Politics
'How are we going to defend ourselves?' Inside the Capitol during the Jan. 6 insurrection
Many Americans watched video footage of the crowd attacking the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, but few have a firsthand account of what happened inside. Three years ago, Times reporter Sarah D. Wire wrote about her experience, typing it out on a cellphone from the House safe room. She was one of three reporters to make it inside.
Now, with the aid of time and surveillance footage recently made available by the House, along with additional firsthand accounts from Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona), Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.) and freelance congressional correspondent Matt Laslo, Wire provides a more expansive view of what it was like inside the Capitol that day.
Protesters gather Jan. 6, 2021, outside the Capitol, fueled by President Trump’s continued claims of election fraud.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
I knew there was going to be a massive protest in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021. Then-President Trump had been talking about it for weeks. I knew violence was likely. A mid-December MAGA event had become violent. Social media platforms were full of open calls for civil war and revolution, and dozens of news outlets had written about it.
But I worked inside the U.S. Capitol, the safest place on Earth, as I reminded my husband the night before — I was worried about the reporters who would be outside. While I obliged my husband’s pleas to wear plain clothes and get into the building as swiftly as possible, I never thought twice about working that day.
There was nothing I loved more than being in the House or Senate chambers for important events, including a ceremonial moment like the counting of the electoral college votes. Many Americans never get to set foot in their Capitol, and I felt a responsibility to tell them what happens there.
I arrived about 11:15 a.m. COVID-19 restrictions had greatly reduced the number of people allowed on Capitol Hill. Rather than the thousands of staff members and tourists who typically fill the building, I passed just handfuls of people on their way to offices or the Capitol.
The protest ramps up as Congress finalizes the results of the 2020 presidential election.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona), worried that protesters might cause traffic, had arrived early. She bought a Boston cream pie doughnut on her way in, a nod to the Día de Los Tres Reyes celebration she would normally have on Jan. 6 with her staff, who were working from home.
Rep. Norma Torres (D-Pomona) in her office on Capitol Hill.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Since then, she’s been unable to eat Boston cream pie doughnuts.
“I have purchased at least half a dozen, and they stay and rot in my bag,” she said.
The joint session begins
I settled into my seat in the press gallery above the speaker’s dais at about 12:45 p.m. and prepared to watch the joint session of Congress convene for the electoral vote count. I’ll always consider that front-row spot my seat.
Capitol Police lost control of the first barrier on the west side of the building at 12:53 p.m. as senators walked to the House chamber.
Rioters were streaming over fences and barricades by the time then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) gaveled in the joint session of Congress at 1:05 p.m.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) and Vice President Mike Pence officiate Jan. 6, 2021, as a joint session of the House and Senate convenes to confirm the electoral college vote.
(Jim Lo Scalzo / Associated Press)
Because of COVID-19 precautions, only members chosen to present for their states were allowed on the House floor. Many watched from their offices. Torres joined the members sitting in the gallery above the chamber.
Senators and representatives counted the votes in alphabetical order of states. When they reached Arizona, Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) and Rep. Paul Gosar (R-Ariz.) objected to recording the state’s 11 electoral votes. The House and Senate retired to their respective chambers to debate the objections.
I stayed in the House. Just half a dozen lawmakers had spoken when I learned there might be trouble. My phone buzzed at 1:41 p.m. — I received a Capitol Police alert saying House office buildings had been locked down.
Sen. John Boozman (R-Ark.) said he had no inkling of what was happening as senators headed back to their chamber to debate. He’s used to the noise; protests are common on Capitol Hill.
Boozman joked with his old friend Mike Pence before the then-vice president ascended the dais that they needed to go golfing.
“He said, ‘Well, I’ve got plenty of time to do it now,’” Boozman recalled.
At 1:42 p.m., congressional correspondent Matt Laslo noticed Pence’s Secret Service detail in the hallway outside the Senate chamber.
“You could feel their nervousness,” Laslo said.
Vice President Mike Pence’s Secret Service detail speak in a Capitol hallway on Jan. 6, 2021. Rioters breached the building moments after this image was taken.
(Matt Laslo)
He watched through a second-floor window as the crowd surged up the steps under the inaugural platform to reach the West Terrace. The Capitol shook with the force of percussion grenades, and smoke rose above the crowd. At 2:11 p.m., Laslo recorded the rioters’ first breach of the Capitol, at the Senate-wing doors.
“You felt the roar of the crowd as they entered,” he said.
Meanwhile, inside the Senate chamber, Boozman realized something was wrong when he saw someone whisper in Pence’s ear.
Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough works beside Pence during the certification of electoral college ballots, shortly before the Capitol was stormed by rioters.
(J. Scott Applewhite / Associated Press)
“We have lots of drills around here. And there’s a difference in having a drill and then looking at the sergeant of arms … seeing a look of worry on their face,” he said. “You could just tell that they were very concerned.”
Officers scrambled to lock the chamber doors at 2:13 p.m.; Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa), third in line for the presidency, was pulled out of the chamber one minute later. Senate staff members scurried to gather their belongings and raced into the chamber. Capitol Police officers barricaded one of the senators-only stairways with office furniture.
Laslo saw Capitol Police officer Eugene Goodman tell Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah), who was leaving the chamber, to turn around because he would be safer inside. Goodman ran downstairs and slowed rioters’ ascent to the second floor, buying time to lock the Senate chamber.
Matt Laslo, a congressional reporter, documented the events during the riot at the Capitol.
(Matt Laslo)
Laslo raced up the stairs to the third-floor windows to take photos of what was happening outside. The hallway was empty; the officers who’d been stationed outside the Senate public galleries had been called elsewhere.
“There was this weird calm before the storm” on the third floor, he told me. “You could tell stuff was happening down there, but up here was just dead quiet.”
The Capitol locks down
At 2:13 p.m., I walked into the House press offices in time to hear the emergency radio crackle to life.
“Due to an external security threat located on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol Building, no entry or exit is permitted at this time,” a panicked voice said. “You may move throughout the building[s], but stay away from exterior windows and doors. If you are outside, seek cover.”
I ran back to my seat in the House gallery to alert my editors. I looked over the railing into the chamber and noticed that Pelosi, second in line to the presidency, had been spirited away by her security detail.
Torres received a text at 2:18 p.m.: “Capitol: Internal security threat: move inside office/lock doors, seek cover and remain silent. USCP.”
Behind me, about a dozen reporters were ushered into the gallery from the press offices before police shut and locked the doors. Officers interrupted the proceedings to announce that tear gas had been deployed in the Capitol rotunda. They told representatives to pull air filtration hoods from beneath their seats.
Riot police clear a hallway inside the Capitol.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
A staff member handed out more hoods in the gallery, and we passed them down the row until everybody had one.
Rep. Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.), a former combat Marine, stood on a table and yelled instructions to other members on how to use the hoods.
Suddenly, the doors to the chamber closed one by one. It was about 2:20 p.m.
“When these wooden doors that are 8 foot tall slam, that echo is so disturbing,” Torres said.
Police began to escort lawmakers off the House floor through the Speaker’s lobby. Representatives in the gallery were told to get on their hands and knees and crawl. Suddenly there was a frantic demand to get up and run for the center door.
Representatives were ordered to put on emergency air filtration hoods because tear gas had been deployed to clear the rioters. Once activated, the motors emitted a high-pitched whine for hours. (Rep. Norma Torres)
Emergency air filtration hoods and other Capitol Police gear were strewn about. Reporters encountered the mess as they were escorted from the building. (Matt Laslo)
Torres stayed behind to help representatives who couldn’t run. The doors to exit the gallery slammed shut before she and the members could reach them.
“I didn’t think we were going to ever leave,” she said. “We started to look for [makeshift] weapons. How are we going to defend ourselves? How are we going to fight back?”
A few lawmakers still on the floor assisted plainclothes officers in shoving a bookcase in front of the chamber’s main entry — the same one the president passes through for the State of the Union address.
Officers on the floor shouted at reporters to move from their seats across from the main doors and get out of a direct line of fire. We scrambled over railings and chairs.
“Crouch on the floor!” an officer shouted. “Get as low as you can!”
I slid to my belly behind a row of chairs in the box where the first lady sits during the State of the Union.
Outside the chamber, Capitol Police were quickly overwhelmed as they fought to prevent access to the building at multiple points on the east and west fronts of the Capitol, while others worked to secure representatives and senators.
A Pro-Trump insurrectionist mob streams into the rotunda of the Capitol after breaking through the east door.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
If COVID-19 hadn’t limited the number of people in the building that day, Torres said, there’s no telling what might have happened.
“I’m terrified what it would have been like if the gallery would have been full of people, innocent members of the public who come here to see … magic happen on this floor or to just participate in the ceremony,” Torres said. “And every member of Congress [would have been] here. What would Capitol Police have been able to do?”
The Senate evacuates
The Secret Service rushed Pence out of the Senate and down a private set of stairs at 2:25 p.m.
Five minutes later, officers moved the furniture barricading the stairs, and senators and staff evacuated, winding down several flights to reach the subway between the Capitol and Senate office buildings. Officers headed in the opposite direction and into the Capitol building.
Police arrive at the Capitol.
(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)
Women took off their heels to run down the lengthy tunnel to the Senate office buildings. Staff members carried large boxes full of electoral votes, preventing rioters from gaining control of the official records sent by the states declaring which candidate received the most votes.
Boozman noticed Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), who had been deteriorating physically and mentally, fall toward the back of the pack of senators. She was on the phone and looked confused, he said, ignoring a young staff member who urged her to hurry up.
“I could talk to her in a different way than he could,” Boozman said. “So I said, ‘Senator, you need to put your phone away. This is very serious. We need to go,’ essentially. And so she put her phone away, and I kind of grabbed her and started walking.”
Boozman placed his arm across Feinstein’s back and clasped his hand around her upper arm as he led her away.
As they walked down Senate tunnels toward a safe room, Feinstein recounted finding the bodies of San Francisco Mayor George Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk after they were assassinated in 1978. Boozman had heard the story many times during their time together in Washington.
“She was aware of what was going on in the sense that that immediately came to her mind,” he said.
Two floors above them, at 2:44 p.m., the first rioter reached the door Pence used to escape from the Senate. Realizing the door was locked, the rioter dropped to his knees and began to pray. More rioters arrived and rifled through staff desks in search of keys to get in.
Smoke fills the walkway outside the Senate chamber as rioters are confronted by U.S. Capitol Police officers.
(Manuel Balce Ceneta / Associated Press)
Soon rioters entered the Senate gallery. They jumped down onto the floor, looked through senators’ desks and opened the doors to let the waiting crowd inside.
Leaving the House gallery
Meanwhile, officers were doing everything they could to slow the crowd’s progress from the rotunda and buy time for representatives to evacuate the House floor, surveillance footage shows. In a burst of strength, the crowd shoved police officers backward until they reached the main House chamber doors at 2:36 p.m.
The glass on the main doors began to crack and shattered. I peeked over a chair into the chamber as then-Rep. Markwayne Mullin (R-Okla.) attempted to reason with the rioters who were trying to push their way in.
Inside the chamber, officers aimed their service weapons through the shattered glass.
“Oh, my God, they are going to fire on them,” Torres said in a video she recorded at the time.
An officer told representatives to get as low as possible. There was a frenetic pounding on the second-floor doors to the chamber and to the gallery doors on the third floor.
People shelter in the House chamber as rioters try to break in.
(Andrew Harnik / Associated Press)
The second-floor crowd expanded, filling the east hallway. The officers guarding the House chamber and the east exterior entrance doors had moved into the chamber. Rioters opened the exterior doors to the throngs outside.
The crowd reached the entrance to the Speaker’s Lobby behind the House chamber. The rioters pounded on the glass doors, which had been barricaded shut with antique furniture, and broke the glass with their fists, flagpoles and helmets. Just yards away, more than a dozen members of Congress evacuated through the lobby.
San Diego Air Force veteran Ashli Babbitt began crawling through a hole in the glass. She was struck by a single, fatal gunshot to her left shoulder, fired by a Capitol Police officer at 2:44 p.m.
A minute later, officers fired tear gas in an effort to break up the crowd outside the main House doors. After receiving little response, officers fired more canisters. A cloud of gas billowed to fill the hall. Finally, the crowd dissipated.
“You could see the smoke coming up [into the House chamber],” Torres said. “I couldn’t believe it, any of it.”
The gunshot and the tear gas immediately quieted the crowd. Representatives’ prayers and the whine of the air-filtration hood motors echoed in the chamber. That whine would be a constant throughout the day, and still haunts my nightmares.
I crawled over to Torres. She took a photo of me to share online so my bosses would know I was safe. I tried to shake the thought that it might be the last photo of me alive.
Torres took this photo of Times reporter Sarah D. Wire as they were locked in the House gallery and tweeted it to let Wire’s bosses know she was safe.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
“Can I do the hardest part of my job and ask you what you are thinking right now?” I asked her.
“It’s horrible that this is America, this is the United States of America, and this is what we have to go through because Trump has called homegrown terrorists to come to the Capitol and invalidate people’s votes,” she replied.
Feet from us, in the hallway outside the locked doors, the crowd on the third floor had grown. Security footage shows the rioters pounding on doors, rattling doorknobs and filing in and out of an unlocked office.
Officers started retaking control of the hall by 2:45 p.m.
Lawmakers and police officers argued inside about whether to run for it. One of the doors briefly opened, and a few people made it out before the rioters noticed. Officers locked the door from inside seconds before the rioters reached it.
Rep. Norma Torres shares video of members of Congress and reporters waiting to be evacuated from the gallery while rioters try to break into the House chamber on Jan. 6, 2021.
“We were saying, ‘Where are we going to go?’ We were scared what was going to be on the other side of the door,” Torres said. “The pounding on the doors was horrible.”
Video shot by Torres shows a female officer telling people in the gallery to prepare to move quickly and calmly once the door opened again.
“Wait for the direction. They are going to make sure it is clear first,” the unidentified officer said, her voice rising to be heard.
Security footage at that time shows a phalanx of officers carrying assault-style weapons marching up a flight of stairs and ordering rioters to the ground. One officer pointed a grenade or tear gas launcher at the rioters’ heads.
Capitol Police hold rioters at gunpoint near the House chamber.
(Associated Press)
The evacuation of the House gallery began at 2:51 p.m. I zeroed in on the rioters peering up at us from the floor and was shaken by how close they were. A few feet from me in the crowd, Torres first saw blood on an officer, she said.
Torres and other members screamed when white officers in plainclothes ran toward them, thinking they were rioters.
“I never thought I would be afraid of a person because of the color of their skin or how they look. These experiences were all new to me,” Torres said.
As my foot hit the first step of the marble staircase that was our escape route, I realized that I hadn’t told my husband I was safe.
“I’m ok. Being evacuated,” I texted him at 2:57 p.m., too overwhelmed to give details.
“Big exhale,” he replied. “Ok. Keep me updated. Love you.”
As she started down the stairs, Torres took a phone call from one of her sons.
“I regret so much saying to him that I was running for my life. He’s a police officer, and he was watching on TV, and it looked horrible,” she said.
Torres asked staff to update her family the rest of the day. She knew she would lose composure if she spoke to her husband or her other children.
We passed the tear-gas-filled hall on the second floor and made our way down a warren of hallways, a winding staircase and a long tunnel. I interviewed lawmakers on the way.
House members hustle down a tunnel under the Capitol complex to get to a safe room. The tunnels are normally used to move between buildings during bad weather.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
The representatives who had evacuated from the House floor carried gas masks and weapons made from broken furniture or anything else they found along the way. They reached the safe room by 2:50 p.m., security footage shows.
Somehow, I wasn’t blocked like other reporters and made it into the safe room, where I continued my interviews.
As members typed on their phones and received updates from security officials, staff handed out snacks and bottles of water.
A member pleaded with colleagues not to give interviews, worried we might accidentally betray our location.
“Lady, I’m in here too,” I thought.
Fleeing the Senate
Meanwhile, in the Senate safe room, senators, reporters and staff watched coverage of the riot happening around them.
Laslo, a congressional reporter and new media professor at John Hopkins University, documented the events. (Matt Laslo)
Laslo at the Capitol. (Matt Laslo)
“You could actually see on television what was happening to the areas that you just left,” Boozman said. “I think that’s really when we realized the full extent of what was going on.”
Surveillance footage shows officers clearing Senate staff and reporters from third-floor offices at about 3:20 p.m.
While reporters waited to be evacuated, they pulled down signs on desks identifying the news organizations that used them, turned off lights and hid so they couldn’t be seen through a window in the door.
Laslo hung a blazer over the sign for the radio-TV press gallery. He prepared for the possibility that reporters would have to get out of the building on their own by hiding his press pass and ripping his shirt to expose his tattoos. He armed himself with a wrench and a wooden doorstop that he fashioned into a shiv.
“I was walking around all the booths looking for anything that could be a makeshift weapon,” he said.
Laslo took a shot of moonshine from the bottle in his desk and left with another reporter at 3:54 p.m. He spotted a Gadsden flag left behind by rioters and ripped it from its pole, thinking he might drape it over himself to blend into the crowd.
At 4:01 p.m., Laslo passed the Senate-wing windows from which he had filmed rioters breaking in hours before, finding they were blocked with broken furniture. Officers braced the barricade with their bodies as the crowd outside screamed at them through broken panes.
Moments later, Laslo caught up with a group of about 25 staffers who had hidden under a conference-room table for hours as the mob ransacked Pelosi’s suite. Security footage shows officers amassing on the upper West Terrace around the same time to repel rioters who remained on the presidential inauguration stand or the West Lawn.
After police separated Laslo from Pelosi’s team, he spent hours waiting in a cafeteria with dozens of other reporters and staffers, watching teams of armed federal agency officers rush down the halls toward the Capitol or up the stairs of the office building to look for rioters hiding inside.
At one point, Laslo climbed out an upper-story window, planning to jump to a nearby tree in order to get off Capitol grounds.
“I was getting claustrophobic,” he said. “I needed to be gone.”
An officer at the street level waited for Laslo to finish a cigarette, then ordered him back inside.
In the House safe room, then-Rep. Jackie Speier (D-Hillsborough) repeatedly put her hand on my shoulder as she walked by. I realized I was visibly trembling. It would be hours before I stopped.
Congress finishes its work
Around 5:30 p.m., the House’s top security official announced that the Capitol was secure. He urged members to stay in the safe room until the grounds were cleared. At 5:45 p.m., police regained control of the West Terrace and West Lawn.
At about 6:30 p.m., Pelosi entered the room. She condemned the “mobs desecrating the halls of the Capitol of the United States” and declared that the House and Senate would return immediately to finish their work.
Pelosi tells representatives that they are immediately going back to the chamber to finish certifying the results of the 2020 presidential election.
(Rep. Norma Torres)
Laslo and others in the cafeteria were allowed to leave at 7:14 p.m. He walked to the edge of the Capitol campus and hailed a taxi. It took him hours to make it home.
Representatives were allowed to leave the safe room at roughly the same time.
On my way back to the House gallery to finish covering the electoral count certification, I slipped in the tear gas and fire extinguisher residue that coated the floors. Custodial staff who had remained hidden for hours as the insurrection raged worked quickly to clean up glass shards, broken furniture, blood and even feces smeared on the walls so that Congress could resume its work.
At 8 p.m., the Capitol complex was officially declared secure.
“Today was a dark day in the history of the United States Capitol,” Pence said when he gaveled the Senate back into session six minutes later.
Pence looks at a mobile device from a secured loading dock at the Capitol.
(Associated Press)
Boozman said he stayed until the very end.
“I think the consensus on both sides was, ‘We’re going to do our job,’” he said. “‘We’re not going to succumb to any delay based on that kind of activity.’”
Torres sat in the last row of seats on the House floor as deliberations resumed.
“That’s when my skin started burning,” she said. A few minutes later, an officer cautioned members that the tear gas hadn’t been cleaned off the chairs.
Debate continued for hours. Torres headed back to her office around midnight.
“I felt so scared and alone,” she said. “I grabbed a baseball bat from the [congressional] women’s softball team, and I cleared my offices with that to make sure nobody was in there, nobody had gotten in there. And once I did that, I sat down and cried, and I finally called my husband.”
At 3:44 a.m., Congress certified Joe Biden’s win.
Politics
Video: Trump Boasts About Economy in Prime Time Speech
new video loaded: Trump Boasts About Economy in Prime Time Speech
transcript
transcript
Trump Boasts About Economy in Prime Time Speech
The president gave a televised speech that featured repeated criticism of Democrats and his predecessor, Joseph R. Biden Jr., along with boasts about gains that many Americans have said they are not experiencing.
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Good evening, America. Eleven months ago, I inherited a mess, and I’m fixing it. The last administration and their allies in Congress looted our treasury for trillions of dollars, driving up prices and everything at levels never seen before. I am bringing those high prices down. It’s not done yet, but boy, are we making progress. Nobody can believe what’s going on. Here are just some of the efforts that we have underway. You will see in your wallets and bank accounts in the new year, after years of record setting falling incomes, our policies are boosting take-home pay at a historic pace. Next year, you will also see the results of the largest tax cuts in American history that were really accomplished through our great, Big Beautiful Bill. Military service members will receive a special, we call, “warrior dividend,” before Christmas, a “warrior dividend,” in honor of our nation’s founding in 1776. And the checks are already on the way. We are respected again like we have never been respected before. To each and every one of you, have a merry Christmas and a happy new year. God bless you all.
By Shawn Paik
December 18, 2025
Politics
Texas Republicans launch ‘Sharia Free America Caucus’ aimed at defending ‘Western civilization’
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FIRST ON FOX: A pair of conservative lawmakers are launching a new group in the House of Representatives to “protect Western civilization in the United States,” according to one of its founders.
Reps. Keith Self, R-Texas, and Chip Roy, R-Texas, are starting the “Sharia Free America Caucus,” Fox News Digital learned first.
“Anytime you go to a fight, you bring as many friends with you as you can. I’m a military guy,” Self told Fox News Digital. “So what we need to do is build this caucus now so that we can start educating the American people to the dangers of Sharia in the United States.”
TRUMP MOVES AGAINST MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD AS ISLAMIST GROUP SPREADS IN WEST
Reps. Chip Roy and Keith Self are creating a new group called the “Sharia Free America Caucus.” (Tom Brenner/Getty Images; Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)
Self said it was “fundamentally incompatible with the U.S. Constitution.”
The caucus also has support in the Senate from Sen. Tommy Tuberville, R-Ala., who Self said he hoped could help push some of its legislative goals forward through both chambers.
Among the bills they’re hoping to push is a ban on foreign nationals who “adhere to Sharia” from entering the U.S., and a measure that would designate the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization.
FORMER UK PM DEFENDS TRUMP FOR HIGHLIGHTING ‘SHARIA LAW’ IN BRITAIN DURING UN SPEECH
Sen. Tommy Tuberville arrives for a Senate Republican Caucus luncheon at the U.S. Capitol in Washington, April 2, 2025 (Nathan Posner/Anadolu via Getty Images)
“America is facing a threat that directly attacks our Constitution and our Western values: the spread of Sharia law,” Roy said in a statement. “From Texas to every state in this constitutional republic, instances of Sharia adherents masquerading as ‘refugees’ — and in many cases, sleeper cells connected to terrorist organizations — are threatening the American way of life.”
Sharia broadly refers to a code of ethics and conduct used by devout Muslims. Sharia law more specifically often refers to the criminal code used in non-secular Islamic countries, like Iran.
In its most extreme cases, such as when ISIS-controlled parts of the Middle East, charges like blasphemy could carry the death penalty.
U.S. Capitol building is seen in Washington, Dec. 2, 2024. (Celal Gunes/Anadolu via Getty Images)
But guarantees of religious freedom in the Constitution mean that Sharia law can not be carried out on any governmental level in the U.S.
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The Republicans’ caucus appears largely symbolic in nature, but it’s evidence of the continued culture war raging in the country.
Self also pointed to countries like the U.K. and France, where growing unrest between Muslim refugees and the current populace has dominated headlines in recent years.
Politics
Who’s running the LAPD? Chief’s style draws mixed reviews in first year
When an LAPD captain stood up during a meeting this fall and asked Chief Jim McDonnell to explain the role of his most trusted deputy, Dominic Choi, other top brass in attendance waited with anticipation for the reply.
Multiple department sources, who requested anonymity to discuss the private meeting and speak candidly about their boss, said McDonnell’s answer drew confused looks.
Some officials had began to wonder how closely the 66-year-old McDonnell, who stepped into the job in November 2024 after recent work in consulting and academia, was involved in day-to-day operations. Choi is often attached to his hip, and McDonnell has privately advised other senior staff to go through the assistant chief for key matters, leaving some uncertainty about how shots are called, the sources said.
At the senior staff meeting, McDonnell joked about not wanting to talk about Choi — who was not present in the room — behind his back, and told the captain that Choi was simply his “eyes and ears,” without offering more clarity, according to the sources.
The awkward exchange reflected the uncertainty that some LAPD officials feel about McDonnell’s leadership style.
Over the last year, The Times spoke with numerous sources, from high-ranking commanders to beat cops on the street, along with recently retired LAPD officials and longtime department observers, to gather insights on McDonnell’s first 12 months as the city’s top cop.
By some measures, McDonnell has been a success. Violent crime citywide has continued to decline. Despite the LAPD’s hiring struggles, officials say that applications by new recruits have been increasing. And support for the chief remains strong in some political circles, where backers lauded his ability to navigate so many challenges, most not of his own making — from the city’s financial crisis and civil unrest to the devastating wildfires that hit just two months after he was sworn in.
At the same time, shootings by police officers have increased to their highest levels in nearly a decade and the LAPD’s tactics at protests this summer drew both public outrage and lawsuits. Some longtime observers worry the department is sliding back into a defiant culture of past eras.
“You’ve got a department that’s going to bankrupt the city but doesn’t want to answer for what it is going to be doing,” said Connie Rice, a civil rights attorney.
In an interview with The Times, McDonnell said he is proud of how his department has performed. He said his bigger plans for the LAPD are slowly coming together.
McDonnell rose through the LAPD’s ranks early in his career, and acknowledged much has changed in the 14 years that he was away from the department. That’s why he has leaned “heavily” on the expertise of Choi, who served as interim chief before he took over, he said.
“He’s been a tremendous partner for me coming back,” McDonnell said.
Dominic Choi, who served as interim LAPD chief before Jim McDonnell was hired, speaks at a 2024 news conference with federal law enforcement officials.
(Al Seib / For The Times)
McDonnell added that he has relied just as much on his other command staff, encouraging them to think and act for themselves “to get the job done.”
Retired LAPD commander Lillian Carranza is among those saying the new chief has failed to shake things up after Michel Moore stepped down abruptly in January 2024.
Instead, she said, McDonnell has lacked the decisiveness required to make real changes in the face of resistance from the police union and others.
“It appears that the chief thought he was coming back to the LAPD from 15 years ago,” she said of McDonnell. “It’s been a disappointment because of the individuals that he’s promoted — it just seems like Michel Moore 2.0 again.”
There are notable contrasts in style and strategy between McDonnell and his predecessor.
Moore, who did not respond to a call seeking comment, often used his pulpit to try to get out ahead of potential crises. McDonnell has kept a lower profile. He has largely halted the regular press briefings that Moore once used to answer questions about critical incidents and occasionally opine on national issues.
Unlike Moore, who developed a reputation as a demanding manager who insisted on approving even minor decisions, McDonnell has seemingly embraced delegation. Still, his perceived deference to Choi, who also served as a top advisor to Moore, has led to questions about just how much has really changed. Choi has represented the department at nearly a fourth of all Police Commission meetings this year, a task usually performed by the chief.
Former LAPD Chief Michel Moore attends an event at the Police Academy on Dec. 7, 2023.
(Irfan Khan / Los Angeles Times)
It’s telling of their closeness, LAPD insiders said, that Choi occupies the only other suite on the 10th floor of LAPD headquarters with direct access, via a balcony, to McDonnell’s own office.
Choi did not respond to a request for comment.
Mayor Karen Bass chose McDonnell as chief after a lengthy nationwide search, picking him over candidates who would have been the first Black woman or first Latino to lead the department. He offered experience, having also served as police chief in Long Beach and as L.A. County sheriff.
McDonnell has mostly avoided the type of headline-grabbing scandals that plagued the department under Moore. Meanwhile, homicides citywide were on pace to reach a 60-year low — a fact that the mayor has repeatedly touted as her reelection campaign kicks into gear.
In a brief statement, the mayor commended McDonnell and said she looked forward to working with him to make the city safer “while addressing concerns about police interaction with the public and press.”
Jim McDonnell shakes hands with Mayor Karen Bass after being introduced as LAPD chief during a news conference at City Hall on Oct. 4, 2024.
(Ringo Chiu / For The Times)
McDonnell has taken steps to streamline the LAPD’s operations, including folding the department’s four homicide bureaus into the Robbery-Homicide Division and updating the department’s patrol plan to account for the department being down fewer officers.
John Lee, who chairs the City Council’s public safety committee, said the chief is the kind of experienced and steady leader the city needs as it gets ready to host the World Cup and Olympics. McDonnell, he said, deserves credit for guiding the LAPD through “unprecedented situations,” while largely delivering on promises to reduce crime and lift officer morale.
But among the rank and file, there is continued frustration with the department’s disciplinary system. The process, which critics outside the LAPD say rarely holds officers accountable, is seen internally as having a double standard that leads to harsh punishments for regular cops and slaps on the wrist for higher-ranking officials. Efforts at reform have repeatedly stalled in recent years.
McDonnell told The Times that officers have for years felt that the system was stacked against them. One of his priorities is “making the disciplinary system more fair in the eyes of those involved in it,” he said, and speeding up internal affairs investigations that can drag on for a year or more without “jeopardizing accountability or transparency.”
He said he’d like to give supervisors greater authority to quickly weed out complaints that “are demonstrably false on their face” based on body camera footage and other evidence.”
But the lack of progress on the issue has started to rankle the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the union for officers below the rank of lieutenant. The League urged McDonnell to take action in a statement to The Times.
“The way we see it, the Chief is either going to leverage his mandate and implement change, much to the chagrin of some in his command staff that staunchly support the status quo, or he will circle the wagons around the current system and continue to run out the clock,” the statement read. ”There’s no need to keep booking conference rooms to meet and talk about ‘fixing discipline,’ it’s time to fish or cut bait.”
Perhaps more than anything, the ongoing federal immigration crackdown has shaped McDonnell’s first year as chief.
Although McDonnell is limited in what he can do in the face of raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other federal agencies, some of the chief’s detractors say he is missing a moment to improve relations between police and citizens of a majority-Latino city.
The son of Irish immigrants from Boston, McDonnell drew criticism during President Trump’s first term when, as L.A. County sheriff, he allowed ICE agents access to the nation’s largest jail. As LAPD chief, McDonnell has often voiced his support for long-standing policies that restrict cooperation on civil immigration enforcement and limit what officers can ask members of the public about their status in the country.
“I get hate mail from two extremes: those that are saying we’re not doing enough to work with ICE and those that are saying we’re working with ICE too much,” McDonnell said.
U.S. Border Patrol Cmdr. Gregory Bovino marches with federal agents to the Edward R. Roybal Federal Building on Aug. 14.
(Carlin Stiehl / Los Angeles Times)
Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton, who runs the department’s detective bureau, said McDonnell has to tread lightly politically and can’t follow the suggestion of some people that “we should use our law enforcement agencies to fight back against the feds.”
“He can’t come out and say, ‘We oppose ICE, get out of our city,’ like some of these other clowns are doing,” Hamilton said. “I mean, what, are you just trying to bring the wrath?”
But the LAPD’s response to the protests against Trump’s agenda has repeatedly led to bad optics. Officers have stepped in to keep the peace when angry crowds form at the scene of ICE arrests, which some said created the appearance of defending the federal actions.
During large demonstrations — which have occasionally turned unruly, with bricks and Molotov cocktails hurled by some in the crowds — LAPD officers on foot or horseback have not held back in swinging batons, firing less-lethal munitions and even launching tear gas, a measure that hadn’t been deployed on the streets of L.A. in decades.
Press rights organizations and a growing list of people who say they were injured by police have filed lawsuits, potentially adding to the tens of millions in the legal bills the department already faces for protest-related litigation from years that predated McDonnell.
Attorney Susan Seager, who is suing the department over its recent protest tactics, said that McDonnell has seemed unwilling to second-guess officers, even when confronted with clear video evidence of them violating court-imposed restrictions.
“I’ve never seen LAPD so unhinged at a protest shooting people,” she said.
An LAPD officer pushes back an anti-ICE protester during a rally on “No Kings Day” in downtown Los Angeles on June 14.
(Carlin Stiehl / Los Angeles Times)
McDonnell said that each use of force would be investigated thoroughly, and if necessary discipline would be imposed, but denied that his department’s response had been excessive.
What goes unmentioned by the LAPD’s detractors, he said, is how volatile and “kinetic,” protests have been, requiring officers to use all means available to them to avoid being overwhelmed by hostile crowds.
Reporters and others on the front lines should know the risks of being there, he said.
“If the journalists are in that environment, they sometimes get hit with less-lethal projectiles — as do our police officers who are in that same environment,” he said.
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