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Mass firings, unpaid furloughs? The Trump loyalist who picked up where Musk left off

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Mass firings, unpaid furloughs? The Trump loyalist who picked up where Musk left off

It has been four months since Elon Musk, President Trump’s bureaucratic demolition man, abandoned Washington in a flurry of recriminations and chaos.

But the Trump administration’s crusade to dismantle much of the federal government never ended. It’s merely under new management: the less colorful but more methodical Russell Vought, director of Trump’s Office of Management and Budget.

Vought has become the backroom architect of Trump’s aggressive strategy — slashing the federal workforce, freezing billions in congressionally approved spending in actions his critics often call illegal.

Now Vought has proposed using the current government shutdown as an opportunity to fire thousands of bureaucrats permanently instead of merely furloughing them temporarily. If any do return to work, he has suggested that the government need not give them back pay — contrary to a law Trump signed in 2019.

Those threats may prove merely to be pressure tactics as Trump tries to persuade Democrats to accept spending cuts on Medicaid, Obamacare and other programs.

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But the shutdown battle is the current phase of a much larger one. Vought’s long-term goals, he says, are to “bend or break the bureaucracy to the presidential will” and “deconstruct the administrative state.”

He’s still only partway done.

“I’d estimate that Vought has implemented maybe 10% or 15% of his program,” said Donald F. Kettl, former dean of the public policy school at the University of Maryland. “There may be as much as 90% to go. If this were a baseball game, we’d be in the top of the second inning.”

Along the way, Vought (pronounced “vote”) has chipped relentlessly at Congress’ ability to control the use of federal funds, massively expanding the power of the president.

“He has waged the most serious attack on separation of powers in American history,” said Elaine Kamarck, an expert on federal management at the Brookings Institution.

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He’s done that mainly by using OMB, the White House office that oversees spending, to control the day-to-day purse strings of federal agencies — and deliberately keeping Congress in the dark along the way.

“If Congress has given us authority that is too broad, then we’re going to use that authority aggressively,” Vought said last month.

Federal judges have ruled some of the administration’s actions illegal, but they have allowed others to stand. Vought’s proposal to use the shutdown to fire thousands of bureaucrats hasn’t been tested in court.

Vought developed his aggressive approach during two decades as a conservative budget expert, culminating in his appointment as director of OMB in Trump’s first term.

In 2019, he stretched the limits of presidential power by helping Trump get around a congressional ban on funding for a border wall, by declaring an emergency and transferring military funds. He froze congressionally mandated aid for Ukraine, the action that led to Trump’s first impeachment.

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Even so, Vought complained that Trump had been needlessly restrained by cautious first-term aides.

“The lawyers come in and say, ‘It’s not legal. You can’t do that,’” he said in 2023. “I don’t want President Trump having to lose a moment of time having fights in the Oval Office over whether something is legal.”

Vought is a proponent of the “unitary executive” theory, the argument that the president should have unfettered control over every tentacle of the executive branch, including independent agencies such as the Federal Reserve.

When Congress designates money for federal programs, he has argued, “It’s a ceiling. It is not a floor. It’s not the notion that you have to spend every dollar.”

Most legal experts disagree; a 1974 law prohibits the president from unilaterally withholding money Congress has appropriated.

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Vought told conservative activists in 2023 that if Trump returned to power, he would deliberately seek to inflict “trauma” on federal employees.

“We want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected,” he said. “When they wake up in the morning, we want them to not want to go to work.”

When Vought returned to OMB for Trump’s second term, he appeared to be in Musk’s shadow. But once the flamboyant Tesla chief executive flamed out, the OMB director got to work to make DOGE’s work the foundation for lasting changes.

He extended many of DOGE’s funding cuts by slowing down OMB’s approval of disbursements — turning them into de facto freezes.

He helped persuade Republicans in Congress to cancel $9 billion in previously approved foreign aid and public broadcasting support, a process known as “rescission.”

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To cancel an additional $4.9 billion, he revived a rarely used gambit called a “pocket rescission,” freezing the funds until they expired.

Along the way, he quietly stopped providing Congress with information on spending, leaving legislators in the dark on whether programs were being axed.

DOGE and OMB eliminated jobs so quickly that the federal government stopped publishing its ongoing tally of federal employees. (Any number would only be approximate; some layoffs are tied up in court, and thousands of employees who opted for voluntary retirement are technically still on the payroll.)

The result was a significant erosion of Congress’ “power of the purse,” which has historically included not only approving money but also monitoring how it was spent.

Even some Republican members of Congress seethed. “They would like a blank check … and I don’t think that’s appropriate,” said former Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).

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But the GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, pleased to see spending cut by any means, let Vought have his way. Even McConnell voted to approve the $9-billion rescission request.

Vought’s newest innovation, the mid-shutdown layoffs, would be another big step toward reducing Congress’ role.

“The result would be a dramatic, instantaneous shift in the separation of powers,” Kettl said. “The Trump team could kill programs unilaterally without the inconvenience of going to Congress.”

Some of the consequences could be catastrophic, Kettl and other scholars warned. Kamarck calls them “time bombs.”

“One or more of these decisions is going to blow up in Trump’s face,” she said.

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“FEMA won’t be capable of reacting to the next hurricane. The National Weather Service won’t have the forecasters it needs to analyze the data from weather balloons.”

Even before the government shutdown, she noted, the FAA was grappling with a shortage of air traffic controllers. This week the FAA slowed takeoffs at several airports in response to growing shortages, including at air traffic control centers in Atlanta, Houston and Dallas-Fort Worth.

In theory, a future Congress could undo many of Vought’s actions, especially if Democrats win control of the House or, less likely, the Senate.

But rebuilding agencies that have been radically shrunken would take much longer than cutting them down, the scholars said.

“Much of this will be difficult to reverse when Democrats come back into fashion,” Kamarck said.

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Indeed, that’s part of Vought’s plan.

“We want to make sure that the bureaucracy can’t reconstitute itself later in future administrations,” he said in April in a podcast with Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist who was slain on Sept. 10.

He’s pleased with the progress he’s made, he told reporters in July.

“We’re having fun,” he said.

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Video: The Impact of Trump’s Slipping Approval Rating

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Video: The Impact of Trump’s Slipping Approval Rating

new video loaded: The Impact of Trump’s Slipping Approval Rating

After months of holding steady, President Trump‘s approval rating has dipped over the past several weeks, according to a New York Times analysis of public polling.

By Tyler Pager, Claire Hogan, Whitney Shefte and Stephanie Swart

December 7, 2025

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Congress faces holiday crunch as health care fix collides with shrinking calendar

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Congress faces holiday crunch as health care fix collides with shrinking calendar

NEWYou can now listen to Fox News articles!

Congress has been back after the week-plus Thanksgiving Day break. And days are slipping off the calendar as lawmakers struggle to assemble a plan to address health care or defray the cost of spiking premiums.

The deadline is the end of the calendar year. But Fox is told that the insurance companies just need action by Jan. 15.

Still, that doesn’t give Congress much time to act. And, depending on the metric, the House is only scheduled to meet for nine days for the rest of 2025.

 The Senate is not as clear, but, unofficially, the Senate will only meet for nine more days as well.

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GOP WRESTLES WITH OBAMACARE FIX AS TRUMP LOOMS OVER SUBSIDY FIGHT

The House is scheduled to be in Tuesday through Friday. Then Dec. 15 through Dec. 19.

The Senate meets Monday. But it’s unclear if the Senate would meet Friday.

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) speaks during a press conference on healthcare with other House Democrats, on the East steps of the U.S. Capitol on the 15th day of the government shutdown in Washington, Oct. 15, 2025.  (Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images)

The Senate also meets Dec. 15 through at least Dec. 18. But anything beyond that is a little sketchy.

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CONGRESS RACES AGAINST 3-WEEK DEADLINE TO TACKLE MASSIVE YEAR-END LEGISLATIVE AGENDA

However, this is where things get interesting.

The House originally was not scheduled to meet Dec. 19. But that date was added to the schedule a few weeks ago.

Some would interpret that added date as “code” for the possibility that the House may need to be in town the weekend of Dec. 20 to Dec. 21, and perhaps beyond. There is a possibility that the House could add days to the calendar around that period because Christmas Day isn’t until that Thursday.

DEMS PULL OUT ALL THE STOPS TO KEEP OBAMACARE SUBSIDIES FIGHT ALIVE AFTER VOTE TO REOPEN GOVERNMENT

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So, in theory, the House has a few extra days at its disposal to address issues before Dec.25. It would be a different matter if Christmas itself fell on say a Monday or Tuesday. 

So let me fillet the meaning of this.

Developing a coalition to support such a package — without bipartisan support and full-throated support from President Donald Trump — likely stymies any health care package. (Alex Brandon/AP)

House Republicans are aiming to release a health care plan in the coming days. But developing a coalition to support such a package — without bipartisan support and full-throated support from President Donald Trump — likely stymies any health care package.

CONGRESS MELTS DOWN: MEMBERS UNLEASH PERSONAL ATTACKS AFTER WEEKS OF SHUTDOWN DRAMA

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Keep in mind, Republicans have talked about an alternative plan to Obamacare since 2009, but have never passed anything. So, it’s truly hard to believe they can pass anything in the next 26 days.

The Senate is expected to take votes related to competing health care plans late next week. The GOP offering is still unclear.

Senate Democrats just unveiled a three-year extension of the current Obamacare subsidies. Any bill needs 60 yeas. So expect the Democrats’ plan to die immediately.

OBAMACARE STICKER SHOCK: THREE FACTORS PUSHING PREMIUMS TO RECORD HIGHS

Frankly, it’s likely that the failure of both plans in the Senate makes everyone get serious. Often in the Senate, something must first fail until the sides get serious about a compromise and begin to hustle.

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That takes us back to the calendar.

Thus, with the deadline of skyrocketing health care premiums, it’s possible that Congress races up to and/or through the holidays to pass some sort of a health care fix before the end of 2025. 

CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP 

That’s why that weekend and days between Dec. 20 and Dec. 23, which are not on the congressional calendar, could be prime targets for Congress to work to pass something.

HOUSE GOP SPLITS OVER OBAMACARE FIX AS COSTS POISED TO SPIKE FOR MILLIONS

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That’s to say nothing of Congress returning after Christmas and trying to approve something before or around the New Year.

 Both bodies are technically slated to return to session Jan. 5.

And don’t forget, that the Senate passed its version of the original Obamacare plan just after dawn on Christmas Eve morning, 2009.

Discussions around rising costs for healthcare, primarily surrounding Obamacare, have divided Republicans and they contemplate whether to reform or replace the system. (By Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images; Stefani Reynolds/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

BIPARTISAN DEAL ON OBAMACARE SUBSIDIES FADES AS REPUBLICANS PUSH HSA PLAN

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Also lurking in the background: spending bills to fund the government.

Government funding expires at 11:59:59 p.m. Eastern Time on January 30. Nine of the 12 annual spending bills for Fiscal Year 2026 remain unfinished. The House expects to tackle a few bills before the end of the year.

But if Congress fails to address anything on health care before the end of January, the probability of another government shutdown increases exponentially.

So, I bid you “tidings of comfort and joy.”

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Commentary: She’s a liar, swindler and cheat. So why wouldn’t Trump pardon her?

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Commentary: She’s a liar, swindler and cheat. So why wouldn’t Trump pardon her?

For a while, it seemed Elizabeth Holmes was everywhere.

Peering wide-eyed and black-turtlenecked from a shelf load of magazine covers. Honored as a “Woman of the Year” by Glamour. Touted as one of Time’s “100 Most Influential People.”

At age 30, Holmes was regarded as a preternatural business talent — and, more impressively, described as the youngest self-made female billionaire in history — owing to her founding and stewardship of Theranos, a Silicon Valley start-up that promised to revolutionize healthcare by diagnosing a host of maladies with just a pinprick’s worth of blood.

It was all a big con job.

Her medical claims were a sham. Theranos’ technology was bogus. Even the husky TED-talking voice Holmes used to invest herself with greater seriousness and authority was a put-on. (The turtlenecks were an austere affectation she cribbed from Steve Jobs.)

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In January 2022, a San Jose jury convicted Holmes on four counts of fraud and conspiracy. At age 37, she became a case study in gullibility and greed. Months later, Holmes — by then a mother of two — was sentenced to 11 years and three months in prison. She began serving her term in May 2023, at a women’s prison camp outside Houston.

Now, Holmes — who spawned a best-selling book, podcasts, a documentary, a TV miniseries and, not incidentally, stole hundreds of millions of dollars from investors — is lobbying for a pardon from President Trump.

And why not?

Game knows game. Grift knows grift.

Of all the powers a president wields, few match his awesome pardon authority.

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It is sweeping and life-changing. Idiosyncratic, resting wholly on personal whim, and irrevocable. Once granted, it is impossible to reverse.

The power to pardon is also, like any grant of authority, subject to mismanagement and abuse.

Just about every president “has issued his share of controversial pardons and more than that, perhaps, pardons that just were in terrible taste, that violated all sense of reason and propriety,” said Larry Gerston, a San José State political science professor emeritus and longtime student of Silicon Valley.

Excess being Trump’s signature, the president has, true to form, taken his pardon power to indecent and unholy extremes.

As soon as he settled back into the Oval Office, Trump pardoned more than 1,500 criminal defendants tied to the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, including some who beat and pepper-sprayed law enforcement officers.

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Other malefactors he’s let off the hook include Changpeng Zhao, the money-laundering former CEO of Binance, which has ties to the Trump family’s cryptocurrency business; disgraced former congressman and embezzler George Santos; and Illinois’ politically corrupt former governor, Rod Blagojevich.

Just last week, Trump pardoned former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernández, a convicted drug trafficker who, according to prosecutors, “paved a cocaine superhighway” to the United States. This at the same time the U.S. military ramps up its presence in Latin America and blows boats out of the Caribbean in a professed fight against drug smuggling in the region.

If you can square those actions with Hernández’s pardon and not throw your back out in the process you’re either more pliable than most or willfully obtuse.

Or try reconciling Trump’s supposed tough-on-crime stance with his pardon of crypto cult hero Ross Ulbricht.

Ulbricht, whom a judge described as “the kingpin of a worldwide digital drug-trafficking enterprise,” was sentenced in 2015 to life in prison for running Silk Road, a dark web marketplace where criminals used Bitcoin to conduct hundreds of millions of dollars in illicit trade.

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Acting from behind bars, with help from family and supporters, Ulbricht mounted a social media campaign clamoring for his release. Among those who took note was Trump, who championed Ulbricht’s cause during the 2024 campaign as a way to woo libertarian-minded voters. A day after his inauguration, the president granted Ulbricht a full, unconditional pardon.

Apparently, Holmes also took note.

From her minimum security lockup, she’s begun mounting her own social media blitz in an apparent attempt to win Trump’s favor and get sprung from prison and freed from accountability for her epic swindle.

Holmes cannot access the internet or social media, the U.S. Bureau of Prisons told the San Jose Mercury News. So her postings, she explains on X, are “mostly my words, posted by others.” (Her biography reads: “Building a better world for my two children. Inventor. Founder and former CEO @Theranos.” Somewhere Thomas Edison is blushing.)

Holmes’ feed is a babbling stream of self-help epigrams, ankle-deep reflections and many, many photos of herself. “I gave my life to fighting for our basic human right to health information,” says the would-be Joan of Arc.

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Of course, there is also plenty of Trump flattery along with paeans to Robert F. Kennedy Jr. and his cockamamie make-America-sick-again agenda, as one medical charlatan nods to another.

Nowhere does Holmes offer the slightest expression of guilt or remorse for her considerable ill-gotten gains. At one point, she even likens herself to a Holocaust survivor, displaying both staggeringly poor taste and utter cluelessness.

All of which makes Holmes an ideal candidate for a pardon from Trump, who’s turned self-dealing and victimization into an art form. Maybe if Holmes is freed from jail she can find a job somewhere in his administration.

She’d fit right in.

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