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George Gascón survived the primary. Can Nathan Hochman unseat him as D.A.?

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George Gascón survived the primary. Can Nathan Hochman unseat him as D.A.?

Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón had a rough Tuesday night, winning an alarmingly low share of votes for an incumbent after polls showed a majority of voters view him negatively.

But he may have also gotten exactly what he needed, experts say.

As of Thursday afternoon, Gascón led a crowded primary field with nearly 23% of the vote, followed closely by former federal prosecutor Nathan Hochman with 17%. Only Deputy Dist. Atty. Jonathan Hatami, with 13%, stood in long-shot striking distance of preventing a November showdown between Gascón and Hochman. But that window was rapidly shrinking with more than two-thirds of the ballots counted.

Consultants and political observers said Gascón’s performance was weak for an incumbent in a countywide race. But the “godfather of progressive prosecutors” probably drew the opponent he wanted in Hochman — a former Republican whom Gascón can try to portray as a conservative in a November election during which some experts expect more liberals to turn out for the presidential contest of Joe Biden versus Donald Trump.

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“This is not going to be a ‘shades of gray’ election,” said Dan Schnur, a former advisor to Republican politicians who teaches political communications at USC. “The fact that Hochman has been one of the most conservative voices in the race does allow Gascón to draw a more stark contrast in a left-leaning city like Los Angeles. But the fact that Gascón’s numbers are so low suggests that he still starts at a considerable disadvantage.”

Hochman — who launched an unsuccessful bid for state attorney general as a Republican in 2022 — has bristled at the notion that he’s too conservative to compete in November, a point often raised by his opponents in the primary. He describes himself as a centrist who registered as both Republican and Democrat in the past, now running as an independent with a promise to depoliticize the district attorney’s office. He says he’s never voted for Trump, described his politics as “socially moderate” and says his campaign has attracted bipartisan support.

But a review of campaign finance donations shows Hochman received more than half a million dollars from Republican mega-donor Gerald Marcil. His campaign also has paid more than $100,000 to the Pluvious Group, a Republican firm that organized fundraisers for Trump’s 2020 campaign.

Political consultant Brian Van Riper, who is not involved in the race, said Gascón’s strategy will be to “hang the likeness of Donald Trump over Nathan Hochman. They’re going to run against Donald Trump.”

Gascón and his surrogates have wasted little time trying to paint Hochman as too conservative. Jamarah Hayner, a strategist for his campaign, said Wednesday that Gascón’s primary showing was “to be expected with a packed field of opponents spending months and millions of dollars throwing everything they had against the D.A.”

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“Now, we have a clear Democrat-versus-Republican choice going into November, which we’re very optimistic about,” Hayner said.

The Prosecutors Alliance of California — a group of progressive district attorneys run by a Gascón ally — also sent out an email blast Wednesday describing Hochman as “a longtime Republican claiming to be an independent in a clear effort to conceal a right-wing agenda.”

Hochman describes his policy platform as “the hard middle,” with some positions that strike a moderate tone. He favors diversion for nonviolent low-level offenders and is a champion of CARE courts, which offer voluntary treatment and services to people experiencing homelessness. But his statements on public safety can border on the apocalyptic, such as when he compares L.A. to “Gotham City.”

Hochman’s fundraising ability could make him a formidable November challenger. He easily lapped the primary field in campaign cash, and after Gascón raised more than $12 million in his successful 2020 bid, any challenger will need a considerable war chest.

To win reelection, Gascón will have to overcome perceptions that he’s soft on crime and has run the office in a way that his detractors say has sown discord. During his term, Gascón lost the support of nearly all of his own prosecutors, faced two recall attempts and took constant criticism for policies that severely limited when prosecutors could use sentencing enhancements or seek to try juveniles as adults.

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In a case that revolved around California’s “three strikes” law, a judge deemed Gascón’s policy of not seeking those enhancements illegal. Gascón has appealed, and the matter will go before the state Supreme Court.

Hochman has vowed to carve up the progressive district attorney’s policies and promised to serve as prosecutor in the “trial of George Gascón.”

“The witnesses that we will be presenting will be the real-life victims of his policies,” Hochman said in an interview Wednesday. “It will be the store owners who have been pepper-sprayed by smash-and-grab robbers, who watched their life savings and life’s work being destroyed. It’ll be people who had their houses robbed, their cars broken into. It’ll be parents who’ve lost their children to fentanyl poisoning.”

Property and violent crime rose by about 8% in L.A. County from 2019 to 2022, according to California Department of Justice data. Under Gascón’s policies, the office’s misdemeanor filing rates plummeted, a decision critics have linked to increased property crime rates, especially car break-ins. And in some cases, critics have tied Gascón’s policies to heinous crimes.

Criminologists, however, say its overly simplistic to blame short-term crime trends on a prosecutor’s policies. LAPD data also show homicides and robberies have declined over the last two years.

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Statistics may not matter much to voters who are already fearful of crime, Van Riper said. But Gascón could face a more favorable electorate in November. Data show just 20% of registered L.A. County voters had returned ballots as of Wednesday afternoon, and the returnees skewed older and conservative.

Hochman believes he will gain the support of virtually every voter who chose a candidate other than Gascón and says he plans to invite some of his opponents who ran to serve as part of a team “that can really restore the prominence to the D.A.’s office.”

Schnur and Van Riper both noted that Hochman is not likely to parlay the entirety of the anti-Gascón crowd, as supporters of more moderate candidates may turn back to the incumbent. But the candidates who finished closest to Hochman in the primary — Hatami and Superior Court Judge Debra Archuleta — ran aggressive, tough-on-crime campaigns that may see their voters migrate to the former federal prosecutor.

In a November contest with Trump on the ballot, Van Riper said, Gascón may benefit if a larger number of liberal voters who would welcome the successes of his tenure — including a dramatic improvement in the office’s handling of wrongful convictions and stepped-up efforts to prosecute police misconduct — turn out.

But Hochman says his plan is to run a campaign that brings together his primary rivals’ supporters and law enforcement leaders, focused on public safety, not partisanship.

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“The only way George Gascón can win is if he makes this about politics rather than about people’s safety,” Hochman said. “He needs to distract the voters from looking at their own safety.”

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Trump signs order to protect Venezuela oil revenue held in US accounts

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Trump signs order to protect Venezuela oil revenue held in US accounts

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President Donald Trump has signed an executive order blocking U.S. courts from seizing Venezuelan oil revenues held in American Treasury accounts.

The order states that court action against the funds would undermine U.S. national security and foreign policy objectives.

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President Donald Trump is pictured signing two executive orders on Sept. 19, 2025, establishing the “Trump Gold Card” and introducing a $100,000 fee for H-1B visas. He signed another executive order recently protecting oil revenue. (Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

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Trump signed the order on Friday, the same day that he met with nearly two dozen top oil and gas executives at the White House. 

The president said American energy companies will invest $100 billion to rebuild Venezuela’s “rotting” oil infrastructure and push production to record levels following the capture of Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro.

The U.S. has moved aggressively to take control of Venezuela’s oil future following the collapse of the Maduro regime.

This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.

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Column: Some leaders will do anything to cling to positions of power

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Column: Some leaders will do anything to cling to positions of power

One of the most important political stories in American history — one that is particularly germane to our current, tumultuous time — unfolded in Los Angeles some 65 years ago.

Sen. John F. Kennedy, a Catholic, had just received his party’s nomination for president and in turn he shunned the desires of his most liberal supporters by choosing a conservative out of Texas as his running mate. He did so in large part to address concerns that his faith would somehow usurp his oath to uphold the Constitution. The last time the Democrats nominated a Catholic — New York Gov. Al Smith in 1928 — he lost in a landslide, so folks were more than a little jittery about Kennedy’s chances.

“I am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk,” Kennedy told the crowd at the Memorial Coliseum. “But I look at it this way: The Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment.”

The most important part of the story is what happened before Kennedy gave that acceptance speech.

While his faith made party leaders nervous, they were downright afraid of the impact a civil rights protest during the Democratic National Convention could have on November’s election. This was 1960. The year began with Black college students challenging segregation with lunch counter sit-ins across the Deep South, and by spring the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee had formed. The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was not the organizer of the protest at the convention, but he planned to be there, guaranteeing media attention. To try to prevent this whole scene, the most powerful Black man in Congress was sent to stop him.

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The Rev. Adam Clayton Powell Jr. was also a warrior for civil rights, but the House representative preferred the legislative approach, where backroom deals were quietly made and his power most concentrated. He and King wanted the same things for Black people. But Powell — who was first elected to Congress in 1944, the same year King enrolled at Morehouse College at the age of 15 — was threatened by the younger man’s growing influence. He was also concerned that his inability to stop the protest at the convention would harm his chance to become chairman of a House committee.

And so Powell — the son of a preacher, and himself a Baptist preacher in Harlem — told King that if he didn’t cancel, Powell would tell journalists a lie that King was having a homosexual affair with his mentor, Bayard Rustin. King stuck to his plan and led a protest — even though such a rumor would not only have harmed King, but also would have undermined the credibility of the entire civil rights movement. Remember, this was 1960. Before the March on Washington, before passage of the Voting Rights Act, before the dismantling of the very Jim Crow laws Powell had vowed to dismantle when first running for office.

That threat, my friends, is the most important part of the story.

It’s not that Powell didn’t want the best for the country. It’s just that he wanted to be seen as the one doing it and was willing to derail the good stemming from the civil rights movement to secure his own place in power. There have always been people willing to make such trade-offs. Sometimes they dress up their intentions with scriptures to make it more palatable; other times they play on our darkest fears. They do not care how many people get hurt in the process, even if it’s the same people they profess to care for.

That was true in Los Angeles in 1960.

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That was true in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6, 2021.

That is true in the streets of America today.

Whether we are talking about an older pastor who is threatened by the growing influence of a younger voice or a president clinging to office after losing an election: To remain king, some men are willing to burn the entire kingdom down.

YouTube: @LZGrandersonShow

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Federal judge blocks Trump from cutting childcare funds to Democratic states over fraud concerns

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Federal judge blocks Trump from cutting childcare funds to Democratic states over fraud concerns

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A federal judge Friday temporarily blocked the Trump administration from stopping subsidies on childcare programs in five states, including Minnesota, amid allegations of fraud.

U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian, a Biden appointee, didn’t rule on the legality of the funding freeze, but said the states had met the legal threshold to maintain the “status quo” on funding for at least two weeks while arguments continue.

On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns.

The programs include the Child Care and Development Fund, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, and the Social Services Block Grant, all of which help needy families.

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USDA IMMEDIATELY SUSPENDS ALL FEDERAL FUNDING TO MINNESOTA AMID FRAUD INVESTIGATION 

On Tuesday, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services said it would withhold funds for programs in five Democratic states over fraud concerns. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana, File)

“Families who rely on childcare and family assistance programs deserve confidence that these resources are used lawfully and for their intended purpose,” HHS Deputy Secretary Jim O’Neill said in a statement on Tuesday.

The states, which include California, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota and New York, argued in court filings that the federal government didn’t have the legal right to end the funds and that the new policy is creating “operational chaos” in the states.

U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian at his nomination hearing in 2022.  (Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)

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In total, the states said they receive more than $10 billion in federal funding for the programs. 

HHS said it had “reason to believe” that the programs were offering funds to people in the country illegally.

‘TIP OF THE ICEBERG’: SENATE REPUBLICANS PRESS GOV WALZ OVER MINNESOTA FRAUD SCANDAL

The table above shows the five states and their social safety net funding for various programs which are being withheld by the Trump administration over allegations of fraud.  (AP Digital Embed)

New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.”

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New York Attorney General Letitia James, who is leading the lawsuit, called the ruling a “critical victory for families whose lives have been upended by this administration’s cruelty.” (Win McNamee/Getty Images)

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Fox News Digital has reached out to HHS for comment.

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