New York
The Absurd Problem of New York City Trash
In New York City, trash has no dedicated space all its own.
It fits, instead, in plastic bags squeezed into the in-between spaces of the city.
It fills the gaps between buildings, the landings of stairwells, any available turf between two fixed objects.
Say, a parked car and a dining shed.
Even towering piles of trash can be almost invisible to inured New Yorkers.
But step outside the city for a moment — or view it with a visitor’s eyes — and a sense of absurdity may set in: How can one of the world’s greatest cities handle its garbage like this?
Consider the ubiquitous New York trash bag. It tears. It leaks. It smells. It multiplies on the sidewalk, attracting carryout clamshells and still-full coffee cups tossed on top until it all melds into a sticky mess. That mess feeds rats, blocks sidewalks and spills into the street. Then it strains the sanitation workers who must move every bag by hand into a trash truck, as testy drivers honk behind them.
Conversely, if the city could just tame all of this garbage, New York might be transformed.
The Sanitation Department has vowed to do this, shifting the bulk of New York’s waste out of sloppy sidewalk piles and into containers in a manner more closely resembling that of other American cities and global capitals. The prospect has prompted much snickering: New York’s big idea to clean up trash is to … put it in trash bins? Like other cities have done … for decades?
(It’s not lost on the Sanitation Department that the city is a punchline: “This was our moon landing,” the agency posted self-deprecatingly on X when video of its newly unveiled trash truck was shared widely last month.)
But the details of how this might be done in New York turn on a number of deeper and more difficult questions about the city itself: Where, exactly, do you carve out space for an essential city service in a place with so little space left? How should the city dole out what has become its most contested public asset, the curb space in the street? Would New Yorkers give up parking to clean up the trash?
These questions are about no less than the dilemma of a truly dense city, where anything that demands its own space means something else must give.
To be a little less philosophical about it, the current state of trash collection in New York City seems almost preposterous:
All of the trash bags on New York’s sidewalks — and the chairs dumped there, too — are collected like this.
How we got here
And what the 1811 street grid has to do with it.
The scene in the video you just watched might equally be from the 1970s or the 1920s. Trash in New York has largely been collected the same way for generations, typically with a couple of guys in the middle of the road grinding down their knees and lower backs to thrust refuse onto a truck.
1940: Buckets containing ash were once a big part of the waste stream. New York City Municipal Archives
1924: Notice what’s not on the street in the background: parked cars.
The New York Times
All that’s really changed has been the style of the vehicle and, if you go back far enough, the animal pulling it:
1920: New York’s Sanitation Department was originally the Department of Street Cleaning.
New York City Municipal Archives
1913: A century in the past, but the same problems as today. The New York Times
In 2024, this is not how trash is collected in most major American cities, or in comparably rich international ones.
For one thing, many American cities store and collect much of their trash out of view, in alleys instead of on the street. And they use two-wheeled bins that can be mechanically lifted by a truck. Dense European cities like Amsterdam, Barcelona and Berlin that do collect trash from the street often use large shared containers that are also mechanically emptied. Other cities even store trash underground or push it through pneumatic tubes (Roosevelt Island, an oasis of relative cleanliness in New York, has a pneumatic system).
But the idea of trash bags, just piled on the sidewalk?
“People would not tolerate — Would. Not. Tolerate. — trash being left the way it is in New York City,” Anthony Crispino, deputy director for the District of Columbia Department of Public Works, said of Washington residents (about 65 percent of Washington’s collection happens in alleys, for one).
“I would never ever ever ever even think to try to have an opinion on what New York does,” Cole Stallard, Chicago’s streets and sanitation commissioner, said of his New York counterparts (alleys host about 90 percent of his trash collection). “They’re up against tough odds with people literally taking garbage — raw garbage, dog feces that they cleaned up — and they’re putting it in a bag and putting it out on the curb.”
No wonder New York has a rat problem (the dog feces, Mr. Stallard adds, are more delicious to rats than even the finest steak scraps).
To be fair to New York, it’s unlike other cities in some crucial ways beyond its sheer size. Many big-city sanitation departments serve only single-family houses and small multifamily buildings, requiring bigger apartment buildings to pay for private trash service. In New York, commercial businesses rely on private service. But for residences, the city collects free of charge from everyone: houses, midrises, huge apartment buildings, public housing complexes.
That’s more than 800,000 residential buildings, producing about 24 million pounds of waste a day. Commercial businesses produce another 20 million pounds daily.
History has also been unkind to New York on the trash front. If we freeze that scene from above, all the constituent parts — the bags, the street collection, the parked cars — can be traced to decisions people made decades or even centuries ago:
Let’s start with the men who drew up the iconic 1811 plan for Manhattan’s street grid north of Houston Street. They didn’t include any alleys — for no particular reason historians have discerned.
This foundational 1811 map, zoomed in to what’s now the Chelsea neighborhood, didn’t bother to include alleys.
New York Public Library
The map’s three authors left few notes about their thinking. But two of them also happened to be working under deadline on the plans for the future Erie Canal (and they produced a voluminous report for that one).
So it’s entirely possible Manhattan has no alleys for trash collection today because the men who drew the street grid in 1811 were preoccupied by what seemed at the time like a bigger assignment.
“It isn’t because they said alleys were bad,” the historian Gerard Koeppe said. “It’s because they were thinking about the Erie Canal.”
In 1954, New York made another momentous decision that wasn’t particularly related to trash but that now looms over the city’s possible solutions. That’s when New York conceded its streets to free overnight parking for private cars. Until that point, the streets typically looked like this, with cars allowed to park for no more than an hour during the day and three hours after midnight:
This residential block in the Chelsea neighborhood, seen in 1940, is framed today by tightly parked cars. New York City Municipal Archives
Now New York’s streets are lined with about three million parking spaces.
Today the only plausible place to put large, sturdy, rat-proof trash containers is in the street, as many European cities do. But to do that, New York will have to claw back street space from cars. And the city will also have to do that at a time when competition for curb space is soaring from entirely new sources: bike lanes, bikeshare docks, dining sheds, rideshare pickups, Amazon deliveries, electric car charging stations, cargo bike loading zones and more.
To take one last step through history, we must also revisit the New York sanitation worker strike of 1968. Before the strike, New Yorkers were required to put their trash straight into metal cans — picture the kind Oscar the Grouch might occupy.
Sanitation Department guidance from 1949.
New York City Municipal Archives
But those cans overflowed to horrifying effect during the 10-day strike:
When New York streets resembled landfills. Neal Boenzi/The New York Times
Garbage was just loose in the street.
By the end of the strike, 100,000 tons of garbage sat on the street.
Larry C. Morris/The New York Times
At the time, the chemicals industry offered to come to the city’s rescue with a new product — the durable plastic trash bag. The industry even donated 200,000 of them to City Hall in its hour of crisis.
Plastic bags also meant no one had to hose out grimy trash cans.
Meyer Liebowitz/The New York Times
New Yorkers were relieved to be rid of the racket that metal cans made. They believed bags might better contain the smell that attracted rats. And sanitation workers preferred slinging bags into a truck over wrestling with cans. As the city moved in 1971 to formally wipe out the rule requiring cans, a city official declared the plastic bag the most significant advance in garbage collection since trash trucks replaced the horse and wagon.
Tackling the ‘black bag problem’
Or, how the city will try to put trash in containers, which sounds easy but actually is not.
It’s hard to say why, over the last half-century, New York never seriously rethought the plastic bag until now. Critics blame inertia. And the Sanitation Department had other things to worry about, like budget cuts, route planning, run-down equipment and where to put all the trash once Mayor Rudy Giuliani promised to close Fresh Kills landfill on Staten Island.
“In my day and then in subsequent years, I don’t think it was ever thought about from the point of view of: ‘What’s the container? Is this the best container?’” said Norman Steisel, who was the sanitation commissioner from 1979 to 1986 (his big project was moving from a three-man truck to one that required only two workers).
Enter Mayor Eric Adams, who hates rats. And a new sanitation commissioner, Jessica Tisch, who had no particular background in trash and who has been prone to asking an outsider’s questions about it, like, “What if people put it out later in the day?”
“I think tackling the black bag problem,” she said, “is the single biggest thing you can do to make the city cleaner and restore dignity and order.”
In February, Ms. Tisch and the mayor unveiled their revised plan for “containerizing” trash; recycling, which is not so enticing to rats, will remain on the sidewalk for now. Their plan calls for one strategy for smaller residences, another for big apartment buildings, and a third for the midsize buildings in between, which actually wind up being some of the hardest.
Any plan to deal with all these bags must solve for three things: the right kind of container for each building, where to store that container, and what kind of truck can pick it up. The city’s proposal also assumes that it will continue collecting trash two or three days per week from every residence in the city.
For buildings with fewer than 10 units, including single-family homes across the outer boroughs, the city has proposed to use standard wheelie bins, as some residents already do. Residents would store them against their buildings or in front yards and wheel them to the curb on collection days. New York’s existing trash trucks, retrofitted with a lifting arm, would pick them up and empty them.
Apartments of 31 units or more would need large, stationary containers parked on the street. They would look something like this:
Two possible examples of the kind of street container coming to New York. Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times
Two containers, each fitting four cubic yards of trash, would take up the space of one parked car. A specially designed side-loading trash truck would then lift those containers for dumping.
No sanitation workers were strained in the lifting of this trash container.
Hiroko Masuike/The New York Times
The middle-density buildings — those with 10 to 30 units — are tricky because they may produce too much trash for wheelie bins, but not enough to fill a container. These buildings also tend not to have full-time superintendents or trash compactors. The Sanitation Department wants to let the managers of each midsize building decide whether to use wheelie bins or on-street containers.
For every property, the answer will probably depend on the particular dimensions of their trash rooms, elevators, front yards and sidewalk space.
To understand how this will play out in real life, let’s look at a stretch of West 21st Street in the Chelsea neighborhood of Manhattan — the same block shown in the photo above from 1940.
An overhead satellite photograph of two Manhattan blocks, bordered by Seventh Avenue, Eighth Avenue, West 20th Street and West 22nd Street, with West 21st Street running down the middle. Upon scroll, the image is color-coded to show the sizes of the buildings on the block, and shows that there are no alleys in these blocks.
About 2,000 people live — and generate trash — on these two blocks between Seventh and Eighth Avenues.
Each type of building the Sanitation Department is planning for exists here.
These blocks have no interior alleys. There is little space between the buildings and the street. And the buildings form a solid mass that leaves few gaps to stash trash before collection day.
On a recent Friday morning before collection, there were 373 bags of trash and recycling sitting on this block-long stretch of West 21st Street.
The sidewalks looked like this …
… with trash bags erected in sculptural heaps …
… and lined up like little expectant soldiers.
There was a mattress. There is always a mattress.
The city’s plan, in theory, would take most of this trash (OK, not the mattress) and move it into a container. If we zoom in on the corner at West 21st Street and Seventh Avenue, the result might look like this:
A line illustration showing three buildings along a short stretch of West 21st Street, and their garbage. Upon scrolling, the illustration also highlights parked cars and space for a fire hydrant; three on-street trash containers replace one car and shift others down the street; wheelie bins sit in front of the two smaller buildings; and an additional on-street container replaces another car. A truck appears at the end to collect the garbage.
Trash and recycling are typically piled up like this now.
Like many residential blocks in Manhattan, the street is lined with parked cars. There are fire hydrants, streetlights, tree pits and a bike lane to keep in mind, too.
The 130-unit building on the corner will need three on-street trash containers, probably next to the space reserved for a fire hydrant. That takes up the space of one and a half cars.
This six-unit building needs just three wheelie bins out front. They don’t block the street, but they do block the windows of the ground-floor apartment.
This 20-unit building has a choice: either eight wheelie bins, which would line the entire front of the building … … or one on-street container, which would preferably not be right next to the garden box.
One truck will come down this block collecting from wheelie bins. Another will lift and empty the street containers. Recycling, meanwhile, will still be collected from piles on the sidewalk.
If we continue down the full block, the city’s plan could mean placing about 80 wheelie bins on the sidewalk, and 20 containers in the street, replacing 10 parking spaces. That’s the middle range of the possible scenarios.
There’s a clear trade-off between the wheelie bins and the on-street containers: Strategies that clear more of the sidewalk take up more of the street.
The most efficient plan — taking up the least total space — would have multiple buildings share street containers. That would solve for midsize properties that have too many wheelie bins but not enough trash to justify their own street container. But the city is worried about another problem here: Shared containers would attract illegal dumping, particularly by businesses that are supposed to pay a private hauler for trash collection. So instead the city plans to assign locked street containers to specific addresses, to be unlocked by the building super.
Citywide, this plan would require at least 800,000 wheelie bins, to be purchased by individual residents and building managers (any bin will do at first, but by 2026, the city will require a standardized one).
And the Sanitation Department estimates that this plan would take up 22,000 to 34,000 parking spaces — about 1 percent of the city’s total on-street parking — depending on what the medium-size buildings opt to do. That’s significantly less than the 150,000 parking spaces the city first estimated last year. The department has cut that number by removing recycling from the program and shifting more buildings to wheelie bins.
The apartment-dense Upper East and West Sides of Manhattan would probably lose the most parking.
Source: Sanitation Department
Every design choice has trade-offs. The on-street containers clear the sidewalks, but they may also complicate street sweeping and plowing. The wheelie bins require no street space, but too many of them may also be a nuisance. The city’s preferred side-loading trucks lift only from one side, so the city will need two fleets of right- and left-loading vehicles. Alternative hoist trucks that lift containers 20 feet off the ground can dump from either side, but they risk whacking trees and light posts. Even overhead, New York is crowded.
“This whole program,” Ms. Tisch said, “is one big balancing act.”
Commercial businesses offer a glimpse of these trade-offs to come. Last summer the city began to require restaurants, and then chain stores, and now all businesses to keep their trash in containers before private haulers collect it. There’s already less waste on the ground than existed one year ago, but there’s also a growing number of bins chained to bike racks and sewer grates to prevent people from stealing them.
Scaling up to the whole city
What happens when ideas that make sense in other cities run into the particulars of New York.
Eventually, the city envisions deploying a fleet of bespoke trash trucks — a European truck body on an American chassis, costing about $500,000 per truck — that would mechanically do the work of two people tossing trash bags.
“It’s a great idea,” Harry Nespoli, the head of the New York sanitation workers’ union, said (the trucks will still require two sanitation workers). “But over the years,” he added, “I’ve seen ideas come into New York City and come out of this city, and some of them just don’t work.”
The city is planning to pilot its strategy in Harlem starting in the spring of 2025, and any kinks and workarounds will no doubt become clear then. For example: What happens when snow piles up around the street containers? Can they withstand drivers smashing into them? What if sanitation workers can’t fit the wheelie bins between tightly parked cars?
Can such an ambitious project, which could run citywide to hundreds of millions of dollars, also stay on track at a time of city budget cuts?
The biggest logistical challenge will be the city’s enormous variability — that it contains our depicted Chelsea block and the suburban-style streets of Staten Island and the extreme density of the Financial District.
“It’s the central issue — creating some kind of uniformity in a place that doesn’t have uniformity,” said Martin Melosi, an environmental historian who has chronicled the history of waste in New York.
New York must also consider really big apartment buildings: A thousand-unit complex would need about two-dozen on-street containers. And the city has many neighborhood main streets, where ground-floor stores and cafes may not welcome a wall of wheelie bins out front serving the apartments upstairs. Then add dining sheds to these scenes. They use the same street space trash containers would. But the details of how the city contains trash on the street may also affect how appealing it is to eat there.
Imagine the view from the dining shed.
Clare Miflin, an architect and the executive director of the Center for Zero Waste Design, argues that a different scheme would better address these harder cases. In denser parts of the city, she suggests all small and midsize buildings use shared on-street containers, clearing the sidewalks of wheelie bins. (With the right design choices, like a smaller opening to throw trash, Ms. Miflin says the city could still discourage illegal dumping.)
That would take up more parking, and require more frequent collection in the densest parts of the city. But Ms. Miflin suggests the biggest apartment buildings don’t need their own permanent street containers. They could use four-wheeled bins that would be stored inside, filled from trash compactors, and pushed to designated on-street spots on collection days. That same street space could then be used for recycling bins on other days, and for delivery trucks and rideshare drop-offs at other hours.
Ms. Miflin worries the city is too focused on rats and not enough on how the challenge of trash containerization could also serve much larger goals in rethinking the city’s streetscape and reducing overall waste in the process.
“You should make the best use of space,” she said, suggesting that the sidewalk in front of a cafe or a ground-floor apartment isn’t best spent on wheelie bins. “Things should be on the street. But don’t consider the street something we can take as much of as we like.”
The city concedes that its plan won’t solve for every building or block. Neither wheelie bins nor street containers will work on about 4 percent of residential blocks, places where the buildings are just too big or the streets too small (or both, in the Financial District). The city would have to offer waivers or specialized trash plans to the residents there.
Relatedly, the sanitation workers’ union used to keep two chiropractors on call in the union hall.
Considering the scenes of trash in the city today, the bar is set remarkably low, said Benjamin Miller, a former director of policy planning at the Sanitation Department and author of another history of New York trash (the word “remarkably” is ours; he used a synonym we can’t print).
“Almost anything we do would be good,” he said. “And getting rid of bags is the first sort of ‘duh!’ The benefits follow from there.”
The streets would be cleaner. The trash trucks wouldn’t idle as long. The sanitation workers would be healthier (half of their line-of-duty injuries now are sprains and strains).
Containers also make it easier to reduce waste. Some cities do that by billing more to the buildings that produce more trash. And research has suggested that if cities charge for the actual cost of garbage services, they wind up with less trash. But if you wanted to price trash, first you’d need to put it in containers for easier monitoring and measuring. (In New York, this would require a change from a service that’s nominally free.)
Then there are the building supers who’d surely be happier.
All this trash — “I go to sleep thinking about it,” said Martin Robertson, the super for a 303-unit building in Brooklyn.
Trash is the bulk of his job: figuring out where to store it, how to squish it, how to keep ahead of the ever-growing mound of cardboard.
Mr. Robertson’s cardboard …
… and his recycling. The more his residents recycle, the worse his storage problem gets.
His trash room is 163 square feet in size. But with the trash compactor, the sink and a bit of space to move around, he counts less than 42 square feet for storing the actual bags until he can take them outside on collection day.
The compactor squishes trash. But it also takes up space.
“Literally every inch is a fight,” Mr. Robertson said. “And every system to save and reduce those inches is a fight.”
Out of space and out of better ideas, Mr. Robertson has taken to piling up his trash bags in a parking space he has claimed in front of the building with his own traffic barriers.
He has basically arrived on his own at the conclusion the city is reaching now, too: There’s nowhere left to put the trash but in the street.
At the dawn of a new day in New York trash collection.
New York
N.Y.P.D. Narcotics Unit Under Review After a Beating Is Caught on Tape
The New York Police Department said on Tuesday that it was launching a three-month review of its narcotics division after two of its detectives were recorded brutally beating a man they had mistakenly arrested during a drug sweep last week.
As part of the review, the Police Department said it had disbanded the team responsible for the drug sweep, a small group within its narcotics unit in Brooklyn. That team was shut down on Friday, and its members have all been reassigned or placed on desk duty, the department said.
The overhaul of the division was announced a week after videos showing two narcotics detectives punching, kicking and dragging a man across the floor of a Brooklyn liquor store spread online.
The videos show the two detectives beating the man, a security guard named Timothy Brown, as they struggle to wrestle him into handcuffs for nearly eight minutes. The department said the arrest had been part of an undercover operation in the area and that the detectives had believed Mr. Brown to be involved in a drug deal. After beating and arresting Mr. Brown, the police determined that they had targeted the wrong man and that Mr. Brown had not been involved in the drug sale.
The police charged Mr. Brown with resisting arrest and obstructing governmental administration, but the Brooklyn District attorney’s office said it would decline to prosecute the case.
The footage, and news of the mistaken arrest, prompted immediate backlash from New York lawmakers, civil libertarians and police critics, some of whom described the behavior as extrajudicial punishment. Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who has been careful not to anger the city’s police force, last week condemned the conduct in his strongest words of criticism since taking office. “The violence used by N.Y.P.D. officers in this video is extremely disturbing and unacceptable,” Mr. Mamdani wrote in a post on social media on Wednesday.
The Police Department moved quickly to discipline the two men in the video, Volkan Maden and Michael P. Algerio, both of whom have served with the N.Y.P.D. for more than a decade. On Wednesday, Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch called the videos “deeply disturbing” and said that both detectives had been placed under investigation and stripped of their guns and shields.
In the following days, the department removed the sergeant who oversaw Detectives Maden and Algerio from his post and placed him on modified duty. By Friday, six more detectives on the team, as well as the lieutenant and captain who oversaw the entire North Brooklyn narcotics operation, had all been reassigned.
In interviews last week, several lawmakers praised Ms. Tisch and Mr. Mamdani for taking swift disciplinary action against what they called a shocking display of police brutality.
“This video looked like something from the 1990s,” Oswald Feliz, the chair of the City Council’s Public Safety committee, said. “This had nothing to do with public safety, it had everything to do with violence and that is violence that we will not and cannot accept.”
But for some, the behavior of the two veteran detectives raised concerns about how the unit and department was functioning.
Some critics have pointed out that Detectives Maden and Algerio appear to use cellphones, rather than police radios, to call for backup. Others noted that neither appeared to be wearing, or using, body cameras during the arrest.
Lincoln Restler, a city councilman who used to represent the Brooklyn district where the mistaken arrest happened, said the episode had concerned him enough to refer it to the city’s Department of Investigation. In his referral, Mr. Restler requested that the agency examine the Police Department’s communication practices for instances of unauthorized text and phone communication, according to a copy of the email obtained by The New York Times.
In the city’s policing community, reactions to the video have been more mixed. Union leaders and several former officers have chafed at the mayor’s response, defending the behavior of the two detectives and saying that Mr. Brown had no right to resist arrest. (It is not clear from the video whether Mr. Brown was in fact resisting arrest or if he was unable to comply while being beaten.)
“This is what happens when City Hall rushes to judge based on a viral clip instead of facts,” the detective union’s president, Scott Munro, said in a statement last week. “It’s reckless. It’s dangerous. And it’s a failure of leadership.”
The Police Department said on Tuesday that the 90-day review will aim to address and reform the kind of policy violations raised by Mr. Restler and others. It added that both detectives were being investigated by the department’s Internal Affairs Bureau, which looks into reports of police misconduct.
The review will be led by the chief of department, Michael J. LiPetri, and will examine the policies of the entire narcotics division to make sure that its officers are enforcing their duties “safely and effectively,” the department said.
As part of the process, the department will review the current training that narcotics detectives receive and will ensure that all officers in the unit use “appropriate equipment.” The department also said it would clarify its current policy to require detectives to use body cameras during drug operations.
The department also said it will require commanding officers to regularly check in on the narcotics unit to ensure that it is meeting departmental standards for professional conduct during its operations.
New York
Harvey Weinstein’s Third Trial on Rape Charge Opens in Manhattan
She testified last year that she first met the former producer when she was about 27, after moving to Los Angeles to pursue a career in acting. He pressured her into giving him a massage shortly after, she said.
In 2013, she was visiting New York and had planned a morning meal with friends and the producer. He arrived early and got a hotel room over her objections, Ms. Mann testified. Still, she went with him to the room, where he injected his penis with medication that produced an erection and then raped her, she said.
She tried to fight, she said, but eventually “I just gave up, I wanted to get out.”
In the years that followed, Ms. Mann said, she fell into a complex relationship with Mr. Weinstein, which included friendly email exchanges, phone calls and several consensual sexual encounters. In her testimony last year, she called it a “dance” in which she tried to keep him both happy and at a distance. At one point, Ms. Mann said, she decided to enter a romantic relationship with him.
During cross-examination, a lawyer for Mr. Weinstein questioned Ms. Mann about money — close to $500,000 — that she had received as settlement payments through a fund established as part of the bankruptcy of Mr. Weinstein’s company.
“This is not about money for me,” Ms. Mann testified.
For this trial, Mr. Weinstein has hired a new trial team of Jacob Kaplan, Marc Agnifilo and Teny Geragos.
The lawyers have already signaled that their defense will differ, at least slightly. They have indicated that they will not argue that Ms. Mann made the accusations against their client for financial gain.
New York
Gotti Grandson Is Sentenced to 15 Months for Covid Relief Fraud
The grandson of an infamous mob boss was sentenced to prison on Monday after pleading guilty to defrauding the federal government out of more than $1 million in Covid relief funds, some of which he invested in cryptocurrency.
Carmine G. Agnello Jr., the grandson of John J. Gotti, the former leader of the Gambino crime family, was sentenced to 15 months in prison by Judge Nusrat J. Choudhury in Federal District Court in Central Islip, N.Y. She also ordered Mr. Agnello to pay $1.3 million in restitution to the Small Business Administration.
Mr. Agnello, 39, fidgeted in court on Monday. Some of his family members were in attendance, including mob figures previously convicted of federal crimes: his father Carmine (the Bull) Agnello and his uncle John A. Gotti.
Wearing a gray, checkered suit, Mr. Agnello read a brief statement in court calling his crime “wrong, selfish and criminal.” He added that he never wanted to “find myself in prison” like so many of his relatives.
“I regret not only what I did, but the disappointment I caused my family,” he said.
Starting in April 2020, Mr. Agnello applied for at least three loans for his Queens-based company, Crown Auto Parts & Recycling L.L.C., through a program meant to support small businesses hurt by the pandemic.
He applied for the loans under false pretenses, claiming he did not have a criminal record when he in fact did have one, prosecutors said. He then used more than $400,000 of the borrowed money to invest in a crypto business.
Mr. Agnello pleaded guilty in September 2024 to a single count of wire fraud. Federal prosecutors with the Eastern District of New York had sought a sentence of around three years, as well as $1.3 million in restitution.
He “shamefully lined his own pockets with government and taxpayers’ dollars,” Joseph Nocella Jr., the U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of New York, said in a statement.
As a child, Mr. Agnello starred on the reality television show “Growing Up Gotti” alongside his mother, Victoria Gotti, and two brothers, Frank and John. The show, which ran on A&E for three seasons and was canceled in 2005, depicted a Long Island household in the milieu of “The Sopranos.”
At the time, Mr. Agnello’s father was in prison and had been divorced from Ms. Gotti, a former columnist for The New York Post, leaving her to raise three rowdy sons. The intense media focus on the Gottis gave the grandson “a distorted sense of reality,” wrote John A. Gotti, Mr. Agnello’s uncle and the leader of the crime family in the 1990s, in a letter to Judge Choudhury before the sentencing.
“Being part of the Gotti family meant growing up with too much attention, expectations and society’s judgment that most kids never have to deal with,” Mr. Gotti wrote. He added that his nephew faced pressure “to live up to the Gotti name.”
Mr. Agnello found his way into the family business, in a way. In 2018, he pleaded guilty to running an unregistered scrap business. That case echoed his father’s racketeering conviction after he firebombed a rival scrap company in Queens that was run by undercover police officers.
Mr. Agnello’s grandfather exercised power with unrelenting brutality and delighted in the spotlight. He seized control of the family by organizing the 1985 assassination of his predecessor, Paul Castellano, before running enterprises that investigators estimated earned about $500 million a year from ventures that included extorting unions, illegal gambling, loan-sharking and stock fraud.
After numerous acquittals in state and federal trials, aided by juries that had been tampered with, Mr. Gotti earned the nickname “Teflon Don” from New York City’s tabloids. He was ultimately convicted in 1992 on 13 criminal counts and died of cancer in 2002 at age 61 in a federal prison hospital.
Jeffrey Lichtman, a lawyer for Mr. Agnello, told Judge Choudhury that Mr. Agnello had grown up with no male role models in his life, as 15 of his family members had gone to prison, including his grandfather when he was 5 and his father when he was 14.
Mr. Lichtman, who also represented Mr. Agnello’s uncle, called his client’s crime “horrific behavior” but added that his conduct was inevitable.
Charles P. Kelly, a federal prosecutor, said in court on Monday that Mr. Agnello’s family history was no excuse for his fraud.
“This case is not about John Gotti; it’s about Carmine Agnello,” Mr. Kelly said.
This year, Steven Metcalf, another lawyer for Mr. Agnello, asked Judge Choudhury for a sentence with no prison time so that Mr. Agnello could donate a kidney to his mother, who has renal disease and also appeared in court on Monday. Without the transplant, Ms. Gotti could die during her son’s prison term, Mr. Metcalf said.
But in April, Mr. Agnello hired Mr. Lichtman, who apologized to the judge for Mr. Metcalf’s “voluminous argument” in support of Mr. Agnello, which stretched hundreds of pages.
As Judge Choudhury announced the sentence, Mr. Agnello kept his gaze forward and nodded. Judge Choudhury pushed back on the notion that his upbringing drove him to commit wire fraud.
“You were raised with access to opportunities. These are opportunities that many people in our society do not have,” she said.
After the sentence on Monday, Mr. Agnello embraced his family members in a hallway of the courthouse, one by one, kissing his uncle and his father on the cheek. He must surrender to the authorities to begin serving his prison term by July 20.
Outside the courthouse, his uncle John A. Gotti addressed a group of reporters.
“We had 15 members of our family who went to prison,” he said. “I think that’s enough. I think we did our time.”
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