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Amid the Chaos, Trump Has a Simple Message: He’s in Charge

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Amid the Chaos, Trump Has a Simple Message: He’s in Charge

When he took office last week, President Trump said he would measure his success in part by “the wars we never get into.” But he has eagerly waged a full-fledged assault on his own government.

In his first eight days in office, Mr. Trump mounted a lightning blitz against the federal government that has the nation’s capital in an uproar. He has moved quickly and aggressively to eliminate pockets of resistance in what he calls “the deep state” and put his own stamp on far-flung corners of the bureaucracy.

It has been a campaign of breathtaking scope and relentless velocity, one unlike any new president has tried in modern times. It has been a blend of personal and political as he seeks revenge against those who investigated him or his allies, while simultaneously demolishing the foundations of the modern liberal state and asserting more control than he or any of his predecessors had in the past.

Mr. Trump has purged perceived enemies from a range of agencies; begun to rid the government of diversity, environmental, gender and other “woke” policies that he objects to; sought to punish those who acted against his interests in the past; and fired independent inspectors general charged with guarding against potential corruption and abuse by his administration. His directive to temporarily freeze trillions of dollars of federal spending touched off a firestorm and prompted a judge to block him, for now.

Mr. Trump presents this effort as a fundamental reorientation of government and politics, in effect reversing generations of change to return to a different bygone era. “We’re forging a new political majority that’s shattering and replacing Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition, which dominated American politics for over 100 years,” he told House Republicans at their retreat this week.

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Never mind his faulty math — Roosevelt was first elected 92 years ago — Mr. Trump has approached his mission more systematically and methodically than he ever did in his chaotic first term, when he became the first U.S. president who had never served in public office or the military.

Instead of fumbling around to figure out how to even draft an executive order — his travel ban on select Muslim-majority countries eight years ago had changes scribbled on it by hand just minutes before he signed it — this time he and his team came in ready to quickly move forward on myriad fronts.

This was an odd benefit of losing his bid for re-election in 2020. As the first president since Grover Cleveland to come back to office after being defeated, Mr. Trump had the advantage of both four years of experience in the White House and four years in hiatus to map out plans for his return. Aided by a cadre of like-minded ideological advisers, he crafted a sweeping set of plans to quickly seize the reins of government.

The shock-and-awe onslaught has not just changed the government’s approach to major policies, as happens anytime a president of one party takes over from that of another. Mr. Trump is intent on “deconstruction of the administrative state,” as his onetime chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon put it during his first term, a goal predicated on the assumption that the bureaucracy is inherently biased against conservatives and their priorities.

“Trump is on a wrecking cruise to de-professionalize the civil service and threaten basic services to Americans,” said Representative Gerald E. Connolly, Democrat of Virginia, whose district includes many federal workers. “It’s unlawful firings and impoundments that threaten to unravel 142 years” of tradition of a “civil service immune from partisan politics.”

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At the president’s order, the career prosecutors who worked for the special counsel Jack Smith on investigations into Mr. Trump have been fired. And after the president granted clemency to those who ransacked the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, an investigation was opened into the actions of career prosecutors who charged those Trump supporters.

Dozens of career officials at the National Security Council were sent home while their loyalty is being reviewed. Dozens of other career officials, at the U.S. Agency for International Development, were put on leave for suspicion of resisting an order by Mr. Trump. The Justice Department ordered a temporary halt to all civil rights enforcement.

Mr. Trump has also rescinded certain additional protections for senior civil servants enacted by former President Joseph R. Biden Jr., and this week he ordered a review of people in policy-making positions to ensure that they follow his administration’s priorities or face dismissal. The administration also offered an incentive to federal workers to resign as of Sept. 30 in hopes of encouraging a broad exodus so that slots can be filled with loyalists.

But the most explosive move so far was Mr. Trump’s order on Monday night temporarily freezing up to $3 trillion federal grants and loans to determine whether they meet his priorities, even though they had been passed by Congress. More than any other move, this order generated widespread Democratic protests and could have affected everyday Americans, including Mr. Trump’s own voters.

A federal judge in Washington on Tuesday stepped in to temporarily prevent it from taking effect, pending further review of its legality, capping a day of confusion. For all its efficiency so far, the Trump team stumbled over enactment of this order, unable to promptly answer basic questions about who it would affect and for how long.

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At her debut briefing on Tuesday, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, assured Americans that it would not affect Social Security, Medicare, welfare or food stamps, but did not know whether it would affect Medicaid, which covers health care for 72 million Americans, most of whom are lower-income.

“The American people gave President Trump an overwhelming mandate on Nov. 5,” Ms. Leavitt said, referring to Mr. Trump’s 1.5-percentage-point popular vote victory, one of the smallest since the 19th century. “And he’s trying to ensure that the tax money going out the door in this very bankrupt city actually aligns with the will and priorities of the American people.”

A memo sent to Congress by the Office of Management and Budget on Tuesday insisted that Medicaid would not be affected by the order. But later in the day, the White House acknowledged that the online Medicaid portal was down even as it insisted that payments were still being processed and sent.

For all their loud criticism, congressional Democrats have limited ability to do much other than complain since they control neither house of Congress. Instead, Mr. Trump’s opponents are left to turn to the courts to try to stop him, as they did with the temporary spending freeze. Mr. Trump’s order on civil servants has already generated a legal challenge, and there could be more over his decisions to eliminate diversity programs and fire inspectors general.

Mr. Trump and his team anticipated pushback and expected to have to fight all the way to the Supreme Court to make some of these changes, hopeful that they will be ratified by the six-to-three conservative majority among the justices.

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At one point while running for president again, Mr. Trump said he hoped to trigger a legal fight to overturn the Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which was passed after President Richard M. Nixon refused to spend billions of dollars appropriated by Congress.

The act enshrined into law a previous understanding that a president cannot unilaterally decide not to spend money that Congress had approved. The law laid out a process allowing spending items to be temporarily suspended during a fast-track request to lawmakers to rescind them.

“When I return to the White House, I will do everything I can to challenge the Impoundment Control Act in court, and if necessary, get Congress to overturn it,” Mr. Trump said in 2023. “We will overturn it.”

Whether he will succeed in overturning it or not, it may take a while to find out. But part of the point is to have the fight, win or lose. Even if he gets resistance on one front or another, Mr. Trump is sending a signal to the federal government: He plans to reshape it in his image and anyone who disagrees should get out of the way or he will try to run them over.

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Video: Trump Signs A.I. Executive Order

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Video: Trump Signs A.I. Executive Order

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Trump Signs A.I. Executive Order

Trump signed an executive order on Thursday that would limit individual states in regulating the artificial intelligence industry.

“It’s a big part of the economy. There’s only going to be one winner here, and that’s probably going to be the U.S. or China. You have to have a central source of approval. When they need approvals on things, they have to come to one source. They can’t go to California, New York.” “We’re not going to push back on all of them. For example, kids’ safety — we’re going to protect. We’re not pushing back on that. But we’re going to push back on the most onerous examples of state regulations.”

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Trump signed an executive order on Thursday that would limit individual states in regulating the artificial intelligence industry.

By Shawn Paik

December 11, 2025

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Kilmar Abrego Garcia seen for first time since release, pledges to ‘continue to fight’ Trump admin

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Kilmar Abrego Garcia seen for first time since release, pledges to ‘continue to fight’ Trump admin

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Salvadorean migrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia vowed Friday to “continue to fight and stand firm against all of the injustices this government has done upon me,” in his first appearance since being released from federal immigration custody.

Garcia spoke as he appeared for a check-in at a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) facility in Baltimore, Maryland, as part of the terms of his release.

Kilmar Abrego Garcia, right, listens with is brother Cesar Abrego Garcia during a rally ahead of a mandatory check at the Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in Baltimore, on Friday, Dec. 12, 2025, after he was released from detention on Thursday under a judge’s order. (Stephanie Scarbrough/AP)

U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis ordered Abrego Garcia released from the ICE Moshannon Valley Processing Center in Philipsburg, Pa., on Thursday on the grounds that the Trump administration had not obtained the final notice of removal order that is needed to deport him to a third country, including a list of African nations they had previously identified for his removal.

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“Since Abrego Garcia’s return from wrongful detention in El Salvador, he has been re-detained, again without lawful authority,” Xinis said in her order on Thursday.

The Justice Department is expected to challenge the order.

“This is naked judicial activism by an Obama appointed judge,” Department of Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said in a social media post. “This order lacks any valid legal basis and we will continue to fight this tooth and nail in the courts.”

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt told reporters Thursday afternoon that the Trump administration would “absolutely” be appealing Xinis’ order, which she described as another instance of “activism” from a federal judge.

Abrego Garcia had been living in Maryland with his wife and children when he was initially arrested.

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Abrego Garcia’s case epitomized the political firestorm that has ensued since March, when he was deported to El Salvador and housed in the country’s CECOT mega-prison, in violation of a 2019 court order and in what Trump officials acknowledge was an “administrative error.” Xinis ordered then that Abrego Garcia be “immediately” returned to the U.S.

Upon his return to the United Sates, Abrego Garcia was immediately taken into federal custody and detained on human smuggling charges that stemmed from a 2022 traffic stop.

The Trump administration has claimed he is a member of MS-13, which Abrego Garcia denies.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration previously tried and failed to deport him to the African nations of Liberia, Eswatini, Uganda and Ghana.

This is a developing story. Please check back for updates.

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Commentary: Homeland Security says it doesn’t detain citizens. These brave Californians prove it has

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Commentary: Homeland Security says it doesn’t detain citizens. These brave Californians prove it has

Call it an accident, call it the plan. But don’t stoop to the reprehensible gaslighting of calling it a lie: It is fact that federal agents have detained and arrested dozens, if not hundreds, of United States citizens as part of immigration sweeps, regardless of what Kristi Noem would like us to believe.

During a congressional hearing Thursday, Noem, our secretary of Homeland Security and self-appointed Cruelty Barbie, reiterated her oft-used and patently false line that only the worst of the worst are being targeted by immigration authorities. That comes after weeks of her department posting online, on its ever-more far-right social media accounts, that claims of American citizens being rounded up and held incommunicado are “fake news” or a “hoax.”

“Stop fear-mongering. ICE does NOT arrest or deport U.S. citizens,” Homeland Security recently posted on the former Twitter.

Tuesday, at a different congressional hearing, a handful of citizens — including two Californians — told their stories of being grabbed by faceless masked men and being whisked away to holding cells where they were denied access to phones, lawyers, medications and a variety of other legal rights.

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Their testimony accompanied the release of a congressional report by the Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations in which 22 American citizens, including a dozen from the Golden State, told their own shocking, terrifying tales of manhandling and detentions by what can only be described as secret police — armed agents who wouldn’t identify themselves and often seemed to lack basic training required for safe urban policing.

These stories and the courageous Americans who are stepping forward to tell them are history in the making — a history I hope we regret but not forget.

Immigration enforcement, boosted by unprecedented amounts of funding, is about to ramp up even more. Noem and her agents are reveling in impunity, attempting to erase and rewrite reality as they go — while our Supreme Court crushes precedent and common sense to further empower this presidency. Until the midterms, there is little hope of any check on power.

Under those circumstances, for these folks to put their stories on the record is both an act of bravery and patriotism, because they now know better than most what it means to have the chaotic brutality of this administration focused on them. It’s incumbent upon the rest of us to hear them, and protest peacefully not only rights being trampled, but our government demanding we believe lies.

“I’ve always said that immigrants who are given the great privilege of becoming citizens are also some of the most patriotic people in this country. I know you all love your country. I love our country, and this is not the America that we believe in or that we fought so hard for. Every person, every U.S. citizen, has rights,” Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Long Beach) said as the hearing began.

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L.A. native Andrea Velez, whose detention was reported on by my colleagues when it happened, was one of those putting herself on the line to testify.

Less than 5 feet tall, Velez is a graduate of Cal Poly Pomona who was working in the garment district in June when ICE began its raids. Her mom and teenage sister had just dropped her off when masked men swarmed out of unmarked cars and began chasing brown people. Velez didn’t know what was happening, but when one man charged her, she held up her work bag in defense. The bag did not protect her. Neither did her telling the agents she is a U.S. citizen.

“He handcuffed me without checking my ID. They ignored me as I repeated it again and again that I am a U.S. citizen,” she told committee members. “They did not care.”

Velez, still unsure who the man was who forced her into an SUV, managed to open the door and run to an LAPD officer, begging for help. But when the masked man noticed she was loose, he “ran up screaming, ‘She’s mine’” the congressional report says.

The police officer sent her back to the unmarked car, beginning a 48-hour ordeal that ended with her being charged with assault of a federal officer — charges eventually dropped after her lawyer demanded body camera footage and alleged witness statements. (The minority staff report was released by Rep. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut, the highest-ranking Democrat on the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations.)

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“I never imagined this would be occurring, here, in America,” Velez told lawmakers. “DHS likes … to brand us as criminals, stripping us of our dignity. They want to paint us as the worst of the worst, but the truth is, we are human beings with no criminal record.”

This if-you’re-brown-you’re-going-down tactic is likely to become more common because it is now legal.

In Noem vs. Vasquez Perdomo, a September court decision, Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote that it was reasonable for officers to stop people who looked foreign and were engaged in activities associated with undocumented people — such as soliciting work at a Home Depot or attending a Spanish-language event, as long as authorities “promptly” let the person go if they prove citizenship. These are now known as “Kavanaugh stops.”

Disregarding how racist and problematic that policy is, “promptly” seems to be up for debate.

Javier Ramirez, born in San Bernardino, testified as “a proud American citizen who has never known the weight of a criminal record.”

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He’s a father of three who was working at his car lot in June when he noticed a strange SUV idling on his private property with a bunch of men inside. When he approached, they jumped out, armed with assault weapons, and grabbed him.

“This was a terrifying situation,” Ramirez said. But then it got worse.

One of the men yelled, “Get him. He’s Mexican!”

On video shot by a bystander, Javier can be heard shouting, “I have my passport!” according to the congressional report, but the agents didn’t care. When Ramirez asked why they were holding him, an agent told him, “We’re trying to figure that out.”

Like Velez, Ramirez was put in detention. A severe diabetic, he was denied medication until he became seriously ill, he told investigators. Though he asked for a lawyer, he was not allowed to contact one — but the interrogation continued.

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After his release, five days later, he had to seek further medical treatment. He, too, was charged with assault of a federal agent, along with obstruction and resisting arrest. The bogus charges were also later dropped.

“I should not have to live in fear of being targeted simply for the color of my skin or the other language I speak,” he told the committee. “I share my story not just for myself, but for everyone who has been unjustly treated, for those whose voice has been silenced.”

You know the poem, folks. It starts when “they came” for the vulnerable. Thankfully, though people such as Ramirez and Velez may be vulnerable due to their pigmentation, they are not meek and they won’t be silenced. Our democracy, our safety as a nation of laws, depends on not just hearing their stories, but also standing peacefully against such abuses of power.

Because these abuses only end when the people decide they’ve had enough — not just of the lawlessness, but of the lies that empower it.

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