Vermont
Bill Schubart: New Yorker piece was overly rosy about Vermont’s media scene
This commentary is by Invoice Schubart of Hinesburg, writer of 9 books of fiction, a former VPR radio commentator and a daily columnist for VTDigger.
I’ve nice respect for Invoice McKibben. His readability on humankind’s threats to the atmosphere and his means to draft a military of planet guardians is efficacious to us all.
However his latest rosy New Yorker portrait of Vermont’s evolving media scene is, sadly, not grounded in actuality. His rivalry that Vermont communities are nonetheless served by “severe native journalism” is a dewy-eyed imaginative and prescient, usually at odds with actuality.
McKibben rightly portrays a wholesome media infrastructure as a key cohesive aspect of neighborhood and rues its nationwide decline into information deserts. The place I differ is his rivalry that Vermont is an exception.
I grew up in Morrisville, Vermont, from the age of two, arriving in 1947. We relied on the Information & Citizen, printed by the Limoge household for many years and now owned by Vermont Neighborhood Newspaper Group, which has acquired 4 different native papers. The Information & Citizen had a community of neighborhood stringers in close by Eden, Elmore, Hyde Park and Wolcott who stored the paper crammed with hyperlocal objects of curiosity. The stringer from Elmore ended all her columns, “And enjoyable was had by all.” That was then.
McKibben builds his case on the stature of VTDigger, SevenDaysVT, Vermont Public, WDEV/Radio Vermont, and his native Addison Unbiased, a surviving exemplar of a neighborhood newspaper.
He doesn’t point out the regular demise or sale to personal fairness roll-ups of native and regional papers and broadcasters that has undermined Vermont’s media panorama for a number of a long time however has been most damaging in the previous couple of years.
The Rutland Herald of Vermont’s second-largest metropolis was a flagship owned for many years by the Mitchell household. It challenged the stature of the then-independent Burlington Free Press in Vermont’s largest metropolis. The Herald, together with its sister paper the Barre-Montpelier Instances Argus, is now owned by Brunswick Publishing in Maine.
The Burlington Free Press, now owned by Gannett, is a shadow of its former self. Based in 1827, the Free Press within the Nineteen Eighties had roughly 60 full-time newsroom workers members — about 30 reporters, an govt editor, a managing editor, 4 division managers, 4 task editors, two editorial web page writers, eight wire/copy editors, 5 photographers, three information assistants and a graphic artist. At present, its few remaining pages provide native information from two reporters, two sports activities reporters, and two cultural reporters and a syndicated infusion from Gannett’s flagship USA At present.
Nor does McKibben point out the latest sale of Emerson Lynn’s St. Albans Messenger to O’Rourke Media Group, which has rolled up 24 native papers nationally, together with three Vermont weeklies, the Colchester Solar, Essex Reporter, and Milton Unbiased.
A neighborhood investor, Paul Belogour of Guilford, dba Vermont Information and Media LLC, has purchased three Vermont regionals: the Bennington Banner and Brattleboro Reformer, each dailies, and the weekly Manchester Journal. The jury remains to be out on his purpose and intent for the acquisition. One hopes he’s a supporter of sturdy native journalism.
As McKibben mentions, there are vibrant spots in Vermont’s native media constellation. The daioly Caledonian File in St. Johnsbury remains to be owned by the native Smith household and the each day Valley Information continues to thrive below native possession, serving the northern Connecticut River valley. The weekly Barton Chronicle is employee-owned and an worker simply purchased his former employer’s Bradford Journal Opinion, a weekly.
The Winooski Information, a part of the Reporting and Documentary Storytelling Mission and UVM’s Heart for Neighborhood Information, is printed in eight languages, reflecting the truth that Winooski is probably the most numerous neighborhood in Vermont.
However most of McKibben’s reward is targeted on Anne Galloway, the founder and former president of VTDigger. VTDigger has proven extraordinary promise as a nonprofit, on-line newspaper modeled after Paul Bass’s New Haven Unbiased and the Texas Tribune.
In its early phases, Digger attracted quite a lot of veteran Vermont journalists. However McKibben fails to say that in Might of this 12 months, Galloway stepped down as the chief director of VTDigger. Her departure was preceded by a profitable unionizing effort.
At present, aside from senior editor and interim govt director Jim Welch, managing editor Paul Heintz, deputy managing editor Maggie Cassidy, senior editors Tom Kearney and Diane Derby, veteran reporters Kevin O’Connor and Alan Keays, and a number of other others, a lot of the workers are comparatively new recruits.
(Full disclosure, I and my spouse Kate Robinson, who additionally wrote for Digger, had been co-founders, together with Sam Chauncey, Steve Terry and Sally Johnson, of the Vermont Journalism Belief, which in 2010 merged with and have become the 501(c)3 holding firm for VTDigger.org. I additionally served because the preliminary board chair of the Vermont Journalism Belief, dba VTDigger, after the merger.) At present, VTDigger’s board is engaged in a nationwide seek for new management to shepherd the net information service into the longer term.
From a journalistic and monetary standpoint, SevenDaysVT might be the healthiest of any of the Vermont print media firms. McKibben’s characterization of its success and import to Vermonters is spot on. Not solely does it champion the humanities, tradition and meals of Vermont, but it surely produces periodic deep-dive investigative items which can be daring and related to Vermonters.
However as with different for-profit, controlled-circulation print papers, the escalating price of printing and the migration of promoting to the Web has harassed SevenDaysVT’s funds. It has “tremendous readers” who contribute frequently to the paper, however as a for-profit, it might probably’t lengthen a tax dedication to their donating readers.
Vermont Public, with annual income of about $10 millon and a present asset steadiness of about $30 million, might be probably the most financially safe information and leisure supply in Vermont. (Full disclosure: I used to be chair of the Vermont Public Radio board in 2004-06 and am a former commentator.) The numerous asset steadiness is a operate each of Vermont Public’s very profitable on-air fundraising and the assist it has from many Vermonters, in addition to its latest public sale sale of unused spectrum, added $56 million to its holdings.
Once I chaired VPR, I made the remark to our board that there are successfully two Vermonts, the Vermont that listens to VPR and the opposite half that listens to WDEV. They’re completely different but each very important components of the tradition and heritage of our state.
My implication that VPR was not reaching the WDEV viewers that I grew up with didn’t sit nicely with both trustees or administration. However I consider this is identical as we speak, 15 years later.
Many of the people I do know, many however not all of whom are “privileged” Vermonters, hearken to, watch or stream Vermont Public to entry NPR and PBS’s in-depth information and evaluation programming or the British royal soaps and mysteries that dominate PBS leisure. However many are blended on or disenchanted in Vermont Public’s personal news-gathering and evaluation.
Vermont Public not too long ago introduced a $100,000 funding within the “Made Right here Fund” to assist six to 10 Vermont video, audio, or multimedia content material builders. Given the truth of manufacturing prices for many video and audio content material, the numerous assets accrued from its FCC spectrum gross sales, and the mission of Vermont Public to supply Vermont-relevant content material, this funding in curated native manufacturing appears modest.
McKibben says, “… there are deeper legacy operations that will do extra to construct the state’s excessive stage of social belief, as a result of they reduce throughout financial and cultural traces in profound methods.”
Social belief has been ebbing across the nation, however will it actually be strengthened by an evaluation by Vermont Public’s ”Courageous Little State” as as to if moose-crossing indicators actually cut back vehicle accidents? This isn’t a daily subject among the many Vermonters I do know.
”Courageous Little State,” ”Vermont Version” and “Vermont This Week” make up the lion’s share of Vermont Public’s dive into the real-life challenges Vermonters face. These don’t represent deep-dive journalism, nor do they contribute a lot to coverage discussions concerning the real-world challenges Vermonters face on daily basis, like lack of housing, inflation, environmental air pollution, over-incarceration, starvation, and entry to well being care, day care, or greater ed. These represent the challenges that too many Vermonters stay with.
McKibben saves his biggest reverence for the Squier household’s WDEV Radio. He precisely portrays its Vermont-connected programming. I grew up listening on my Bakelite Zenith radio to Lloyd Squier, the Hermit of Starvation Mountain, Inexperienced Mountain Ballroom, Music to Go to the Dump By, the Pony Boys and Buying and selling Put up. This was the Vermont I knew as a toddler. I‘ve loved a lifelong friendship with and reverence for WDEV proprietor Ken Squier, even once I chaired the board of his archenemy, VPR.
However what McKibben fails to notice is that, like so many small Vermont heritage radio stations — most of that are gone, rolled up into syndication — WDEV is struggling to outlive and might be bought if a concerted effort amongst followers to discover a sustainable future for WDEV is unsuccessful.
The darkish facet of the demise of so many native newspapers, radio and TV stations is that there’s a voracious urge for food for them amongst private-equity teams, lots of whom have a transparent political agenda. With massive print and broadcast media roll-ups, private-equity can intestine native editorial and real-estate prices to the minimal and infuse their very own information, usually with a political agenda.
The Martin household’s WCAX/Channel 3 was not too long ago bought to Grey Tv, owned by the Grey household, which owns 180 stations in 113 markets and, not not like Sinclair Broadcasting, has a decidedly conservative agenda.
The intense facet is that there’s strong dialogue in Vermont about how you can maintain the very important and cohesive worth of native and regional journalism. The Annual Journalism Convention on the College of Vermont, sponsored by UVM’s Heart for Neighborhood Information and the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, drew over 85 company final 12 months to community and discover challenges and options to the erosion of native journalism.
On the Journalism Convention final spring, the perennial query of whether or not to function as a nonprofit or a for-profit arose and the consensus gave the impression to be that neither is a panacea, as sustainability is dependent upon the neighborhood’s notion of worth as expressed both in subscriptions or donations.
To this finish, Congressman Peter Welch’s workplace talked about a congressional initiative that might make any and all donations or subscriptions to for-profit or nonprofit information organizations federally tax-deductible in consideration of journalism’s underlying significance to democracy.
Additionally, there’s vital curiosity in making a legislation that might make it unlawful for private-equity teams to accumulate Vermont nonprofit media (and well being care) enterprises.
Despite all of the existential threats to neighborhood journalism in Vermont, there’s promise in the truth that the College of Vermont, Vermont’s land-grant establishment, is stepping up and bringing assets to the desk.
UVM’s Neighborhood Information Service pairs pupil reporters with skilled editors to offer content material to native information organizations for free of charge. The middle additionally finds and paperwork locations across the nation the place comparable applications are in impact.
Its biggest worth to Vermont, nonetheless, is that it harvests and focuses the burgeoning curiosity amongst younger folks in turning into journalists, putting them as interns with mentoring organizations and, in so doing, helps to each shore up media infrastructure and encourage an entire new technology of journalists.
Nationally, there’s an rising understanding of the significance of native information, with many regional efforts now collaborating.
Nonetheless, it’ll take time and expertise for this keen throng to be annealed into skilled investigative and “beat” reporters who can contribute to the higher communities that McKibben portrays.
I want McKibben’s piece had been nearer to the reality concerning the well being of journalism in Vermont as we speak. The roseate New Yorker column missed a few of the extra severe storm clouds in our state.
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Vermont
Tom Salmon, governor behind ‘the biggest political upset in Vermont history,’ dies at 92 – VTDigger
When Vermont Democrats lacked a gubernatorial candidate the afternoon of the primary deadline in August 1972, Rockingham lawyer Tom Salmon, in the most last-minute of Hail Mary passes, threw his hat in the ring.
“There could be a whale of a big surprise,” Salmon was quoted as saying by skeptical reporters who knew the former local legislator had been soundly beached in his first try for state office two years earlier.
Then a Moby Dick of a shock came on Election Day, spurring the Burlington Free Press to deem Salmon’s Nov. 7, 1972, victory over the now late Republican businessman Luther “Fred” Hackett “the biggest political upset in Vermont history.”
Salmon, who served two terms as governor, continued to defy the odds in subsequent decades, be it by overcoming a losing 1976 U.S. Senate bid to become president of the University of Vermont, or by entering a Brattleboro convalescent home in 2022, only to confound doctors by living nearly three more years until his death Tuesday.
Salmon, surrounded by family, died just before sundown at the Pine Heights Center for Nursing and Rehabilitation at age 92, his children announced shortly after.
“Your man Winston Churchill always said, ‘Never, never, never, never give up,” Salmon’s son, former state Auditor Thomas M. Salmon, recalled telling his father in his last days, “and Dad, you’ve demonstrated that.”
Born in the Midwest and raised in Massachusetts, Thomas P. Salmon graduated from Boston College Law School before moving to Rockingham in 1958 to work as an attorney, a municipal judge from 1963 to 1965, and a state representative from 1965 to 1971.
Salmon capped his legislative tenure as House minority leader. But his political career hit a wall in 1970 when he lost a race for attorney general by 17 points to incumbent Jim Jeffords, the now late maverick Republican who’d go on to serve in the U.S. House and Senate before his seismic 2001 party switch.
Vermont had made national news in 1962 when the now late Philip Hoff became the first Democrat to win popular election as governor since the founding of the Republican Party in 1854. But the GOP had a vise-grip on the rest of the ballot, held two-thirds of all seats in the Legislature and took back the executive chamber when the now deceased insurance executive Deane Davis won after Hoff stepped down in 1968.
As Republican President Richard Nixon campaigned for reelection in 1972, Democrats were split over whether to support former Vice President Hubert Humphrey or U.S. senators George McGovern or Edmund Muskie. The Vermont party was so divided, it couldn’t field a full slate of aspirants to run for state office.
“The reason that we can’t get candidates this year is that people don’t want to get caught in the struggle,” Hoff told reporters at the time. “The right kind of Democrat could have a good chance for the governorship this year, but we have yet to see him.”
Enter Salmon. Two years after his trouncing, he had every reason not to run again. Then he attended the Miami presidential convention that nominated McGovern.
“I listened to the leadership of the Democratic Party committed to tilting at windmills against what seemed to be the almost certain reelection of President Nixon,” Salmon recalled in a 1989 PBS interview with journalist Chris Graff. “That very night I made up my mind I was going to make the effort despite the odds.”
Before Vermont moved its primaries to August in 2010, party voting took place in September. That’s why Salmon could wait until hours before the Aug. 2, 1972, filing deadline to place his name on the ballot.
“Most Democratic leaders conceded that Salmon’s chances of nailing down the state’s top job are quite dim,” wrote the Rutland Herald and Times Argus, reporting that Salmon was favored by no more than 18% of those surveyed.
(Gov. Davis’ preferred successor, Hackett, was the front-runner. A then-unknown Liberty Union Party candidate — Bernie Sanders — rounded out the race.)
“We agreed that there was no chance of our winning the election unless the campaign stood for something,” Salmon said in his 1989 PBS interview. “Namely, addressed real issues that people in Vermont cared about.”
Salmon proposed to support average residents by reforming the property tax and restricting unplanned development, offering the motto “Vermont is not for sale.” In contrast, his Republican opponent called for repealing the state’s then-new litter-decreasing bottle-deposit law, while a Rutland County representative to the GOP’s National Committee, Roland Seward, told reporters, “What are we saving the environment for, the animals?”
As Republicans crowded into a Montpelier ballroom on election night, Salmon stayed home in the Rockingham village of Bellows Falls — the better to watch his then 9-year-old namesake son join a dozen friends in breaking a garage window during an impromptu football game, the press would report.
At 10:20 p.m., CBS news anchor Walter Cronkite interrupted news of a Nixon landslide to announce, “It looks like there’s an upset in the making in Vermont.”
The Rutland Herald and Times Argus summed up Salmon’s “winning combination” (he scored 56% of the vote) as “the image of an underdog fighting ‘the machine’” and “an appeal to the pocketbook on taxes and electric power.”
Outgoing Gov. Davis would later write in his autobiography that the Democrat was “an extremely intelligent, articulate, handsome individual with loads of charm.”
“Salmon accepted a challenge which several other Democrats had turned down,” the Free Press added in an unusual front-page editorial of congratulations. “He then accomplished what almost all observers saw as a virtual impossibility.”
As governor, Salmon pushed for the prohibition of phosphates in state waters and the formation of the Agency of Transportation. Stepping down after four years to run for U.S. Senate in 1976, he was defeated by incumbent Republican Robert Stafford, the now late namesake of the Stafford federal guaranteed student loan program.
Salmon went on to serve as president of the University of Vermont and chair of the board of Green Mountain Power. In his 1977 gubernatorial farewell address, he summed up his challenges — and said he had no regrets.
“A friend asked me the other day if it was all worth it,” Salmon said. “Wasn’t I owed more than I received with the energy crisis, Watergate, inflation, recession, natural disasters, no money, no snow, a tax revolt, and the anxiety of our people over government’s capacity to respond to their needs? My answer was this: I came to this state in 1958 with barely enough money in my pocket to pay for an overnight room. In 14 short years I became governor. The people of Vermont owe me nothing. I owe them everything for the privilege of serving two terms in the highest office Vermont can confer on one of its citizens.”
Vermont
New group of power players will lobby for housing policy in Montpelier – VTDigger
This story, by Report for America corps member Carly Berlin, was produced through a partnership between VTDigger and Vermont Public.
A new pro-housing advocacy group has entered the scene at the Vermont Statehouse. Their message: Vermont needs to build, build, build, or else the state’s housing deficit will pose an existential threat to its future economy.
Let’s Build Homes announced its launch at a Tuesday press conference in Montpelier. While other housing advocacy groups have long pushed for affordable housing funding, the group’s dedicated focus on loosening barriers to building housing for people at all income levels is novel. Its messaging mirrors that of the nationwide YIMBY (or “Yes in my backyard”) movement, made up of local groups spanning the political spectrum that advocate for more development.
“If we want nurses, and firefighters, and child care workers, and mental health care workers to be able to live in this great state – if we want vibrant village centers and full schools – adding new homes is essential,” said Miro Weinberger, former mayor of Burlington and the executive chair of the new group’s steering committee.
Let’s Build Homes argues that Vermont’s housing shortage worsens many of the state’s other challenges, from an overstretched tax base to health care staffing woes. A Housing Needs Assessment conducted last year estimates that Vermont needs between 24,000 and 36,000 year-round homes over the next five years to return the housing market to a healthy state – to ease tight vacancy rates for renters and prospective homebuyers, mitigate rising homelessness, and account for shifting demographics. To reach those benchmarks, Vermont would need to double the amount of new housing it creates each year, the group’s leaders said.
If Vermont fails to meet that need, the stakes are dire, said Maura Collins, executive director of the Vermont Housing Finance Agency.
“It will not be us who live here in the future – it will not be you and I. Instead, Vermont will be the playground of the rich and famous,” Collins warned. “The moderate income workers who serve those lucky few will struggle to live here.”
The coalition includes many of the usual housing players in Vermont, from builders of market-rate and affordable housing, to housing funders, chambers of commerce and the statewide public housing authority. But its tent extends even wider, with major employers, local colleges and universities, and health care providers among its early supporters.
Its leaders emphasize that Vermont can achieve a future of “housing abundance” while preserving Vermont’s character and landscape.
The group intends to maintain “a steady presence” in Montpelier, Weinberger said, as well as at the regional and local level. A primary goal is to give public input during a statewide mapping process that will determine the future reach of Act 250, Vermont’s land-use review law, Weinberger said.
Let’s Build Homes also wants lawmakers to consider a “housing infrastructure program,” Weinberger said, to help fund the water, sewer and road networks that need to be built in order for housing development to be possible.
The group plans to focus on reforming the appeals process for new housing, curtailing a system that allows a few individuals to tank housing projects that have broad community buy-in, Weinberger said. Its policy platform also includes a call for public funding to create permanently affordable housing for low-income and unhoused people, as well as addressing rising construction costs “through innovation, increased density, and new investment in infrastructure,” according to the group’s website.
The Vermont Housing Finance Agency is currently serving as the fiscal agent for the group as it forms; the intent is to ultimately create an independent, nonprofit advocacy organization, Weinberger said. Let’s Build Homes has raised $40,000 in pledges so far, he added, which has come from “some of the large employers in the state and philanthropists.” Weinberger made a point to note that “none of the money that this organization is going to raise is coming from developers.”
Other members of the group’s steering committee include Collins, Vermont Gas CEO Neale Lunderville, and Alex MacLean, former staffer of Gov. Peter Shumlin and current communications lead at Leonine Public Affairs. Corey Parent, a former Republican state senator from St. Albans and a residential developer, is also on the committee, as is Jak Tiano, with the Burlington-based group Vermonters for People Oriented Places. Jordan Redell, Weinberger’s former chief of staff, rounds out the list.
Signatories for the coalition include the University of Vermont Health Network, the Vermont League of Cities and Towns, Middlebury College, Green Mountain Power, Beta Technologies, and several dozen more. Several notable individuals have also signed onto the platform, including Alex Farrell, the commissioner of the Department of Housing and Community Development, and two legislators, Rep. Abbey Duke, D-Burlington, and Rep. Herb Olson, D-Starksboro.
Vermont
Burlington woman arrested in alleged tent arson
BURLINGTON, Vt. (WCAX) – A woman is facing an arson charge after police say she lit a tent on fire with someone inside.
It happened Just before 11:45 Friday morning. Burlington Police responded to an encampment near Waterfront Park for reports that someone was burned by a fire.
The victim was treated by the fire department before going to the hospital.
Police Carol Layton, 39, and charged her with 2nd-degree arson and aggravated assault.
Copyright 2025 WCAX. All rights reserved.
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