Politics
Column: Trump has named a pro-union secretary of Labor, but will she be able to do anything for workers?
Dear readers: Hang on to your hats. I’m about to praise Donald Trump for one of his Cabinet nominees.
She’s Rep. Lori Chavez-DeRemer (R-Ore.), who will be the nominee for secretary of Labor.
Chavez-DeRemer has solid pro-labor credentials, a huge departure from the two men who served Trump as secretaries of Labor in his first term. She was one of only three Republicans in the House to vote in favor of the so-called PRO Act, which would significantly strengthen collective bargaining rights. (The measure passed the House in 2019 and 2021 but has been becalmed in committee during the current Congress.)
‘If Chavez-DeRemer commits as Labor secretary to strengthen labor unions and promote worker power, she’s a strong candidate for the job.’
— Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.)
During her last electoral campaign she promoted herself as the daughter of a Teamsters union member; that might have been connected to her strong endorsement for the Cabinet post by Teamsters President Sean O’Brien, one of the very few major labor leaders who favored the Republicans during the presidential campaign, to the extent of speaking from the podium at the Republican National Convention in July.
Chavez-DeRemer is a one-term Republican member of Congress who lost her bid for reelection last month to Democrat Janelle Bynum. Her loss wasn’t much of a surprise: Her congressional district has been a solid Democratic stronghold for more than a decade, and she won election in 2022 by only two percentage points.
Labor activists and pro-labor politicians promptly announced support for Chavez-DeRemer after Trump announced her nomination on Nov. 22. Among those making positive noises about the nominee was the staunchly pro-labor Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).
“It’s a big deal that one of the few Republican lawmakers who have endorsed the PRO Act could lead the Department of Labor,” Warren said. “If Chavez-DeRemer commits as Labor secretary to strengthen labor unions and promote worker power, she’s a strong candidate for the job.”
Chavez-DeRemer received an explicit endorsement from Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers. “Her record suggests real support of workers & their right to unionize,” Weingarten tweeted. “I hope it means the Trump admin will actually respect collective bargaining and workers’ voices from Teamsters to teachers.”
The labor-affiliated Economic Policy Institute also offered encouraging words, citing Chavez-DeRemer’s support for the PRO Act and the Public Service Freedom to Negotiate Act, which would protect organizing and collective bargaining rights for government employees.
“While Congresswoman Chavez-DeRemer’s support for these needed reforms is encouraging,” EPI general counsel Celine McNicholas wrote, “if confirmed, she will be Secretary of Labor for a president who steadfastly pursued an ambitious anti-worker agenda during his first term in office.”
Another indicator of Chavez-DeRemer’s pro-labor outlook is the bilious reaction from anti-labor conservatives and Republicans to her nomination. Much of that opposition has been focused on her support of the PRO Act. Among other provisions, the act would override state right-to-work laws, racist and anti-union statutes that are common in southeastern and heartland states.
“In this woman’s America, every worker would have to have a boss and pay the union for the privilege of working,” said Grover Norquist, the right-wing anti-tax warrior. The New York Post, a mouthpiece for Rupert Murdoch, quoted an anonymous GOP insider labeling Chavez-DeRemer “toxic for so many Republicans.”
Indeed, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) tweeted that he would “need to get a better understanding of her support for Democrat legislation in Congress that would strip Louisiana’s ability to be a right to work state.”
As McNicholas observed, the chief challenge for Chavez-DeRemer if she’s confirmed may be navigating the shoals of an anti-labor Trump administration. During his first term, he turned the Department of Labor into something that more resembled a Department of Employer Rights.
That was especially true under his second Labor secretary, Eugene Scalia —the son of the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, who had made a career as a lawyer for big corporations resisting labor regulations. (Scalia succeeded Alex Acosta, who resigned as Labor secretary when a furor arose over the solicitous plea deal he had reached with child trafficker Jeffrey Epstein in 2008 when he was a U.S. attorney in Florida.)
Trump pursued what economics commentator Pedro Nicolaci da Costa called “the most hostile anti-labor agenda of any modern president” in 2019. He overturned an Obama administration rule on overtime pay that eliminated overtime protection for an estimated 8.2 million workers. The Biden administration tried to restore much of that protection, but its effort was blocked by a Trump-appointed federal judge in Texas.
Through changes to the National Labor Relations Board, Trump reversed the board’s trend toward expanding the definition of “joint employer,” which would have made big franchisers such as McDonald’s jointly liable with their franchisees for violations of employees’ wage and hour rights. He rescinded the Obama-era “persuader” rule, which required employers to disclose their relationships with union-busting law firms.
Amazingly, Trump’s Labor Department fought legislation to raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour from its woefully outdated $7.25. (The federal minimum wage is still mired at $7.25.)
Among the challenges facing Chavez-DeRemer would be a tough comparison with the labor policies of the Biden administration, who has been the most pro-labor president in decades, possibly ever. In an unprecedented move, Biden walked a United Auto Workers picket line in 2023 while the union was negotiating what became a landmark contract with major automakers.
Trump had tried to counter Biden’s appearance by staging a rally at a nonunion auto parts factory, but it was shortly revealed that some of the workers brandishing signs reading “union members for Trump” and “auto workers for Trump” weren’t actually union members or auto workers.
Promptly after taking office, Biden swept a gang of union-busting Trump appointees out of an important federal labor relations agency — the Federal Service Impasses Panel, which rules on disputes between labor and management involving government union contracts. Trump had stacked the 10-member panel with professional union busters and anti-union ideologues, including corporate lawyers and officials from Koch network-funded right-wing organizations. Eight of the 10 resigned under pressure; Biden fired the two holdouts.
The Democratic majorities Biden assembled at the National Labor Relations Board and Federal Trade Commission drafted and implemented pro-worker policies. The Labor Department revived enforcement of overtime and worker safety laws, which had grown cobwebs under Trump.
Biden didn’t get everything he wanted on the labor front. The Federal Trade Commission, headed by Biden appointee Lina Khan, crafted a rule to ban noncompete clauses in employment contracts, which tend to suppress wages and innovation, but the rule was blocked by another Trump-appointed federal judge this summer just days before it was scheduled to take effect.
The Senate confirmations of two superbly qualified Biden nominees for top posts at the Labor Department were blocked by a Big Business cabal allied with not only Republicans but supine Democrats including Sens. Joe Manchin III of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona. (Manchin and Sinema subsequently changed their party affiliations from Democratic to independent, but continued to caucus with the Democrats. Neither will be in the Senate after their current terms end this year.)
Ferocious opposition from business interests forced David Weil, an expert in labor law and all the ways employers cheat their workers of wages, to withdraw his name from consideration as head of the Labor Department’s Wage and Hour Division in 2022.
The same cabal denied confirmation of Julie Su, a stalwart and exceptionally effective advocate for worker rights throughout a professional career that included service as California Labor Commissioner, as successor to Biden’s first Labor secretary, Marty Walsh. Su has been serving as acting secretary since Walsh’s departure in February 2023.
Many Biden administration policies are likely to be rolled back in the new administration, just as Trump in his first term rolled back Obama’s pro-labor policies. These efforts will be test cases for Chavez-DeRemer’s independence from the worst instincts of her boss and his inner circle.
EPI’s McNicholas points to several issues that worker and union advocates will be watching closely. Will she fight to defend the Biden administration’s expansion of overtime eligibility? The Trump administration could act to challenge the court ruling that blocked the expansion, or let it ride. Will she act to preserve the Occupational Safety and Health Administration’s new standard requiring employers to protect workers from heat-related injuries?
Will she fight any effort to reimplement a Trump-era program that gave employers a free pass if they confessed when accused of wage theft, in which case penalties and damage assessments were waived?
“Chavez-DeRemer should make it harder for employers to steal workers’ wages,” McNicholas argued, “not easier.”
Politics
Trump admin sues Illinois Gov. Pritzker over laws shielding migrants from courthouse arrests
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The U.S. Justice Department filed a lawsuit against Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker over new laws that aim to protect migrants from arrest at key locations, including courthouses, hospitals and day cares.
The lawsuit was filed on Monday, arguing that the new protective measures prohibiting immigration agents from detaining migrants going about daily business at specific locations are unconstitutional and “threaten the safety of federal officers,” the DOJ said in a statement.
The governor signed laws earlier this month that ban civil arrests at and around courthouses across the state. The measures also require hospitals, day care centers and public universities to have procedures in place for addressing civil immigration operations and protecting personal information.
The laws, which took effect immediately, also provide legal steps for people whose constitutional rights were violated during the federal immigration raids in the Chicago area, including $10,000 in damages for a person unlawfully arrested while attempting to attend a court proceeding.
PRITZKER SIGNS BILL TO FURTHER SHIELD ILLEGAL IMMIGRANTS IN ILLINOIS FROM DEPORTATIONS
The Trump administration filed a lawsuit against Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker over new laws that aim to protect migrants from arrest at key locations. (Getty Images)
Pritzker, a Democrat, has led the fight against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in Illinois, particularly over the indiscriminate and sometimes violent nature in which they are detained.
But the governor’s office reaffirmed that he is not against arresting illegal migrants who commit violent crimes.
“However, the Trump administration’s masked agents are not targeting the ‘worst of the worst’ — they are harassing and detaining law-abiding U.S. citizens and Black and brown people at daycares, hospitals and courthouses,” spokesperson Jillian Kaehler said in a statement.
Earlier this year, the federal government reversed a Biden administration policy prohibiting immigration arrests in sensitive locations such as hospitals, schools and churches.
The U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s “Operation Midway Blitz,” which began in September in the Chicago area but appears to have since largely wound down for now, led to more than 4,000 arrests. But data on people arrested from early September through mid-October showed only 15% had criminal records, with the vast majority of offenses being traffic violations, misdemeanors or nonviolent felonies.
Gov. JB Pritzker has led the fight against the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown in Illinois. (Kamil Krazaczynski/AFP via Getty Images)
Immigration and legal advocates have praised the new laws protecting migrants in Illinois, saying many immigrants were avoiding courthouses, hospitals and schools out of fear of arrest amid the president’s mass deportation agenda.
The laws are “a brave choice” in opposing ICE and U.S. Customs and Border Protection, according to Lawrence Benito, executive director of the Illinois Coalition for Immigrant and Refugee Rights.
“Our collective resistance to ICE and CBP’s violent attacks on our communities goes beyond community-led rapid response — it includes legislative solutions as well,” he said.
The DOJ claims Pritzker and state Attorney General Kwame Raoul, also a Democrat, violated the U.S. Constitution’s Supremacy Clause, which establishes that federal law is the “supreme Law of the Land.”
ILLINOIS LAWMAKERS PASS BILL BANNING ICE IMMIGRATION ARRESTS NEAR COURTHOUSES
Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino leaves the Dirksen U.S. Courthouse in Chicago. (Brian Cassella/Chicago Tribune/Tribune News Service via Getty Images)
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Raoul and his staff are reviewing the DOJ’s complaint.
“This new law reflects our belief that no one is above the law, regardless of their position or authority,” Pritzker’s office said. “Unlike the Trump administration, Illinois is protecting constitutional rights in our state.”
The lawsuit is part of an initiative by U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to block state and local laws the DOJ argues impede federal immigration operations, as other states have also made efforts to protect migrants against federal raids at sensitive locations.
The Associated Press contributed to this report.
Politics
Supreme Court rules against Trump, bars National Guard deployment in Chicago
WASHINGTON — The Supreme Court ruled against President Trump on Tuesday and said he did not have legal authority to deploy the National Guard in Chicago to protect federal immigration agents.
Acting on a 6-3 vote, the justices denied Trump’s appeal and upheld orders from a federal district judge and the U.S. 7th Circuit Court of Appeals that said the president had exaggerated the threat and overstepped his authority.
The decision is a major defeat for Trump and his broad claim that he had the power to deploy militia troops in U.S. cities.
In an unsigned order, the court said the Militia Act allows the president to deploy the National Guard only if the regular U.S. armed forces were unable to quell violence.
The law dating to 1903 says the president may call up and deploy the National Guard if he faces the threat of an invasion or a rebellion or is “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.”
That phrase turned out to be crucial.
Trump’s lawyers assumed it referred to the police and federal agents. But after taking a close look, the justices concluded it referred to the regular U.S. military, not civilian law enforcement or the National Guard.
“To call the Guard into active federal service under the [Militia Act], the President must be ‘unable’ with the regular military ‘to execute the laws of the United States,’” the court said in Trump vs. Illinois.
That standard will rarely be met, the court added.
“Under the Posse Comitatus Act, the military is prohibited from execut[ing] the laws except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress,” the court said. “So before the President can federalize the Guard … he likely must have statutory or constitutional authority to execute the laws with the regular military and must be ‘unable’ with those forces to perform that function.
“At this preliminary stage, the Government has failed to identify a source of authority that would allow the military to execute the laws in Illinois,” the court said.
Although the court was acting on an emergency appeal, its decision is a significant defeat for Trump and is not likely to be reversed on appeal. Often, the court issues one-sentence emergency orders. But in this case, the justices wrote a three-page opinion to spell out the law and limit the president’s authority.
Justice Amy Coney Barrett, who oversees appeals from Illinois, and Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. cast the deciding votes. Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh agreed with the outcome, but said he preferred a narrow and more limited ruling.
Conservative Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel A. Alito Jr. and Neil M. Gorsuch dissented.
Alito, in dissent, said the “court fails to explain why the President’s inherent constitutional authority to protect federal officers and property is not sufficient to justify the use of National Guard members in the relevant area for precisely that purpose.”
California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta filed a brief in the Chicago case that warned of the danger of the president using the military in American cities.
“Today, Americans can breathe a huge sigh of relief,” Bonta said Tuesday. “While this is not necessarily the end of the road, it is a significant, deeply gratifying step in the right direction. We plan to ask the lower courts to reach the same result in our cases — and we are hopeful they will do so quickly.”
The U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals had allowed the deployments in Los Angeles and Portland, Ore., after ruling that judges must defer to the president.
But U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer ruled Dec. 10 that the federalized National Guard troops in Los Angeles must be returned to Newsom’s control.
Trump’s lawyers had not claimed in their appeal that the president had the authority to deploy the military for ordinary law enforcement in the city. Instead, they said the Guard troops would be deployed “to protect federal officers and federal property.”
The two sides in the Chicago case, like in Portland, told dramatically different stories about the circumstances leading to Trump’s order.
Democratic officials in Illinois said small groups of protesters objected to the aggressive enforcement tactics used by federal immigration agents. They said police were able to contain the protests, clear the entrances and prevent violence.
By contrast, administration officials described repeated instances of disruption, confrontation and violence in Chicago. They said immigration agents were harassed and blocked from doing their jobs, and they needed the protection the National Guard could supply.
Trump Solicitor Gen. D. John Sauer said the president had the authority to deploy the Guard if agents could not enforce the immigration laws.
“Confronted with intolerable risks of harm to federal agents and coordinated, violent opposition to the enforcement of federal law,” Trump called up the National Guard “to defend federal personnel, property, and functions in the face of ongoing violence,” Sauer told the court in an emergency appeal filed in mid-October.
Illinois state lawyers disputed the administration’s account.
“The evidence shows that federal facilities in Illinois remain open, the individuals who have violated the law by attacking federal authorities have been arrested, and enforcement of immigration law in Illinois has only increased in recent weeks,” state Solicitor Gen. Jane Elinor Notz said in response to the administration’s appeal.
The Constitution gives Congress the power “to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions.”
But on Oct. 29, the justices asked both sides to explain what the law meant when it referred to the “regular forces.”
Until then, both sides had assumed it referred to federal agents and police, not the standing U.S. armed forces.
A few days before, Georgetown law professor and former Justice Department lawyer Martin Lederman had filed a friend-of-the-court brief asserting that the “regular forces” cited in the 1903 law were the standing U.S. Army.
His brief prompted the court to ask both sides to explain their view of the disputed provision.
Trump’s lawyers stuck to their position. They said the law referred to the “civilian forces that regularly execute the laws,” not the standing army.
If those civilians cannot enforce the law, “there is a strong tradition in this country of favoring the use” of the National Guard, not the standing military, to quell domestic disturbances, they said.
State attorneys for Illinois said the “regular forces” are the “full-time, professional military.” And they said the president could not “even plausibly argue” that the U.S. Guard members were needed to enforce the law in Chicago.
Politics
Video: Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
new video loaded: Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
transcript
transcript
Trump Announces Construction of New Warships
President Trump announced on Monday the construction of new warships for the U.S. Navy he called a “golden fleet.” Navy officials said the vessels would notionally have the ability to launch hypersonic and nuclear-armed cruise missiles.
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We’re calling it the golden fleet, that we’re building for the United States Navy. As you know, we’re desperately in need of ships. Our ships are, some of them have gotten old and tired and obsolete, and we’re going to go the exact opposite direction. They’ll help maintain American military supremacy, revive the American shipbuilding industry, and inspire fear in America’s enemies all over the world. We want respect.
By Nailah Morgan
December 23, 2025
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