Northeast
Harris' polling in NYC is lowest in decades for Democratic nominee: NYT poll
A New York Times/Siena College poll has Vice-President Harris polling at the lowest numbers for a Democratic presidential nominee in decades.
It comes just hours before former president Donald Trump is scheduled to hold a historic rally at Madison Square Garden, where he is expected to re-iterate that he is making a long-shot play for the state’s 28 electoral college votes.
The new poll, released Saturday morning, shows Harris leading Trump by 66% to 27% among registered voters, still a substantial lead but a major decline, judging by President Biden’s 76% to 23% win over Trump in the deep blue city in 2020.
ELON MUSK, DANA WHITE TO APPEAR AT ‘HISTORIC’ TRUMP MSG RALLY
Democratic presidential nominee Vice President Kamala Harris speaks to reporters in Houston on Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)
If it holds, it would represent the worst showing for a Democratic presidential candidate in the city since 1988, according to The New York Times.
The top three issues affecting registered voters in the poll are the economy, followed by immigration and abortion.
The city has battled several crises over the last few years and is still reeling from the effects of its COVID-19 era lockdowns.
New York City has the highest median monthly rent for one-bedrooms out of 100 cities, according to rental marketplace platform Zumper.
The city continues to house tens of thousands of migrants with spending on the crisis expected to exceed $5 billion, and Mayor Eric Adams has previously said that costs could balloon to over $10 billion by the end of next fiscal year.
CNN DATA GURU SAYS THERE IS A 60% CHANCE THE ELECTION ENDS WITH AN ‘ELECTORAL COLLEGE BLOWOUT’
Meanwhile, New York City Mayor Adams’ administration is also in crisis mode after he was indicted last month on bribery and corruption charges while New York Gov. Kathy Hochul performed weakly in the 2022 governor’s race, winning by only six points.
Former President Trump will hold a rally in New York City on Sunday as he looks to make significant gains in the Big Apple. (Win McNamee/Getty Images)
In the midterm elections, Democratic candidates for the House won the state’s popular vote by only nine percentage points on average, according to the Times, compared with Biden’s roughly 23-point victory in 2020. Biden took New York state by 60.87% to Trump’s garnering 37.74%, a 1% gain for the former president, compared to 2016.
The Democrats’ struggle for House control in the midterms arguably ran through New York, with the party losing four seats, including several in Democratic-leaning districts.
Trump has made national gains among Black, Hispanic and younger voters, and he is seeking to tap into this demographic with his rally on Sunday.
Migrants reach for food outside the Roosevelt Hotel in Manhattan. Immigration is a top issue among New York City voters. (Alexi Rosenfeld/Getty Images)
He also visited a Bronx barbershop earlier this week and in May held a rally in the borough, with a permit allowance of 3,500 people. The New York Post reported that the Bronx rally drew up to 10,000 supporters.
The poll was conducted from Oct. 20 to Oct. 23, with pollsters speaking with 853 voters in New York City. Overall, more than 98 percent of respondents were contacted on a cellphone, and the poll has a margin of error of 3.9%
A national New York Times/Siena College poll has the two candidates deadlocked at 48% each.
Read the full article from Here
Pittsburg, PA
Analysis: Most Pittsburgh‑area communities are losing residents — here’s why that might be OK
Connecticut
Diesel fuel spill shuts two lanes on I-91 north in Wethersfield
WETHERSFIELD, Conn. (WFSB) – A tractor trailer’s diesel fuel saddle tank ruptured on I-91 north between exits 25 and 27, state police said.
Approximately 25 to 30 gallons of fuel was released to the road surface, according to the state Department of Energy and Environmental Protection. No ground soil or waterways were involved, DEEP said.
The two right lanes were closed, according to the state Department of Transportation.
No other vehicles were involved and no injuries were reported, state police said.
Wethersfield Fire Department solidified the diesel fuel on the ground surface with Speedy Dry, DEEP said. An environmental cleanup contractor was en route for cleanup.
Copyright 2026 WFSB. All rights reserved.
Maine
Local control is holding education back in Maine | Opinion
Scott A. Harrison, Ed.D., M.B.A., is a senior advisor at The Harrison Group, a consultancy based in Yarmouth.
Maine has long valued local control in education. That tradition reflects an important belief that communities should have a strong voice in shaping their schools. But local control should not prevent us from asking a harder question: Are there core functions that could be delivered more effectively through a single statewide framework?
One of the most important is educator evaluation and professional growth. Maine law already recognizes the importance of this work. Under Title 20-A, Chapter 508 (Educator Effectiveness), districts must implement performance evaluation and professional
growth systems that evaluate educators, assign effectiveness ratings and support
professional growth.
The law further requires superintendents to use those ratings to inform key human capital decisions, including recruitment, hiring, induction, mentoring, professional development, compensation, assignment and dismissal. In short, educator evaluation is not intended to be a compliance exercise. It is intended to be a primary lever for the continual improvement of teaching and learning.
In 2012, LD 1858 sought to advance that vision by giving districts broad flexibility to design their own systems. Districts could choose instructional frameworks, establish measures of effectiveness and determine how evaluators would be trained and calibrated. The goal was to balance local autonomy with professional accountability.
More than a decade later, however, the evidence suggests that flexibility alone has not produced consistent results.
My research involving 130 educators across four Maine school districts found only modest perceptions of performance evaluation and professional growth systems’ effectiveness.
On a four-point scale, average ratings ranged from 2.48 to 2.99. While educators generally agreed that districts provide individualized growth plans and can differentiate levels of instructional effectiveness, they rated several critical implementation areas notably lower, including instructional coaching, evaluator training, feedback quality, evaluator calibration and the use of evaluation data to inform professional learning and personnel decisions.
Although the sample was relatively small, the findings closely mirror what I have observed while working with predominantly rural Maine districts over the past decade.
The qualitative findings were equally revealing. Teachers and administrators described systems that are often cumbersome, inconsistently implemented and difficult to sustain. Educators reported spending significant time developing goals and documenting evidence, while administrators acknowledged that competing priorities frequently reduce evaluation to a compliance exercise rather than a meaningful opportunity for growth.
Participants cited insufficient training, inconsistent expectations, limited coaching support and weak connections between evaluation results and professional learning. Perhaps most significant, though not surprising given the realities of today’s schools, the primary obstacle appears to be not commitment, but capacity — the time, expertise and tools required to implement these complex systems with fidelity.
Designing and sustaining high-quality evaluation systems requires expertise in instructional leadership, observation and feedback, adult learning, professional development, data use and evaluator calibration. While some districts have built this capacity, many — particularly smaller and rural systems — have not. Even where expertise exists, time remains a major barrier.
Effective evaluation depends on regular observation, coaching, feedback and calibration. Yet for principals balancing instructional leadership with the daily demands of running a school, carrying out these responsibilities consistently can be extraordinarily difficult.
As a result, Maine has effectively asked more than 250 districts to independently build and maintain highly complex educator effectiveness systems. The outcome is predictable: uneven quality and implementation, and variable impact on teaching and learning.
This raises an important policy question: Should every district continue to design, train, calibrate and maintain its own evaluation system, or would educators and students be better served by a common statewide framework supported by regional and state expertise?
A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities. Instead, the state would provide shared infrastructure: a common instructional and evaluation framework, validated tools, evaluator training, calibration supports, professional learning resources and implementation assistance.
The benefits extend beyond evaluation. A common framework would create stronger alignment across Maine’s educator pipeline. Colleges and universities could align coursework, clinical experiences and assessments to the exact same standards used in schools while sharing responsibility for educator success beyond initial placement.
Preparation programs, districts and the state would become partners in a continuous system of educator development, creating mutual accountability for results and a stronger return on Maine’s investment in teacher preparation.
Such alignment matters. As systems thinker Peter Senge observed, people working within the same system tend to produce similar results. If we want more consistent outcomes for students, we must pay closer attention to the systems shaping educator practice.
A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities.
A common framework would establish a shared language and clearer expectations throughout the career continuum. It would also make continuous improvement easier. Rather than asking hundreds of districts to independently revise complex systems, the state could evaluate implementation, refine practices, share lessons learned and respond to emerging research. Educators have experienced too many short-lived initiatives that consume considerable time and effort before fading away.
A coherent statewide system would provide greater stability and more meaningful long-term improvement. The question is not whether local control matters. It does. The question is whether every district should be expected to independently build and sustain complex systems that require specialized expertise, significant resources and ongoing refinement.
If Maine is serious about improving outcomes for students, it should rethink which functions are best managed locally and which are better supported through statewide infrastructure. Educator effectiveness is one example. There are likely others.
In a previous op-ed here, I argued that Maine should reconsider whether teacher compensation is best negotiated district by district. The same question applies here. When critical human capital systems are essential to student success, a coherent statewide framework may be better positioned to advance equity, efficiency and effectiveness while preserving local decision-making where it matters most.
The goal is not less local control, but a smarter balance between local autonomy and statewide support — one that strengthens schools and improves outcomes for every student, regardless of geography.
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