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How Trump won big in Pennsylvania

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How Trump won big in Pennsylvania


As a result, Harris fell short and ended with nearly a 2% gap between her and Trump in Pennsylvania.

Trump performed better in Pennsylvania this election than in 2020 among younger voters, white men, Black men and Latin Americans. Black women voted a few points higher for Harris and, interestingly enough, a larger share of older voters also voted for Harris than in 2020.

Results from individual voting precincts help to map some of this out. For example, Harris received fewer votes in many precincts in neighborhoods like Kingessing and North Philly while Trump won more. That’s also the case in Berks County, which has a large Puerto Rican population, particularly in Hispanic-majority Reading.

The blame and infighting has already begun among Democrats but the reality is that there weren’t enough additional doors to knock in Philly to cover Harris’ deficit. The Harris campaign regularly touted their state campaign structure and ground game, regularly boasting about their 50 satellite offices. The campaign hired hundreds of staffers and recruited thousands of local volunteers. For months, they held daily events — often several in the same day — with prominent surrogates, including Republicans for Harris, and were in regular contact with local reporters to spread their message.

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Harris herself appeared in Philadelphia some 15 times to motivate her base and made several visits to other parts of the state.

Meanwhile, the Trump campaign’s apparatus was much slower to launch and appeared to lack a consistent ground game. Part of that was likely a simple lack of resources. The Harris campaign was flush with cash, having inherited the Biden campaign’s account and managed to raise more than $200 million after she was elevated to the top of the ticket.

In the end, Harris raised and spent more $1 billion, 2.5 times that of the Trump campaign. Outside PAC spending helped reduce that gap but, ultimately, that imbalance meant few staff on the ground.

“They just didn’t have the resources,” Dr. Tim Blessing, a professor at Alvernia University in Reading, said of the Trump campaign. “And frankly — and I’m trying to be tactful about this — I don’t know that the Trump campaign was overly gifted with skilled volunteers.”

Pettigrew says that there is evidence that the Harris campaign’s efforts did make an impact. The shift toward Trump was much higher in non-swing states — even as high as 6% in deep blue California — than in swing states where they spent all their resources.

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“That is suggestive that the ground game was kind of effective and that had it not been as effective then we may have seen an even more pronounced shift in the favor of Trump,” he said. “So maybe they did all that they possibly could, and they just were fighting such an uphill battle.”



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Pennsylvania

Philly City Commissioners don’t expect recount to change Senate race results

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Philly City Commissioners don’t expect recount to change Senate race results


Representatives from both the Casey and McCormick campaigns will be given the opportunity to observe the recount process.

While the votes were being counted, Commissioner Lisa Deeley said McCormick’s win could easily have been a loss if more Philadelphians who came to the polls actually cast a vote in the race.

“Just 0.24% separate Bob Casey and Dave McCormick to determine who will represent Pennsylvania in the United States Senate for the next six years. That percentage translates to just 16,672 votes,” she said.

Deeley went on to say twice that number of voters didn’t care enough to go down the ballot to vote in the race for U.S. Senate.

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“36,604 Philadelphia fans chose to under-vote the race. They just skipped over it and didn’t have their opinion counted,” she said.

Deeley could not give an explanation for why people came to vote for president, but chose not to vote in the Senate race.

“All of us in the political process, we need to do a better job to get the public to recognize the importance of the down ballot races so that we can have maximum voter participation from Philadelphia voters,” she said.



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Addiction treatment in Pennsylvania prisons is improving, new report shows

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Addiction treatment in Pennsylvania prisons is improving, new report shows


One video features Chase R., identified by his first name only for privacy reasons. His addiction began after he was prescribed opioids while recovering from a motorcycle accident at 21 years old.

Eventually, Chase began using heroin and fentanyl on the street.

“Opioids really had a really strong hold on me, to the point where I became suicidal in the past, like I didn’t want to live anymore, because I didn’t want to keep hurting the people that I love,” Chase, now 37, says in his testimonial. “It’s been nothing but a battle ever since.”

The Pennsylvania Institutional Law Project launches “Let Us Live,” a series of testimonials from people currently and formerly incarcerated about accessing treatment for opioid use disorder, at the Center for DesignPhiladelphia, Nov. 18, 2024. (Nicole Leonard/WHYY)
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Chase had access to the medication buprenorphine while he was in county jail, but he was cut off from treatment after he was transferred to state prison, which restricts medication to people who’ve already been taking it for at least 60 days.

Chase was 10 days short of that requirement, he said.

“You feel like you’re forgotten about and no matter what you do or how hard you fight, you’ll never win,” he says in a video, which only features his voice.

People watching a video presentation
The Pennsylvania Institutional Law Project launches “Let Us Live,” a series of testimonials from people currently and formerly incarcerated about accessing treatment for opioid use disorder, at the Center for DesignPhiladelphia, Nov. 18, 2024. (Nicole Leonard/WHYY)

Storytelling producer and journalist Arielle Goodman said she wanted the series to show the true toll of opioid use disorder in prisons and how gaps in care affect people in their everyday lives.

“It’s a human story of profound injustice,” she said. “These stories are ultimately fragments of a full story that we will never know, because they are stories of people who are locked away.”

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If you or someone you know is in crisis, call or text the national 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline. The hotline is staffed 24/7 by trained counselors who can offer free, confidential support. Spanish speakers can call 1-888-628-9454. People who are deaf or hard of hearing can call 1-800-799-4889.



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Battle over Pennsylvania mail ballots is latest example of messy disputes over election rules

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Battle over Pennsylvania mail ballots is latest example of messy disputes over election rules


What to Know

  • The recount underway in Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senate race marks the end of a chaotic post-election period that has become the latest example of how disputed election rules can expose weak points in a core function of American democracy.
  • The ballot-counting process in the race has become a spectacle of hours-long election board meetings, social media outrage, lawsuits and accusations that some county officials are openly flouting the law.
  • A big part of the dispute has centered around the envelopes that contain mail ballots, including whether they should be counted if the voter didn’t write the correct date.

The recount underway in Pennsylvania’s U.S. Senate race marks the end of a chaotic post-election period that has become the latest example of how disputed election rules can expose weak points in a core function of American democracy.

The ballot-counting process in the race between incumbent Democratic Sen. Bob Casey and Republican David McCormick has become a spectacle of hours-long election board meetings, social media outrage, lawsuits and accusations that some county officials are openly flouting the law.

The Associated Press called the race for McCormick on Nov. 7, concluding that not enough ballots remained to be counted in areas Casey was winning for him to take the lead. NBC News has yet to call the race due to it being so close with ballots still outstanding.

As the race headed toward a recount, which must be concluded by next Tuesday, Republicans have been claiming that Democrats are trying to steal McCormick’s seat by counting “illegal votes.” Casey’s campaign has said Republicans are trying to block enough votes to prevent him from pulling ahead and winning.

A big part of the dispute has centered around the date requirement on the return envelope that contains a mail-in ballot.

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Republicans say state law and court precedent is clear and that mail ballots must be discarded if their envelopes don’t meet the criteria. Democrats insist that ballots shouldn’t be tossed out because of what they call technicalities.

Several Democratic-controlled county election boards have been counting mail-in ballots in which the voter either wrote the wrong date on the return envelope or didn’t write one at all, despite the state Supreme Court saying just days before the election that such ballots shouldn’t be counted.

On Monday, the Democratic-majority high court reasserted its authority, ruling 4-3 to override active litigation in county courts and order local election boards to obey prior rulings that said such ballots cannot be added to the tally.

“Only the courts under our charter may declare a statute, or provision thereof, unconstitutional,” wrote Justice Kevin Brobson, a Republican.

Some Democrats had said the issue had been a legal gray area before Monday’s ruling. Democratic-majority election boards in Montgomery County, Philadelphia and Bucks County had voted to count ballots that lacked a correct date, while Republicans had said including a date is a critical element of ballot security.

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Omar Sabir, the chairman of Philadelphia’s election board, pointed out that a county judge had recently ordered the board to count such ballots in a lawsuit stemming from a September special election.

“I think we as commissioners have discretion to decide which ballots can count, and that’s our right under Pennsylvania statute,” Sabir said Tuesday.

But it was a statement from a Democratic commissioner in Bucks County, a heavily populated political swing county just north of Philadelphia, that ignited social media outrage and threats of legal retaliation from Republicans.

In a meeting last week, Bucks County Commissioner Diane Ellis-Marseglia, a Democrat, voted to count provisional ballots that were missing one of two required voter signatures. She did so after being told by a county attorney that the state Supreme Court had already ruled that such ballots can’t be counted.

“We all know that precedent by a court doesn’t matter anymore in this country and people violate laws any time they want,” she said. “So for me, if I violate this law, it’s because I want a court to pay attention to it. There is nothing more important than counting votes.”

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The video of her statement spread quickly among conservatives, often wrongly portraying it as justifying a separate vote by the Bucks County election board to count mail ballots that arrived at local election offices in undated or misdated envelopes.

“This is a BLATANT violation of the law and we intend to fight it every step of the way,” Lara Trump, President-elect Donald Trump’s daughter-in-law and co-chair of the RNC, wrote in a post on X that received 1.2 million views.

Ellis-Marseglia didn’t return a call to clarify what she meant. But the county board chair, Democrat Bob Harvie, said in a statement that commissioners had voted to protect the rights of voters — not sway an election.

The controversy over the decisions by some Democrats to take actions that appeared to contradict Pennsylvania law evoked similar disputes in several other states over the role of local election boards in certifying results. Some Republicans on those boards in recent years have voted against certification without any evidence of problems or wrongdoing, and did so despite their duty under state law.

The attacks on certification begun in 2020 by then-President Donald Trump and his allies raised concerns that partisans on local election boards could essentially block the will of the voters without justification. The moves prompted several Democratic-led states to pass laws clarifying the process.

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In Pennsylvania, Republicans were quick to criticize local Democrats who voted to accept the mailed ballots that came in undated or wrongly dated envelopes. Republican National Committee chairman Michael Whatley called it “corrupt and despicable.”

“This is the kind of conduct that undermines faith in elections,” Whatley told reporters on a conference call. “When election officials pick and choose at the last minute which rules to follow and which to ignore, it naturally leads voters to lose trust in the process.”

Asked whether he thinks some county officials could face legal consequences, Whatley said Republicans were exploring options and would “pursue this to the fullest extent that we can.”

Even if the ballot-counting process this year is chaotic, it could produce a lasting result.

The legal challenges could lead to court decisions that dictate in future elections which ballots can and can’t be tallied, said Jeff Reber, a Republican who chairs the elections reform committee for the statewide association representing county commissioners.

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“No one thinks the recount is going to change the outcome of the election,” he said. “The real battle is which ballots will be counted because that could be a precedent-setting decision.”



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