Q&A: New Legislation in Vermont Will Make Fossil Fuel Companies Liable for Climate Impacts in the State. Here’s What That Could Look Like – Inside Climate News
From our collaborating partner “Living on Earth,” public radio’s environmental news magazine, aninterview by host Paloma Beltran with Pat Parenteau, an emeritus professor of law at Vermont Law and Graduate School.
Vermont’s House and Senate have approved a bill that would make fossil fuel companies financially liable for their carbon pollution and its role in the climate crisis. Lawmakers pointed to consequences of these carbon emissions, like the flood in July 2023 that put parts of the state capital underwater for weeks and caused over a billion dollars in damage.
The bipartisan bill is known as the Climate Superfund Act because it demands that fossil fuel companies cover at least part of the growing costs of climate change. Similar bills are being considered in New York, Massachusetts and Maryland, but Vermont is the first state to pass this kind of legislation. The bill passed with a supermajority, enough to override a potential veto. It is now headed to Governor Phil Scott’s desk.
Living on Earth spoke with Pat Parenteau, former EPA regional counsel and emeritus professor at Vermont Law and Graduate School, to unpack the details. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
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PALOMA BELTRAN: What is the Climate Superfund law in Vermont? What does it say?
PAT PARENTEAU: It’s basically asking fossil fuel companies to contribute to the costs for adaptation to the unavoidable impacts of climate change, including protection of homes and businesses threatened by flooding, building resilience in floodplains by moving structures out of harm’s way, investing in wetland protection and natural systems that absorb carbon emissions and provide for more resilience to extreme weather events. It’s a new approach, and Vermont is the first state in the country to try it.
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BELTRAN: How is this law different from the climate deception lawsuits like the one we’ve seen filed in the state of Hawaii?
Emeritus Professor Pat Parenteau. Credit: Vermont Law and Graduate School
PARENTEAU: This law doesn’t depend on proof of deception, or false advertising, or the campaign to sow doubt about climate change that the companies are accused of in over 30 lawsuits across the country. The companies are liable by virtue of what they do. It’s not that they’ve committed anything wrong, necessarily—”polluter pays” is the concept here.
The fact that your product creates carbon pollution, which is driving climate change, that’s enough to make you liable, in the same way, or at least a similar way, to how the Superfund law at the federal level makes you responsible for contamination of soil and groundwater as a result of your activities at a site. You may have generated chemical waste that wound up at the site, you may own the site, you may operate a landfill or other facility that’s become contaminated.
The Superfund law says, by virtue of the fact that you own or operate or generate waste, you’re liable. In the same way, this law is saying the fact that you extract and burn fossil fuels is enough to make you liable for the damage that results from that.
BELTRAN: How might the state of Vermont go about calculating which companies owe what? What are the possible methods they could use here?
PARENTEAU: That is the big question. The formula that the law is using—and the state treasurer will have to flesh this out—is to say, what is the individual company’s share in the global emissions? The law also directs the state to use the Environmental Protection Agency’s greenhouse gas inventory as a starting point.
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The greenhouse gas inventory has something called emission factors. For example, for the big oil companies, they can disaggregate among the different companies, what their emissions factor is for the amount of oil and gas they’re producing. So it’s going to be a proportionate share, based on what the individual company’s emissions are. That’s going to be the basic formula.
BELTRAN: It’s a big job, to calculate all of that.
PARENTEAU: Yes. And then from there, you have to say, well, what percentage of harm is the emissions doing on top of the natural cycle of flooding, for example, just sticking with the flooding example.
There are other impacts of climate change in Vermont. There’s impacts on the ski industry, there’s impacts on the sugar-making industry—our famous syrup.
But just in terms of flooding, what you have to calculate is, by how much has climate change increased the damage from flooding that normally would occur in Vermont? The flooding of Montpelier was definitely much greater than any prior flood we’d ever had. But you have to calculate how much worse was it as a result of the emissions from these companies? That’s another tricky calculation.
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BELTRAN: How are these oil companies expected to respond?
PARENTEAU: We know that the oil companies are not going to start sending checks to Vermont. The oil companies have been fighting tooth and nail against all of the other lawsuits that have been brought against them. And we can expect the same thing here.
The companies have a choice to make. They can either file what’s called a preemptive strike and challenge the law on constitutional grounds. For example, they may argue that this is a violation of due process to make them liable, when they haven’t, quote, done anything wrong. They’re producing a valuable product that people are still buying to put into their automobiles, to heat their homes and so forth. They’re going to say, “You’re making us liable for engaging in economic activity that’s lawful? How can you do that? That’s not constitutional.”
Similar arguments were made against Superfund, the federal law. And it took several years for those arguments to finally be resolved in the court. Ultimately, it went all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. In the Superfund case, there is precedent for establishing liability for the damage that legal activity is causing.
But whether that precedent under Superfund extends to the climate liability context, that’s going to be a major issue; that’s a novel issue.
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One option for the companies might be to challenge the law on its face. The other option would be to wait until Vermont actually sends them a bill, a demand for payment, and then not pay, in which case Vermont would have to initiate a lawsuit to collect the money that they’ve demanded.
Either way, this issue is sure to end up in court. And it will take the usual long time for it to finally get settled.
BELTRAN: What are some of the concerns raised by opponents of the law other than these oil companies?
PARENTEAU: The opposition to passage of the law came from those who are concerned that Vermont is too small a state to take on these major multinational corporations, that, as we’ve discussed, isn’t going to just happen without litigation.
The litigation that’s underway in other states has shown just how expensive it is to sue these companies. These companies really fight hard, which means the cost of litigation can be measured easily in the millions. Some of the people who questioned this law were saying Vermont is too small to take this on; let some of the bigger states do it—let New York do it. And we can follow in their wake, but don’t take the first hit from these companies.
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The costs of litigating against the oil companies, not only are they not small, but there’s not enough money in Vermont to do everything that needs to be done. The big question is, what’s the best use of the money we have? Is it to fight the oil companies to try to get them to pay? There’s a good case to be made that that’s appropriate. But the contrary case is that’s going to take a really long time, with uncertain results. And so maybe the better approach is to spend the money you do have with direct assistance to the communities most affected by climate change, and let some of these other states go first.
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BELTRAN: What are the broader consequences of this law in Vermont? How will this impact the rest of the country, and potentially the rest of the globe?
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PARENTEAU: I do think we’re going to see other states adopting similar legislation. And I do think the underlying theory of these laws, that the oil companies should pay their fair share to address the damage that’s being done, even if their product was a valuable product for many years, the truth is, we now know, it’s causing damage.
Under the “polluter pay” rule, which is one of the pillars of environmental law and policy, what Vermont is doing and what I think many other states are going to be doing is looking to the oil companies, which are some of the wealthiest companies on earth, to pay their fair share for the damage that’s being done.
In that sense, I think this movement that Vermont has begun has merit. And I think it will put greater pressure on the oil companies to either agree under some circumstances to contribute to the costs of dealing with climate or be forced to do so by a court at some point. There’s a legal and a moral case to be made for holding companies responsible. And we’ll now see how fast that can happen.
A person holds a giant penny at a mock funeral for the coin, which was discontinued in 2025, in front of the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson
What good is a penny at this point? Penny candy is a thing of the past, and a modern-day penny-pincher wouldn’t get very far if this were their get-rich strategy.
(This newsletter, though, costs you less than a penny. Chip in if you can.)
U.S. mints no longer make pennies, a decision that saves taxpayers an estimated $56 million annually. When the U.S. Treasury Department announced the country would stop minting them, it marked the end of an era — sorta.
Though those pesky copper-colored coins remain in circulation, some businesses, both in Vermont and nationwide, have begun experiencing penny shortages.
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Enter H.837. The bill outlines a plan that could allow retailers to phase out the penny by rounding up or down cash transactions to the nearest nickel.
Other states, including Arizona and Indiana, have passed rounding legislation, and a handful of others are considering it. As written, Vermont’s bill wouldn’t require rounding, a similar approach favored in other jurisdictions.
Some Vermont businesses have already adopted rounding. But lobbyists for Vermont businesses say some of their members fear the practice — without explicit state blessing — could open a business up to a lawsuit over alleged unfair and deceptive practices.
Worried or not, rounding will likely become more necessary as pennies get harder to find, Maggie Lenz, a lobbyist for the Vermont Retail and Grocers Association, told the House Commerce and Economic Development Committee Tuesday. She encouraged the state to create a rounding framework, but discouraged lawmakers from making such a program mandatory.
Rep. Tony Micklus, R-Milton, agreed that rounding should be optional, but said the state should mandate a specific rounding framework for the businesses that choose to round.
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H.837’s approach, which would round down totals ending in 1,2,6 and 7 cents, and round up totals ending in 3, 4, 8 and 9 cents, would seem to be the fairest to consumers and businesses, those who testified agreed.
But the change is likely not net neutral. Zachary Tomanelli, a consumer protection advocate for the Vermont Public Interest Research Group, cited a Federal Reserve study that indicated rounding could cost consumers $6 million annually nationwide. That’s because businesses price goods in ways that tend to lead to rounding up.
He called the cost modest and said he generally supported the bill.
Despite H.837 not making it past the crossover deadlines, there’s still hope that pennies might make it into Vermont’s currency cemetery. Rep. Michael Marcotte, R-Coventry, the commerce committee’s chair, said his committee could stick the rounding legislation in the Senate’s economic development bill.
That said, you might not want to ditch your pennies quite yet.
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In the know
Here are some numbers for you: Between 2012 and 2022, Vermont’s primary care workforce declined by 13%. In that same time period, the specialist workforce grew by 23%. That’s according to testimony Jessa Barnard, with the Vermont Medical Society, gave to lawmakers in the House Health Care Committee Tuesday. She said the numbers are reflective of a trend in medicine nationwide, attributed to the fact that primary care docs often make less but pay the same high cost for medical school as their peers in more specialized roles.
In Vermont, Barnard said that this widening gap is leading to a particularly acute shortage. According to a report her organization put out in 2022, the state needs 115 primary care providers to meet the national benchmark for our population size. That figure includes OBGYNs, pediatricians and family medicine docs. By 2030, as our state’s population grows even older, the Vermont Medical Society expects the state to need 370 more primary care physicians to meet the national benchmark.
— Olivia Gieger
Sen. Alison Clarkson, D-Windsor, spoke with members of the House Commerce and Economic Development Committee Tuesday afternoon about S.327, an economic development bill that supports a number of public resources for business owners across the state.
The bill has had a tough go of it so far.
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Clarkson handed out copies of what she referred to as “the actual bill,” which meant the package voted out by her own Senate Economic Development Committee before being “pretty much fully gutted” on its way through the Senate Appropriations Committee.
In a tight budget year, she said, this bill’s focus was on “supporting what works really well” for Vermont businesses. For Clarkson, that means continuing to invest in the initiatives like the Vermont Economic Growth Incentive program, a set of grants to help businesses expand in the state, which is scheduled to end in January. The Senate, she pointed out, has voted to extend the program for several years in a row, most recently through S.327.
“I am charging the House with doing the same thing,” she said.
Clarkson is also in favor of deepening the state’s relationships with outside investors by funding state delegates abroad. Vermont, she argued, should have more well-placed representation in areas like Québec — which this bill would provide for — and in the future Taiwan, which recently pledged to invest heavily in U.S. tech industries.
“We need somebody whose hand is up saying ‘yes, over here!’” Clarkson said.
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House commerce members met informally with a delegation from Taipei later Tuesday.
— Theo Wells-Spackman
On the move
The Senate advanced a bill Tuesday that would allow parents in Essex County to pay tuition to send pre-K students to New Hampshire schools.
In Vermont’s most rural county, families struggle to access pre-K programs, at least on this side of the border.
But S.214, legislation originally proposed by Sen. Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast, would allow for a handful of families near the New Hampshire border in Essex County to tuition their pre-K-aged children to New Hampshire schools, Sen. Steve Heffernan, R-Addison, said on the Senate floor.
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Kindergarten through grade 12 are already able to tuition to New Hampshire schools.
The Senate will need to vote on the bill once more before sending it to the House.
Vermont and the federal government faced off Monday over the state’s first-in-the nation law aimed at forcing polluters to pay for the effects of climate change with the Trump administration warning it would spur “the type of chaos that the Constitution is designed to prevent.”
The hearing before Judge Mary Kay Lanthier of the U.S. District Court for the District of Vermont comes as the administration has unleashed a broad assault on state-based climate efforts, including suing to invalidate the Vermont law establishing a “climate superfund” to recoup money from the oil and gas industry.
The Biden appointee did not tip her hand, pressing attorneys for the state and the federal government over whether the state is within its rights or stepping on federal authority. The administration is challenging a similar law in New York, and a ruling against Vermont would likely jeopardize that law and chill efforts in other states to adopt climate superfunds.
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Vermont argued the law — “a modest action” — was passed by state lawmakers in 2024 to help raise money to deal with climate change.
RUTLAND, Vt. (WCAX) – Attorneys defended Vermont’s landmark climate superfund law on Monday, as it faces a lawsuit filed by the Trump administration.
Vermont lawmakers passed the Climate Superfund Act in 2024 after devastating flooding in 2023 and other extreme weather events.
The law requires certain large fossil fuel companies to help cover the costs of climate-related damage linked to their emissions between 1995 and 2024.
It is being challenged by the federal government, along with the American Petroleum Institute, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and attorneys general from 24 Republican-led states.
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They argue Vermont is overstepping and that climate policy should be handled at the federal level.
Attorneys for Vermont and environmental groups asked a federal judge in Rutland to dismiss those challenges, arguing the state has the right to hold companies accountable.
“It was an intense and technical day of legal arguments over whether the Climate Superfund Act passes muster under federal law, and whether it is appropriate under our Constitution and other doctrines, and is going to survive this series of lawsuits that have been filed against it,” said Christophe Courchesne of the Vermont Law and Graduate School.
Vermont was the first state to pass a law like this. New York followed, and more than 10 other states are considering similar measures.
This case could help decide whether those laws move forward.