Politics
After campaigning outside California, Newsom spends final days of election in home state
Throughout this election cycle, California Gov. Gavin Newsom traveled the country campaigning for the Democratic presidential ticket, making stops in North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Michigan, New Hampshire, Georgia, South Carolina, Oregon, Idaho, Washington and Nevada.
He ran his own campaign to raise money for Democrats in red states, became the party’s fighter on conservative television shows and acted as a proxy for President Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris.
After crisscrossing America, the Democratic governor is spending the final days of the 2024 election in a place where he hasn’t campaigned very much this year: his home state.
“You can do anything. You can’t do everything,” Newsom said about his effort to balance his responsibilities to campaign nationally and in California during an interview. “I mean, if there was an eighth day I’d use it.”
Newsom’s appearances this weekend in Orange County highlighted an irony of his strategy: As the governor wooed donors in Boise, Idaho, and defended Biden in Atlanta, Democrats in California have waged a fierce fight in key congressional races largely without the state’s most powerful politician by their side.
California has several battleground House races that will help determine which party controls Congress next year. The closest contests are in regions of the state where polls show Newsom is most unpopular with voters. The governor’s decision to spend more time campaigning outside California than in its most competitive districts may actually help his Golden State allies — and his own political career.
“He’s not only working on the presidential campaign for Vice President Harris, but there’s no doubt that he’s also working on his own potential presidential campaign, and he doesn’t need to do that in California,” said Matt Rexroad, a Republican strategist. “He knows all those people.”
With two years left before term limits force Newsom out of the governor’s office, traveling the nation for Biden and Harris allowed him to showcase himself as a seasoned politician and a prolific fundraiser while building up his list of supporters outside California. The pilgrimages into GOP territory branded the governor as a pugilist capable of landing shots on the Republican Party and former President Trump.
Though Newsom endorsed just a handful of Democrats running for Congress and declined to take an official stance on seven of the 10 measures on the statewide ballot, the governor said he’s put in work as California’s top Democrat.
He raised nearly $2 million for eight Democratic candidates in California congressional contests, his aides said, and has made appearances in several districts throughout the long campaign season.
“We’ve been doing a lot of fundraising for the congressional folks for almost two years,” Newsom said.
On Sunday, Newsom joined a lineup that included Senate candidate Rep. Adam B. Schiff (D-Burbank), California Democratic Party Chairman Rusty Hicks, state Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta and several others rallying for Democrat Derek Tran at a United Food and Commercial Workers union hall in Buena Park.
He told the crowd he was there for two main reasons: to thank the volunteers canvassing and making calls for Democrats and to support Tran in his effort to oust Republican Rep. Michelle Steel (R-Seal Beach) — a contest considered one of the most important congressional races in the country.
“That’s how important you are to the fate and future, not just of this district, but in many respects, the fate and future of this country,” Newsom said to campaign workers in the room.
Though Newsom wasn’t physically present in Orange County and Palm Springs for most of the election, he became a central figure in some of the races.
Republican incumbents have been tying their Democratic challengers to Newsom in an effort to scare off moderate voters and stoke their base.
In an ad by GOP Rep. Ken Calvert’s campaign in Congressional District 41, the governor’s face transforms into that of Calvert’s Democratic opponent, Will Rollins.
“He’s slick, loves taxes, and more liberal than Gavin Newsom,” the narrator says as Newsom’s image blends with Rollins’.
The ad claims that Rollins, “just like Newsom,” will drive up gas prices, property and income taxes for residents of the Riverside County district that stretches from Corona to the Coachella Valley and includes Palm Springs.
“We can’t stop Newsom, but we can stop radical Will Rollins,” the ad says.
Newsom brushed off the ad as “politics,” but Rexroad said the governor’s approval ratings in swing districts in California make him an easy foil for the GOP.
A statewide poll conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California, or PPIC, in October found that a majority of voters disapprove of Newsom’s performance as governor. His ratings were worse in the Central Valley, Orange County, San Diego and the Inland Empire, where about 6 in 10 voters disapprove.
Those are the regions where Democrats are working to flip several GOP-held House seats.
“For [Republican Rep.] David Valadao, he would like nothing more than for [Democrat] Rudy Salas and Gavin Newsom to be on the front page of the Bakersfield Californian and all of the other news there for the rest of the election,” Rexroad said. “The governor is extremely unpopular in the Central Valley.”
Newsom didn’t appear over the weekend in the Kern County district where Salas is seeking to oust Valadao (R-Hanford).
The governor pushed back on the idea that Democrats were concerned about appearing with him.
“Folks are looking for all the support they can get consistently and have throughout this campaign,” he said.
In Orange County, Republicans seized on Newsom’s appearance days before he even appeared with Tran.
In a news release, Steel, Tran’s opponent, called out Newsom’s role as his campaign “closer.”
“Bringing Newsom to town tells voters everything they need to know about where Derek Tran’s loyalties lie: With the Sacramento crew that wants to take their tax raising, zero-bail policies to Washington,” Steel said in a statement.
Despite the numbers, former U.S. Sen. Barbara Boxer said Democratic campaigns are using the governor because they believe he can help. Newsom, she said, is good at “delivering messages that cross over.”
“They are in the closing days, and they know who they want,” Boxer said of the campaigns. “But I really think he’s an asset everywhere because I think he’s an excellent campaigner. He’s a very smart campaigner. He knows the issues that move people. I wouldn’t go by approval ratings — nobody’s off the charts.”
The last few days of an election are largely about increasing turnout and less so about changing minds, or flipping votes, when many voters have already decided on their candidate and turned in ballots.
PPIC pollster Mark Baldassare said it makes sense for congressional campaigns to use Newsom in the waning days of the election to drive Democrats to the polls.
“I don’t really see much of a downside risk,” Baldassare said. “I see the upside of having the most well-known Democrat in California, other than Kamala Harris, out there as a possible motivator for Democrats more than a motivator for Republicans to go the other way.”
Newsom’s late appearances in the congressional districts give him an opportunity to later say he played a part, even if minor, if Democrats win the House. It also limits the potential damage and time GOP campaigns have to use his visits to their advantage.
Despite the critics of Newsom’s election priorities and potential motivations, it’s smart for politicians to campaign in a way that boosts others and themselves, said Thad Kousser, a professor of political science at UC San Diego.
“Politicians do things in their own self-interest,” Kousser said. “But successful politicians do things that help them and their allies, and the savviest politicians do those things very visibly.”
Politics
Trump has Christmas message to 'Radical Left Lunatics,' tells inmates Biden granted clemency to 'GO TO HELL!'
President-elect Trump dished out a fiery Christmas message on Wednesday in which he wished a “Merry Christmas” to “Radical Left Lunatics,” told the 37 prisoners whose death row sentences were recently commuted by President Biden to “GO TO HELL!,” and more.
“Merry Christmas to the Radical Left Lunatics, who are constantly trying to obstruct our Court System and our Elections, and are always going after the Great Citizens and Patriots of the United States but, in particular, their Political Opponent, ME. They know that their only chance of survival is getting pardons from a man who has absolutely no idea what he is doing,” Trump declared on Truth Social.
“Also, to the 37 most violent criminals, who killed, raped, and plundered like virtually no one before them, but were just given, incredibly, a pardon by Sleepy Joe Biden. I refuse to wish a Merry Christmas to those lucky “souls” but, instead, will say, GO TO HELL! We had the Greatest Election in the History of our Country, a bright light is now shining over the U.S.A. and, in 26 days, we will, MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN. MERRY CHRISTMAS!” he added.
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Biden recently announced that he commuted the sentences of 37 prisoners on federal death row to life sentences without the potential for parole.
“Make no mistake: I condemn these murderers, grieve for the victims of their despicable acts, and ache for all the families who have suffered unimaginable and irreparable loss,” the president said in a statement, but noted that he is “more convinced than ever that we must stop the use of the death penalty at the federal level.”
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In a separate post, Trump declared, “Merry Christmas to all, including to the wonderful soldiers of China, who are lovingly, but illegally, operating the Panama Canal (where we lost 38,000 people in its building 110 years ago), always making certain that the United States puts in Billions of Dollars in ‘repair’ money, but will have absolutely nothing to say about ‘anything.’
He also discussed Canada, referring to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau as the “Governor” of America’s northern neighbor, while suggesting that Canadian businesses would boom if the nation became a U.S. state.
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“Also, to Governor Justin Trudeau of Canada, whose Citizens’ Taxes are far too high, but if Canada was to become our 51st State, their Taxes would be cut by more than 60%, their businesses would immediately double in size, and they would be militarily protected like no other Country anywhere in the World. Likewise, to the people of Greenland, which is needed by the United States for National Security purposes and, who want the U.S. to be there, and we will!” Trump declared.
Politics
Opinion: How press freedoms could fare under the second Trump administration
With Donald Trump set to return to the White House next year, there’s much speculation on how his second administration will affect press freedom. The short answer is that we don’t know, but prognosticators do have the benefit of an important dataset: his first term.
And, if that record is any indication, national security “leaks” to the press may be an area of tension between journalists and the new leadership at the Justice Department. If there is a chilling effect on sources coming forward with newsworthy information in the public interest, Americans will be less informed and the American government will be held less accountable.
Things have been quiet on that front for the last four years, but the first Trump administration inherited and expanded the Obama administration’s aggressive pursuit of sources who disclosed government secrets to the press.
And President-elect Trump has often decried national security leaks and called for aggressively investigating and prosecuting them.
It would be foolish for press advocates to discount the possibility of a repeat of his first term, and perhaps an escalation.
There are several federal laws that can be read to criminalize the public disclosure of national security secrets. The most prominent is the Espionage Act of 1917, a World War I-era law that was initially used against domestic opponents of the war but applies to the act of communicating, delivering or transmitting “information relating to the national defense,” a broad term, to anyone not entitled to receive it.
In other words, if someone were to anonymously slip a manila envelope under a reporter’s door with government secrets — even secrets that the public has a clear interest in knowing, such as the warrantless domestic wiretapping by the George W. Bush administration — the Justice Department has consistently claimed the authority to investigate and prosecute the source, as well as the journalist, under the Espionage Act. There is no “public interest” defense.
Historically, it hasn’t been used that way. For about 90 years, the Espionage Act was deployed against actual spies, not journalists’ sources. There are a few exceptions — most prominently the Pentagon Papers case, in which the government launched a failed prosecution against Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony Russo — but source cases are in the single digits. And, while there were investigations involving journalists, no reporter or news outlet was ultimately prosecuted under the Espionage Act in that period.
The reason is simple. When the reporting is in the public interest, taking the leaker or journalist to court would be a “political firestorm,” as a federal appeals court judge put it in one of those few exceptions, a 1980s case involving a leak of classified photographs.
But the Bush and Obama administrations marked a shift in practice.
Under President George W. Bush, the Justice Department brought the first Espionage Act case other than Russo against individuals outside government, who had not sworn to protect government secrets. The Bush administration also featured the Valerie Plame case, which started as a leak investigation, in which Judith Miller of the New York Times spent 85 days in jail for refusing to identify a confidential source from her reporting about the run-up to the Iraq war. And the Bush Justice Department issued a subpoena in 2008 to force the New York Times’ James Risen to identify his source in another leak case, which the Obama administration pursued until 2015.
Then the Obama administration started to bring Espionage Act prosecutions against journalists’ sources in earnest. Depending on how you count, his administration brought 10 such cases. That is more than all other presidents combined.
Trump’s first term followed that trend. The Justice Department brought eight cases against journalist sources, including two under bank secrecy laws, as well as the Julian Assange case. The Assange case is complicated, but he was charged in part under the novel and dangerous legal theory that publishing secrets is a crime.
These cases can involve secret government demands for reporters’ notes; phone, email and text records; and correspondence with sources. That kind of snooping can reveal the constellation of a journalist’s sources beyond just the investigation in question and can give the government visibility into other stories the newsroom is investigating, including stories about the government. As Miller said when facing jail time: “If journalists cannot be trusted to keep confidences, then journalists cannot function and there cannot be a free press.”
The Justice Department during Trump’s first term turbocharged Obama-era approaches. In addition to seizing years of records from reporter Ali Watkins’ phone and email providers, a Customs and Border Protection agent threatened to reveal private information unless she identified her sources. Watkins was a reporter at Politico at the time of the questioning and was at the New York Times when she learned of the records seizure.
Then, in the early days of the Biden administration, we learned that the Justice Department in the last days of the Trump administration had authorized demands for phone and email records for eight reporters at CNN, the New York Times and the Washington Post in three separate leak investigations. It did so without notifying those outlets in advance — to give them a chance to negotiate or challenge the demands — and the CNN and New York Times demands came with a gag order preventing newsroom lawyers from even alerting the reporters that they had been targeted.
The history of leak investigations under Presidents Bush, Obama and Trump shows that the threat to the free flow of information is bipartisan and spans administrations. President Biden’s term has been a notable exception, but a reprise may be coming.
Gabe Rottman is the policy director of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press.
Politics
Trump picks Miami-Dade County Commissioner Kevin Marino Cabrera for Panama ambassador
President-elect Trump picked Miami-Dade County Commissioner Kevin Marino Cabrera to serve as ambassador to Panama.
Calling the Miami-Dade County Commissioner a “fierce fighter,” Trump said that he would advance the “MAGA agenda” to the Central American country.
“Kevin is a fierce fighter for America First principles. As a Miami-Dade County Commissioner, and Vice Chairman of the International Trade Consortium, he has been instrumental in driving Economic growth, and fostering International partnerships,” Trump wrote in the Wednesday announcement. “In 2020, Kevin did an incredible job as my Florida State Director and, this year, advanced our MAGA Agenda as a Member of the RNC Platform Committee.”
“Few understand Latin American politics as well as Kevin – He will do a FANTASTIC job representing our Nation’s interests in Panama!” he said.
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The announcement came after Trump said that Panama was “a Country that is ripping us off on the Panama Canal, far beyond their wildest dreams.”
In a post on Truth Social on Wednesday, Trump also accused Chinese soldiers of illegally operating the canal and “always making certain that the United States puts in Billions of Dollars in ‘repair’ money but will have absolutely nothing to say about ‘anything.’”
In a statement on X, Cabrera thanked Trump for the nomination.
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“I’m humbled and honored by your nomination to serve as the U.S. Ambassador to Panama,” he wrote. “Let’s get to work!”
Cabrera won his county election two years ago following an endorsement by Trump.
He also served as the Florida state director for Trump’s 2020 campaign and was a member of the RNC Platform Committee.
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