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Contributor: The results are in, and same-sex marriage was a win for children and society

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Contributor: The results are in, and same-sex marriage was a win for children and society

Prior to the Supreme Court’s 2015 Obergefell decision, opponents raised alarms about the severe and immediate harms that would surely occur if marriages between same-sex couples were recognized nationally. Afterward, when those harms failed to materialize, those voices grew quieter, but some have been returning with renewed vigor, in hopes that the current Supreme Court, after overturning Roe vs. Wade, may be willing to overturn the Obergefell decision as well — though the justices declined to do so in November.

To build public support for rolling back marriage rights, new campaigns have been repeating the claims that legal recognition of same-sex marriages may harm children or even the stability of different-sex marriages. These are some of the same concerns that were raised in the years prior to the Obergefell decision. They were groundless then, and, more than 10 years later, the data confirm these fears to be unfounded.

In 2024, for the 20th anniversary of the first legal marriages of same-sex couples (in Massachusetts), my lab at UCLA joined with a team of researchers at Rand Corp. to review what social scientists learned over those two decades about the consequences of legalizing same-sex marriage.

We addressed this question in two ways. First, we searched through the research literature to find every published study that had examined the consequences of legalizing same-sex marriage. Prior to 2015, states legalized and prohibited same-sex marriage at different times, and social scientists tracked a wide range of outcomes, including the well-being of children, national trends in marriage and divorce, and the physical and mental health of same-sex couples. Opponents of legalizing same-sex marriage predicted, in the strongest terms, that people would suffer after same-sex couples were granted the right to marry.

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After 20 years of legalized marriage for same-sex couples, 96 independent studies confirm there is no evidence for the harms critics predicted. Our review identified not a single study that observed significant negative consequences of legalizing same-sex marriage. Instead, the research literature identified many significant positive consequences.

For same-sex couples, legal recognition of their marriages was followed by more stable relationships, increased mental and physical health, greater financial stability, and stronger connections to family. For the children of those couples, our review found no documented negative outcomes, but legal recognition of their parents’ marriages did result in more children obtaining access to health insurance. And what about the rest of the country? States that recognized same-sex marriages prior to Obergefell experienced economic gains and considerable savings in healthcare costs relative to states that did not.

One of the most striking predictions of the opponents of same-sex marriage was that recognizing marriage among same-sex couples would weaken commitment to the institution of marriage among different-sex couples. That did not happen either.

To address this question, our report conducted new analyses, drawing on census data and other sources to determine whether state-level rates of marriage, cohabitation and divorce changed in the states that recognized same-sex marriage, compared with states that did not. No matter how we conducted the analyses, we could find no effects of recognizing same-sex marriage on any of these outcomes. It makes sense: When different-sex couples are making personal decisions about their own relationships, they are not paying much attention to what same-sex couples are doing.

If any harm resulted from allowing same-sex couples to marry, it ought to be well documented by now. The fact that there has been no evidence of harms despite considerable effort to find some suggests that the predictions made by opponents of legalizing same-sex marriage were unwarranted at the time. Now that we have 20 years of research and experience, those predictions remain unwarranted now.

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Benjamin Karney is a professor of social psychology at UCLA.

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Ideas expressed in the piece

  • The article argues that research from over two decades demonstrates same-sex marriage legalization produced substantial benefits for same-sex couples, including more stable relationships, improved mental and physical health, greater financial stability, and stronger family connections[1][2].

  • The piece contends that children of same-sex couples experienced no documented negative outcomes following legal recognition of their parents’ marriages, while gaining increased access to health insurance[2].

  • The column suggests that states recognizing same-sex marriages prior to the 2015 Obergefell decision experienced measurable economic gains and considerable healthcare cost savings compared to states that did not recognize such marriages.

  • The article maintains that one of the primary concerns raised by opponents—that legalizing same-sex marriage would weaken commitment to marriage among different-sex couples—failed to materialize, with analyses showing no effects on state-level marriage, cohabitation, or divorce rates.

  • The piece contends that approximately 96 independent studies confirm there is no evidence for the harms critics predicted would result from legalizing same-sex marriage, and that not a single study documented significant negative consequences.

Different views on the topic

  • Historically, some researchers suggested potential concerns about children raised by same-sex parents, with the New Family Structures Study initially concluding that people with same-sex parents faced greater risks of adverse outcomes including unemployment and lower educational attainment[3].

  • Some research has indicated that same-sex couples, particularly female-female couples, experience higher divorce rates compared to different-sex couples, with a 2022 study finding female-female marriages had 29% higher divorce rates relative to female-male marriages, and that lesbian unions demonstrate considerably less stability than gay male unions[4].

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Judge Says F.B.I. Can Keep 2020 Election Records Seized From Georgia

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Judge Says F.B.I. Can Keep 2020 Election Records Seized From Georgia

A federal judge in Georgia ruled Wednesday that the federal government did not have to return 2020 election records seized by the F.B.I., rejecting a request from Fulton County that the materials be returned.

After F.B.I. agents carried out an extraordinary seizure of about 660 boxes of records from Fulton County’s elections hub, county officials responded in early February by filing a lawsuit demanding the return of the documents and describing the search as unconstitutional.

But Judge J.P. Boulee of the Federal District Court in Atlanta wrote in his order that while he found elements of the case “troubling,” the county had not met the bar required for him to compel the government to return the records.

“This Court acknowledges that the events leading up to this case are, in a variety of ways, unprecedented,” Judge Boulee, who was appointed to the federal bench during President Trump’s first term, wrote in his 68-page order. But he said that the county had not shown that the federal government had displayed “callous disregard” for the constitutional rights of the county.

In the lawsuit, lawyers for Fulton County argued that the federal government’s action violated Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches and seizures.

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Judge Boulee’s decision was the latest episode in a saga animated by Mr. Trump’s push for redemption after his 2020 election loss in Georgia, where he lost to Joseph R. Biden Jr. by fewer than 12,000 votes. Georgia was one of a handful of swing states that Mr. Biden narrowly won on his way to the White House.

Mr. Trump has never accepted the outcome of the election, and he has filled the Justice Department and other federal agencies with officials sympathetic to his baseless claims that the 2020 election was stolen from him.

On Jan. 28, a team of F.B.I. agents, armed with a search warrant, descended on Fulton County to take ballots, voter rolls and scanner images from the county’s elections hub, a warehouse outside Atlanta.

At the time, Democrats and election security experts argued that the search was intended to intimidate the president’s opponents and undermine confidence in the U.S. election system.

Brad Raffensperger, the Republican secretary of state in Georgia and a candidate for governor, has described the investigation as a waste of time and government resources.

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Unveiling the lawsuit in February, Robb Pitts, the chairman of the Fulton County Board of Commissioners, suggested that the federal government was attempting to take over elections, declaring that “our Constitution itself is at stake.”

On Wednesday, Mr. Pitts said in a statement that he “strongly” disagreed with Judge Boulee’s decision and suggested that the county might appeal the decision.

“Our fight has exposed the flawed affidavit and suspicious timeline of federal actions,” Mr. Pitts said in the statement. “We will continue, as always, to stand by our election workers and the voters of Fulton County. We intend to vigorously pursue all available legal options.”

The county said in the lawsuit that the search was apparently based on claims about the 2020 election that had been repeatedly debunked. At least 11 lawsuits challenging the 2020 election results in Georgia were filed, according to Fulton County court records. None produced evidence of widespread fraud or malfeasance.

“Claims that the 2020 election results were fraudulent or otherwise invalid have been exhaustively reviewed and, without exception, refuted,” the county’s complaint noted, adding that the effort was a “gross intrusion” on the state’s role in conducting elections.

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Some Trump supporters cheered the ruling on Wednesday. Mark Davis, a contributing writer for The Federalist, a conservative publication, wrote in a social media post that the decision was a “major victory for election integrity.”

Wendy Weiser, vice president for democracy at the Brennan Center for Justice at N.Y.U. Law School, noted in an interview on Wednesday night that the search warrant process was kicked off by a well-known election denier. And the affidavit in support of the warrant relied on claims about ballots that have been widely debunked.

Ms. Weiser acknowledged that it was rare for judges to intervene and undo federal search warrants. “But if there’s ever an extraordinary time that this should happen, I think this was that,” she said.

The litigation has played out as the midterm election season has started in states across America, and as Republicans have raised concerns about election integrity and pushed for stricter rules at the ballot box.

Early voting for Georgia’s primary has already begun, with Election Day set for May 19. It was not immediately clear when or if the F.B.I. might return the 2020 election records.

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A spokeswoman for Fulton County, Jessica Corbitt, said that as of Wednesday, none of the documents seized in January had been returned.

The F.B.I. declined to comment on Judge Boulee’s decision. The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The Justice Department has also demanded the identities of every worker who staffed the 2020 election in Fulton County, according to court records. It is unclear what the Justice Department intends to do with the names.

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California immigration judge sues DOJ, alleging she was fired for being a registered Democrat, a woman over 40

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California immigration judge sues DOJ, alleging she was fired for being a registered Democrat, a woman over 40

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A California immigration judge who was terminated by the Trump administration is alleging in a lawsuit against the Department of Justice (DOJ) that she was fired because she is a registered Democrat and because of her affiliations with immigrant-rights groups.

The 14-page lawsuit, filed by Kyra Lilien, names the DOJ and acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche as defendants.

Lilien claims she was not retained past her probationary period due to a number of factors, including being a woman over the age of 40, being fluent in Spanish and her associations with the Hispanic community.

JUDGE BLOCKS TRUMP ADMINISTRATION’S MASS DISMISSALS OF PROBATIONARY FEDERAL EMPLOYEES

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Kevin Owen of Gilbert Employment Law in Maryland, one of Lilien’s attorneys, told FOX San Francisco she didn’t fit their mold and that the actions taken against her were impermissible and unlawful.

The lawsuit alleges that her termination violated Lilien’s civil and First Amendment rights.

Asylum seekers, left, walk toward the southern border in Tijuana, Mexico, next to an image of a courtroom in the Concord Immigration Court in California. Kyra Lilien, an immigration judge, is suing the Trump administration over her termination, alleging she was fired because of her political affiliations.  (Getty Images; Concord Immigration Court)

Lilien was initially appointed to serve at the San Francisco Immigration Court on July 23, 2023, before being transferred to the Concord Immigration Court in February 2024. In total, she served nearly two years, which is the standard probationary period immigration judges serve under Justice Department policy before their appointments are typically converted to permanent roles.

The lawsuit names nearly 30 other immigration judges from around the country who were either fired or not converted from probationary periods, including 14 from the Concord and San Francisco immigration courts.

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The filing states that immigration judges who were not converted or were terminated around the same time as the plaintiff were overwhelmingly female. Fox News Digital has reached out to Lilien’s attorney, the DOJ and the DOJ’s Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR).

GROUP OF DEI WORKERS SUE TO STOP TRUMP EXECUTIVE ORDERS

Lilien was initially appointed to serve at the San Francisco Immigration Court July 23, 2023, before being transferred to the Concord Immigration Court in California in February 2024.  (iStock)

Throughout her employment and during her probationary period, Lilien met or exceeded all performance standards, according to the lawsuit.

She received satisfactory assessments — the highest possible rating — in her probationary period reports for fiscal years 2024 and 2025. As a judge, Lilien denied 34% of asylum claims brought before her, according to data from TRAC Immigration.

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On July 11, 2025, Lilien received a notice that her probationary period would not be converted permanently, and the message said the attorney general had decided not to extend her term or convert it to a permanent appointment pursuant to Article II of the Constitution.

Migrants line up at the southern border in San Diego in 2024. (Fox News)

The suit also alleges that Sirce Owen, who was serving as the acting EOIR director at the time, issued controversial memoranda in early 2025 that demonstrated hostility toward immigrant advocacy groups and certain hiring practices.

Owen allegedly characterized these groups in a memo as “extremist leftist organizations” that promote illegal immigration and attempt to undermine immigration courts.

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He also issued another memo criticizing the appointment practices under the Biden administration.

Lilien’s suit states that these memoranda together laid bare management’s hostility toward hiring individuals with immigrants’ rights backgrounds, women, ethnic minorities and others who may be considered “DEI” hires.

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Commentary: Two winners, one loser in L.A. mayor’s debate

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Commentary: Two winners, one loser in L.A. mayor’s debate

Karen Bass, Spencer Pratt and Nithya Raman each came into tonight’s mayoral debate with goals for what may be their only time together on stage.

As the incumbent mayor, Bass had to weather blows from her challengers while trying to sell voters on her fitness for another term, despite a disastrous 2025.

As a reality TV star with no political experience, Pratt needed to show that he could offer substance instead of just AI fanboy videos and the name-calling — “Karen Basura” — he has indulged in on social media.

Raman’s task was perhaps the hardest. As a City Council member whose two previous campaigns were backed by the local Democratic Socialists of America chapter, she needed to convince Pratt-curious voters that she’s more conservative than Bass. Yet for others, she needed to appear liberal enough to peel away support from the mayor and come out as a progressive lioness to excite Democrats in a year when GOP candidates like Pratt have to answer for the disaster that is President Trump’s second term.

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Only one of the three failed.

At times, Raman was tongue-tied trying to answer simple questions. Moderators kept telling her she was going over her time. Answering a yes/no question about whether noncitizens should be allowed to vote in city elections, the council member went on and on, until the moderator cut her off.

While Raman offered some policy plans, she also played a card straight out of Trump’s arsenal. She claimed that Pratt and Bass were teaming up against her — an unlikely scenario that drew laughs from the audience. She got more and more frustrated, to the point that when Bass was allowed time for a rebuttal, she dejectedly proclaimed, “I haven’t been offered that in a lot of this debate.”

Raman, who had endorsed Bass’ reelection before throwing her hat in at the last minute, came off as inexperienced, touchy and unprepared.

The line of the night was Pratt dismissing Raman as a “random council member” — which is how the L.A. political world responded to her entry into the race. She was so upset about Pratt’s remark that she continued to whine about it to a KNBC reporter after the debate.

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What’s shocking about Raman’s flop is that she should know how important it is to project well to a television audience, given that her husband is a screenwriter. Her tone was flat, when she needed to be passionate.

No one had to remind Pratt of that. He was parrying tough questions on a big stage for the first time, facing an audience who knew him only as the Angry L.A. White Guy he has reveled in playing.

He mostly succeeded.

At his best, Pratt came off as a boisterous bro with enough charm to call himself “humble” without coming off as obnoxious. He dominated the flow of conversation without coming off as commandeering, even interrupting Raman at times to let Bass speak. At one point, he even said “Sorry” when he had taken up too much time and the moderators cut him off.

He was light on specifics, other than saying he was going to do better than the others and that he would prioritize public safety above all. Instead, he was the one person on stage who used anecdotes to sell himself, citing conversations about abused animals, downtown workers too afraid to eat outside and film producers hiring local gang members to keep their shoots safe.

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As a TV personality-turned-influencer, Pratt knows that storytelling is far more effective than drowning the audience in statistics, as Bass and Raman did.

But the bad Pratt flared up at times. He earned a reprimand from KNBC anchor and debate co-moderator Colleen Williams when he called the mayor an “incredible liar.” Effecting high-pitched voices to mock Bass and Raman came off as juvenile and possibly sexist. And when it came to last summer’s federal immigration raids that terrorized Southern California, Pratt appeared flummoxed when Bass pointed out that 70% of those arrested didn’t have criminal records — a use of stats that hit.

Bass was also who she had to be — measured, forceful and raring to defend her record, without coming off as defensive. She wasn’t exactly inspirational, but she didn’t have to be. The city’s powerful labor unions have backed her, along with much of the Democratic establishment.

Raman and Pratt are right in deeming Bass the old guard of a beat-up city — but the old guard didn’t get there without knowing how to win.

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