New Hampshire
As EFA program grows, Democrats push for more oversight • New Hampshire Bulletin
New Hampshire’s education freedom account program grew by 12 percent over the past year, the Department of Education announced Thursday. But as Republican lawmakers seek to expand the program and potentially remove all income limits, Democrats continue to raise concerns over the use of funds in the program.
At a hearing for the program’s legislative oversight committee Tuesday, Sen. Debra Altschiller, a Stratham Democrat, argued that more data is needed to demonstrate that students who are taking EFAs are doing better than they would have in public schools – particularly those in religious schools.
“We do not have aggregate information as to how the students in the program are performing using accepted statewide academic assessments or measured progress toward mastering any competencies that are considered part of an adequate education,” Altschiller said.
She added: “You know, we have schools that are not teaching to the standards of some very, very highly respected private, independent schools. They’re not all teaching to the same standards.”
Created in 2021, the education freedom account program allows parents in families making up to 350 percent of the federal poverty level – $109,200 for families of four – to use per-pupil state education funding toward private school and home-schooling costs such as tuition.
The program follows the state’s adequacy formula to determine how much each student receives: Families get a minimum of $4,182 per year per student, but can get more for students who are eligible for free and reduced-price lunches, who are English language learners, or who require special education services.
In the 2024-2025 school year, the program’s fourth year, 5,321 students joined the program, according to the department. About 37 percent of those students – 1,974 – came from families making up to 185 percent of the federal poverty level, or $57,720 for a family of four.
In total, the program is using $27.7 million of funds from the Education Trust Fund this school year, with an average payout per student of $5,204. That’s a 25 percent increase over last year’s spend of $22.1 million. So far, that spending makes up 2.2 percent of the total $1.2 billion estimated to fill the Education Trust Fund this year.
The program grew at a slower rate last year than in past years, such as 2023 to 2024, when the number of students participating increased 39 percent. The change then was partly structural: In 2023, Republican lawmakers raised the income cap from 300 percent of the federal poverty level to 350 percent.
But while the program takes up 2.2 percent of the trust fund now, that portion will likely grow if lawmakers vote to remove all income caps and make the program universal. Gov.-elect Kelly Ayotte said she would support that move in her campaign for governor, and top House lawmakers have also indicated interest.
Republicans and other supporters of the program say it provides helpful state support for families who are not interested in the public education system, or who have tried the public school system and had trouble such as bullying or difficulty acquiring special education services. And they argue making the program universal eliminates the “cliff effect” faced by families who make slightly too much money to qualify for a given cap.
But Democrats argue the state should not be sending public funds to assist with private school expenses and that the money would be better spent on increased state aid to public schools. Making the program universal would allow wealthy families who already pay to put their children in private school the ability to use state funds that could go to public education, they argue.
And the parties have quarreled over how to oversee the program. On Tuesday, members of the Education Freedom Savings Account Oversight Committee met to finalize their annual report looking into how many students are using the accounts and how much the program is spending.
Altschiller argued the committee’s final report presents a rosy picture of success for the families that are taking the EFAs without the necessary data to confirm academic improvement. “We have individual anecdotal reports from a minority of parents who took their children out of the public school system and then put them into a religious school environment, and we have no data on that.”
Republicans on the committee countered that while the state does require standardized testing for students in grades three through eight and 11, the committee could not see how those scores follow EFA students without violating privacy.
Rep. Rick Ladd, a Haverhill Republican and the chairman of the House Education Committee, said the survey responses from parents who have received EFAs are sufficient feedback to know that the program is working for them.
“We’re making decisions based upon social conditions,” he said. “We’re making [decisions] based upon parent information. We’re making decisions that are based upon what is seen in terms of progress, subjectively.”
Sen. Ruth Ward, a Republican of Stoddard and the chair of the oversight committee, agreed.
“I think that what you are proposing is for each individual child that uses EFA, we have to set up a special program finding out how they are taught and what they are learning,” she said to Altschiller. “And I think based on anecdotal evidence, I think what we have heard is that parents are making the choice, and most of the parents who have gone to a different school are happy about the change.”
Altschiller disagreed: “They have the freedom to educate the way they want to,” she said of private schools. “The difference is that now we’re paying for it and we can’t. We have no say. We have no oversight. We don’t even have a look at it.”
Altschiller also wanted the final report to clearly note the number of students who attended public school before receiving EFAs. According to Thursday’s department data, 36 percent of all EFA students left their public school; 64 percent came from families who already were home schooling or sending their children to private school before getting an EFA.
Democrats argue that ratio undermines how the program was presented by Republicans when it passed: as a way for students to have an alternative option if the public school they attended was not right for them.
Republicans say families should still receive the funding even if their children never attended a public school because the EFA will help them to continue to afford that choice.
The hours-long meeting ended with heated words; Altschiller eventually said she would write her objections and clarifications in a minority report attached to the official document.
Meanwhile, after claiming larger majorities in the Nov. 5 election, Republican state lawmakers are gearing up for a budget season next year in which they attempt to make universal education freedom accounts a reality.
House Deputy Majority Leader Jim Kofalt said he expected most House Republicans to be behind that measure – even amid some concerns about ongoing costs to the state.
“I certainly think we could expand it,” he said in an interview shortly after the election.
In May, the Republican-led Senate rejected an effort by the House to raise the cap from 350 percent to 500 percent, arguing that was too high an increase and proposing a jump to 400 percent instead. The House rejected the counter-offer and the bill failed.
Kofalt said next year, House Republicans would start out with an attempt to remove all income limits, and failing that, revert to 500 percent.
“I wouldn’t say we’ll get every Republican, but I think we will get a pretty solid majority of the caucus. So can we pass universal? I don’t know. Possibly.”
In a statement accompanying this year’s numbers, Department of Education Commissioner Frank Edelblut expressed his support for the program.
“It is clear that there is a growing demand for more schooling options in the Granite State,” Edelblut said.
New Hampshire
New Hampshire grapples with nuclear waste storage – Valley News
In New Hampshire and across New England, nuclear energy is in the spotlight. But as plans for the region’s nuclear future are charted, some of the big questions that stirred New Hampshire in the 1980s remain unanswered.
Gov. Kelly Ayotte has called for New Hampshire to embrace new nuclear technology, while state legislators have introduced multiple bills to promote its development. Then, last week, Ayotte joined the rest of New England’s governors in a bipartisan joint statement calling for the region to pursue advanced nuclear technologies while championing its two existing nuclear power plants.
There are timeline and economic questions about the implementation of emerging nuclear technologies. But front-end logistics aside, some say there’s a bigger and enduring problem: How will we safely handle nuclear waste, in New Hampshire and nationwide?
The spent fuel that nuclear reactors spit out is hot and remains dangerously radioactive for thousands of years. The U.S. Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982 requires it be safeguarded and separate from nearby populations for at least 10,000 years. The law also requires the United States to come up with a national system to facilitate that at a centralized location, but no plan has yet emerged.
The matter is close at hand in New Hampshire, from the hilly west of the state, where a federal proposal for a deep nuclear waste storage site once threatened to displace residents, to the Seacoast, where spent fuel from the Seabrook Station power plant is generated and stored. To activists, just how we will handle the hazardous material is a hanging question that challenges the wisdom of embarking on a new nuclear era.
“There have been efforts over several decades here in New Hampshire to raise attention to this issue, but, obviously, we haven’t seen much real movement,” said Doug Bogen, executive director of the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League.
No stranger to nuclear waste
Three hundred or so million years ago, the long, fiery process that turned New Hampshire into the Granite State began. As magma seeped up into the crust from below and began to cool, seams of grainy, crystalline granite slowly formed.
The immense pockets of stone formed through this process are called plutons. When erosion washes away the sediments and soils around them, plutons can form mountains like the 3,155-foot Mount Cardigan. That peak is the crest of New Hampshire’s largest pluton: an approximately 60-mile long and 12-mile wide stretch of granite running through western New Hampshire.
In the 1980s, this swath of stone attracted an unexpected visitor: the United States Department of Energy, searching for a site to excavate a long-term storage facility for the nation’s nuclear waste.
Spent fuel remains radioactive for several million years, but its radioactivity decreases with time. The period of “greatest concern,” where levels of radiation are more dangerous to humans, lasts about 10,000 years, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency.
So, to keep the waste contained over that period, the U.S. government plans to rely on a combination of engineering and favorable geology, according to Scott Burnell, senior public affairs officer with the Nuclear Regulatory Commission. A long-term storage site is envisioned underground, because certain minerals can help shield radiation.
Granite is one such mineral. That’s what drew the department to western New Hampshire in the ’80s, Bogen recalled.
In 1986, the department announced that a 78-square-mile area on the pluton, centered around the town of Hillsborough, was one of a dozen sites across the country under consideration for a potential deep storage facility. Residents understood then that a number of surrounding towns would have been partially or entirely seized by the federal government through eminent domain to make way for the facility. Many were distraught.
“There weren’t any Yankees that were going to take that,” said Paul Gunter, a founding member of the anti-nuclear Clamshell Alliance.
The “Clams,” as well as the New Hampshire Radioactive Waste Information Network, which Gunter also co-founded; the Seacoast Anti-Pollution League; and other environmental groups, towns, and individuals mobilized quickly. In addition to organizing demonstrations, activists also circulated a warrant article opposing the generation and dumping of nuclear waste in New Hampshire. One hundred and thirty-seven towns ultimately voted to pass it, according to the New Hampshire Municipal Association.
Their opposition was multi-pronged, Gunter said. Organizers had health and safety concerns about the management of nuclear power and highly radioactive waste, including a lack of faith that the radiation would be safely isolated from human populations. They were also concerned about the proliferation of nuclear technology and the security risks that would come along with the transport of highly enriched nuclear fuel through their region. With some pacifist Quaker roots, the Clamshell Alliance also was, and remains, deeply opposed to nuclear weapons, Gunter said. They consider the matters of nuclear power and nuclear weapons inextricable.
News that New Hampshire was under consideration for a possible dump broke in January 1986. Later that year, the New Hampshire Legislature passed a law opposing the siting of such a dump in the state. When the Department of Energy dropped New Hampshire from its list, the storm seemed to have passed.
But while the Clams and others celebrated that, they continued to oppose the issue around which they had first come together: Seabrook Station nuclear power plant. At the time, then-Gov. John H. Sununu said he believed the two matters had to be considered separately. But Gunter said opposing the generation of nuclear waste went hand-in-hand with opposing its storage.
To this day, he said, the issues are often discussed separately, allowing the threat of nuclear waste to take a backseat in discussions and planning around nuclear energy.
New Hampshire’s high-level radioactive waste act was quietly repealed in 2011, and a subsequent attempt by the late former Rep. Renny Cushing to reintroduce legislation on the topic, opposing the siting of a high-level waste facility in New Hampshire, was defeated in 2020.
Where we are now
Hillsborough’s story has echoes elsewhere across the country. The most progress toward a potential deep storage site occurred at Nevada’s Yucca Mountain, where excavation took place, but the site was abandoned amid opposition from the state.
In broad strokes, a similar story has repeated in other instances where a site was proposed, Burnell said. But a spokesperson for the Department of Energy, the agency charged with finding a location, said their search continues nonetheless.
President Donald Trump’s administration has taken a new tack, framing the search for a waste facility along with potential new development as a search for a “nuclear lifecycle innovation campus.” The move comes as Trump has attempted to bolster the U.S. nuclear industry, calling for a surge in nuclear generation and development with multiple executive orders.
“The Nuclear Lifecycle Innovation Campuses Initiative is a new effort to modernize the nation’s full nuclear fuel cycle,” a spokesperson for the department’s Office of Nuclear Energy said in an email. That would involve a federal-state partnership with funding for a nuclear technology facility where many stages of the process could be colocated, they said, naming fuel fabrication, enrichment, reprocessing, and “disposition of waste” as some of what would occur at such a site.
The deadline for states to submit “statements of interest” for hosting sites was April 1, and the spokesperson said “dozens” of responses had been filed. But they declined to say whether New Hampshire was among those, and the New Hampshire Department of Energy did not immediately respond to the same question.
In the meantime
Spent fuel generated at Seabrook Station is initially stored in 40-plus-foot-deep pools of water for preliminary cooling, then moved to steel-and-concrete casks, according to Burnell and NextEra spokesperson Lindsay Robertson. The concrete casks remain on-site on a concrete pad, Burnell said. Until another plan is developed, this is the case for spent fuel generated at reactors across the nation.
The storage facilities in use at Seabrook were tested and built to government standards, intended to withstand “extreme weather,” Robertson said. She declined to say how much spent fuel was generated or stored at Seabrook Station.
Since coming online in 1990, Seabrook Station has generated a significant portion of New England’s power without generating much news. Yet Gunter said his concerns about the station and storage of its spent fuel have not been ameliorated with the passage of time.
“They’ve been affirmed,” he said.
Gunter has concerns about concrete degradation and wiring at Seabrook Station and other power plants nationwide. Regarding waste, Gunter and Bogen said they worry about sea level rise affecting the storage area; Seabrook Station is located adjacent to tidal marshland. And, lacking a national plan for more long-term storage of nuclear waste, they wonder what will happen to the material currently stored on a temporary basis at Seabrook if no such plan emerges.
Gunter said his concerns about nuclear waste are part and parcel to his overall opposition to nuclear power, including those generators already in use.
“The new reactors are still on paper. The real threat is really in the day-to-day operation of aging nuclear power plants that are way past their shelf life,” he said.
Nuclear power plants are expensive to construct, creating what Bogen called the “opportunity cost” of embracing them at the expense of other sources of power generation. He and Gunter see renewable energy, principally through offshore wind, as safer and faster to deploy, and were disappointed to see politicians renew their focus on nuclear energy.
“It is coming back in a rebranding, which this industry is very well versed in,” Gunter said. “… Nuclear waste is going to be a persistent hazard over geological spans of time, while the electricity is going to be a fleeting benefit.”
Bogen said he wanted to see more reinforcement of the waste stored at Seabrook in a model called hardened on-site storage. But in terms of dealing with future waste, he and Gunter believe the best solution would be to stop generating it altogether.
“If you find yourself in a hole,” Bogen said, “the first thing you do is stop digging.”
Conversely, the New Hampshire Department of Energy does not see the question of nuclear waste as a barrier to further development in the state, according to an email from department Legislative Liaison Megan Stone. The nuclear roadmap that Ayotte’s March executive order directed the department to craft would include consideration of the “nuclear lifecycle,” including storage and “disposition” of waste, Stone said.
Then, she alluded to the expectation that a federal plan would emerge. “Dry cask storage is a safe and effective method of storing spent nuclear fuel until it is collected by the federal government,” she said.
New Hampshire
Teen motorcyclist from Douglas killed in NH crash
A motorcyclist from Douglas was killed in a crash on Friday, April 17 in Campton, New Hampshire.
Police in Campton identified the victim as Elias Alexandro Ramos, 18, of Douglas. He was pronounced dead at the scene, police said.
The crash occurred shortly before 11 a.m. on Route 3. The initial investigation indicates Ramos was traveling north on a Honda motorcycle when it went off the road and into a guardrail, police said. He was thrown from the motorcycle.
It appears speed or alcohol were not factors in the crash, according to police. Ramos wore a helmet, although it may not have been properly worn, police said.
The crash remains under investigation.
Ramos was due to graduate from high school in the spring. He had dreams of becoming a mechanic, according to his older brother, Alexander.
“He was so mature for his age, already having the next couple of years planned out,” said Alexander in an email to the Telegram & Gazette.
On a GoFundMe page he created to help with family expenses after his brother’s death, Alexander wrote of the way Elias would bring joy and laughter to those around him.
“Elias had a gift for making people smile, and he was always there to help anyone in need,” he wrote.
New Hampshire
Forget In-N-Out; Savor A Local Burger At Five Guys While Sipping Dunkin’ Coffee.
New Hampshire residents have a lot of pride in where we live. Especially if you’ve lived here your whole life. There are certain questions that when people not from around here ask, we tend to roll our eyes. I’ve come up with a few that really get under my skin.
Not Everyone in New Hampshire Knows How to Garden
People assume that everyone from New Hampshire grow their own food. That’s just not true. I shop at Hannaford, sometimes Tendercrop for my produce. Don’t get me wrong, I admire those who grown their own food, but just because I live in NH, doesn’t mean I can grow a tomato. I wish.
Not Everyone in NH Loves the Cold
This one really gets me. I do not know how to ski. I suppose it’s true that at a few times in my life I have been dragged to the mountain and convinced that I should put on a pair of skis and try my skill at flying down a mountain with these huge sticks on my feet, trying to avoid the trees. All the while being frozen to the bone. No thank you. I’ll meet you in the lodge and greet you with hot cocoa and love.
READ THIS: Here are 6 New Hampshire Restaurants That Opened in March 2026
No, we don’t have an In & Out Burger and I’m not sure we want or need one. We have Five Guys and if you’ve ever tried their french fries, you know that’s all we need. We also don’t have as many Starbucks as you might want if you’re not from around here. We are happy with a Dunks around every corner.
Oh, and I wish I knew Adam Sandler.
Check out this list of annoying questions and let me know if you have any additions to the list. 👇
8 Questions That Instantly Annoy New Hampshire Locals
Gallery Credit: Sarah Sullivan
14 ‘Most Booked’ Restaurants in Greater Boston, Massachusetts and New Hampshire
14 ‘Most Booked’ Restaurants in Maine/ Greater Boston – New Hampshire
Gallery Credit: Sarah Sullivan
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