressing and even subverting the vote, you couldn’t do better than this: The senior counsel for the Republican National Committee’s “election integrity team” — Orwellian doublespeak come to life — is a criminal defendant in Arizona’s case against 18 Republicans who tried to overturn the state’s 2020 vote for Joe Biden.

But there are so many more such facts, alas, and they provoke trepidation about postelection chaos of the sort that Donald Trump and his party unleashed four years ago.

Opinion Columnist

Jackie Calmes

Jackie Calmes brings a critical eye to the national political scene. She has decades of experience covering the White House and Congress.

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As a Republican involved in pre-Trump presidential contests put it to me, when it comes to support for our electoral system, “Trump has taken the party to a bad place.”

Dangerously for democracy, Republicans’ belief in systemic fraud by Democrats is now an article of faith. Witness the elected officials in 2024 still dodging reporters’ questions about who won in 2020, for fear of angering Trump and worshipful party voters. “All they want to do is cheat,” Trump said of Democrats at a recent Wisconsin rally. Ominously, two-thirds of Republicans say they’d trust Trump about whether to accept the results next month, far more than they’d trust a government-certified outcome, according to an August poll from the Associated Press and NORC Center for Public Affairs Research.

Since 2020, red states have enacted voting restrictions under the guise of “election integrity,” though fraud is all but nonexistent. They’ve imposed new identification requirements and limited mail-in ballots, drop boxes and just about any measure aiming to expand participation and provide convenience for harried Americans — and especially for minorities, college students, big-city voters and generally any groups that lean Democratic. Drop boxes have been a target of Republicans especially in Wisconsin, where U.S. Senate candidate Eric Hovde asked at a campaign event, “Who’s watching to see how many illegal ballots are being stuffed?”

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Already millions of voters have cast early ballots, just as state and national Republican groups are pursuing scores of lawsuits nationwide contesting local and state election rules and practices, including about how those early mail-in ballots are counted. They want to throw out some on technicalities, such as failing to date an envelope, that have nothing to do with the ballots’ integrity, and trash any that arrive after election day although they’re postmarked before it.

Republicans are fighting to restrict mail-in ballots even as the party presses its own supporters to vote that way. That’s in keeping with Trump’s false claims that such voting is “corrupt.” Why? Simply because most mail-in votes are from Democrats. In battleground Pennsylvania, for example, Democrats are requesting more than twice as many mail ballots as Republican voters are.

Many of the lawsuits and other challenges before local election boards and legislative bodies won’t succeed, election experts agree, just as the scores of lawsuits filed after Trump’s 2020 defeat failed all the way up to the Supreme Court. On Monday, the justices rejected a petition from Republican secretaries of state, members of Congress and Pennsylvania state lawmakers opposing as unconstitutional a modest executive order from Biden; its provisions include time off for federal employees who wish to volunteer as much-needed nonpartisan poll workers.

But some challenges will prevail. Meanwhile, the legal fights keep election lawyers playing Whac-A-Mole, and leave voters and local administrators perplexed about just what the rules are. What’s different from 2020, and worrisome, is that Trump’s grassroots allies have had years since then to heed his wingman Steve Bannon’s 2021 call to capture control of election boards where votes are first counted and certified: “We’re going to take this back … precinct by precinct.”

The head of one such board in Michigan’s bellwether Macomb County is a Republican who implored Trump to fight to stay in office in 2020. A Republican on a North Carolina county board has made evidence-free claims that Democrats are trafficking in illegal votes. And Republican officials in some Pennsylvania counties have opposed certifying results in past elections. Those are among the findings of a Reuters review of swing-state election administrators.

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Such election skeptics likely won’t determine next month’s result, but they could foul up the works by refusing to certify votes for Kamala Harris in the short term and, for the long term, further undermine confidence in voting.

Pennsylvania and Georgia, two of the most hard-fought prizes for Trump and Harris, are the states that most worry election experts. MAGA loyalists are in place in Georgia at the state and county level. They control the state board and have authorized county officials to withhold vote certifications for any “reasonable inquiry” they might conjure; ordered that ballots be counted by hand, a time-consuming and mistake-prone practice; and insisted on naming vote monitors for Democratic-leaning Fulton County, home to Atlanta and a plurality of Black residents. Democrats and voting groups are suing.

But here’s the good news: This time Trump isn’t the president, capable of abusing his power to, say, order the Justice Department to intervene or the Pentagon to seize voting machines. And JD Vance won’t be the vice president who presides when Congress certifies the result next Jan. 6.

Let’s keep it that way for the next four years.

@jackiekcalmes

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Trump signs order to protect Venezuela oil revenue held in US accounts

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Trump signs order to protect Venezuela oil revenue held in US accounts

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President Donald Trump has signed an executive order blocking U.S. courts from seizing Venezuelan oil revenues held in American Treasury accounts.

The order states that court action against the funds would undermine U.S. national security and foreign policy objectives.

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President Donald Trump is pictured signing two executive orders on Sept. 19, 2025, establishing the “Trump Gold Card” and introducing a $100,000 fee for H-1B visas. He signed another executive order recently protecting oil revenue. (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

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Trump signed the order on Friday, the same day that he met with nearly two dozen top oil and gas executives at the White House. 

The president said American energy companies will invest $100 billion to rebuild Venezuela’s “rotting” oil infrastructure and push production to record levels following the capture of Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro.

The U.S. has moved aggressively to take control of Venezuela’s oil future following the collapse of the Maduro regime.

This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.

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Column: Some leaders will do anything to cling to positions of power

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Column: Some leaders will do anything to cling to positions of power

One of the most important political stories in American history — one that is particularly germane to our current, tumultuous time — unfolded in Los Angeles some 65 years ago.

Sen. John F. Kennedy, a Catholic, had just received his party’s nomination for president and in turn he shunned the desires of his most liberal supporters by choosing a conservative out of Texas as his running mate. He did so in large part to address concerns that his faith would somehow usurp his oath to uphold the Constitution. The last time the Democrats nominated a Catholic — New York Gov. Al Smith in 1928 — he lost in a landslide, so folks were more than a little jittery about Kennedy’s chances.

“I am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk,” Kennedy told the crowd at the Memorial Coliseum. “But I look at it this way: The Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment.”

The most important part of the story is what happened before Kennedy gave that acceptance speech.

While his faith made party leaders nervous, they were downright afraid of the impact a civil rights protest during the Democratic National Convention could have on November’s election. This was 1960. The year began with Black college students challenging segregation with lunch counter sit-ins across the Deep South, and by spring the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee had formed. The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was not the organizer of the protest at the convention, but he planned to be there, guaranteeing media attention. To try to prevent this whole scene, the most powerful Black man in Congress was sent to stop him.

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The Rev. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was also a warrior for civil rights, but the House representative preferred the legislative approach, where backroom deals were quietly made and his power most concentrated. He and King wanted the same things for Black people. But Powell — who was first elected to Congress in 1944, the same year King enrolled at Morehouse College at the age of 15 — was threatened by the younger man’s growing influence. He was also concerned that his inability to stop the protest at the convention would harm his chance to become chairman of a House committee.

And so Powell — the son of a preacher, and himself a Baptist preacher in Harlem — told King that if he didn’t cancel, Powell would tell journalists a lie that King was having a homosexual affair with his mentor, Bayard Rustin. King stuck to his plan and led a protest — even though such a rumor would not only have harmed King, but also would have undermined the credibility of the entire civil rights movement. Remember, this was 1960. Before the March on Washington, before passage of the Voting Rights Act, before the dismantling of the very Jim Crow laws Powell had vowed to dismantle when first running for office.

That threat, my friends, is the most important part of the story.

It’s not that Powell didn’t want the best for the country. It’s just that he wanted to be seen as the one doing it and was willing to derail the good stemming from the civil rights movement to secure his own place in power. There have always been people willing to make such trade-offs. Sometimes they dress up their intentions with scriptures to make it more palatable; other times they play on our darkest fears. They do not care how many people get hurt in the process, even if it’s the same people they profess to care for.

That was true in Los Angeles in 1960.

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That was true in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6, 2021.

That is true in the streets of America today.

Whether we are talking about an older pastor who is threatened by the growing influence of a younger voice or a president clinging to office after losing an election: To remain king, some men are willing to burn the entire kingdom down.

YouTube: @LZGrandersonShow

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Federal judge blocks Trump from cutting childcare funds to Democratic states over fraud concerns

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Federal judge blocks Trump from cutting childcare funds to Democratic states over fraud concerns

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A federal judge Friday temporarily blocked the Trump administration from stopping subsidies on childcare programs in five states, including Minnesota, amid allegations of fraud.

U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian, a Biden appointee, didn’t rule on the legality of the funding freeze, but said the states had met the legal threshold to maintain the “status quo” on funding for at least two weeks while arguments continue.

On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns.

The programs include the Child Care and Development Fund, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, and the Social Services Block Grant, all of which help needy families.

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USDA IMMEDIATELY SUSPENDS ALL FEDERAL FUNDING TO MINNESOTA AMID FRAUD INVESTIGATION 

On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana, File)

“Families who rely on childcare and family assistance programs deserve confidence that these resources are used lawfully and for their intended purpose,” HHS Deputy Secretary Jim O’Neill said in a statement on Tuesday.

The states, which include California, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota and New York, argued in court filings that the federal government didn’t have the legal right to end the funds and that the new policy is creating “operational chaos” in the states.

U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian at his nomination hearing in 2022.  (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

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In total, the states said they receive more than $10 billion in federal funding for the programs. 

HHS said it had “reason to believe” that the programs were offering funds to people in the country illegally.

‘TIP OF THE ICEBERG’: SENATE REPUBLICANS PRESS GOV WALZ OVER MINNESOTA FRAUD SCANDAL

The table above shows the five states and their social safety net funding for various programs which are being withheld by the Trump administration over allegations of fraud.  (AP Digital Embed)

New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.”

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New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.” (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

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Fox News Digital has reached out to HHS for comment.

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