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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

When Bernhard Schlink’s home in Bielefeld was destroyed by Allied bombs during the second world war, a wagoner who helped his mother retrieve their furniture from the wreckage expressed an unconventional thought — that the Germans had only themselves to blame.

“We saw the synagogues burn, we know why our cities are burning now,” he told Schlink’s mother as they rode past bombed-out buildings.

“That deeply impressed her,” the writer says, “because very few people felt that at the time”.

Indeed, it took years — decades even — for Germans to assume any responsibility for the Holocaust. “In the 1950s they just saw themselves as victims, not perpetrators,” Schlink says.

Guilt — both individual and collective — has been an abiding theme in Schlink’s work. Author of The Reader, the only German book ever to top The New York Times bestseller list, he takes the darkest episodes of German history — colonialism in Africa; Nazi war crimes; the Baader-Meinhof terror of the 1970s — and weaves them into compelling stories that have made him one of Germany’s most celebrated and popular writers.

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An English translation of his 2021 novel The Granddaughter will appear in the UK later this month and early next year in the US. It is a complex, poignant narrative that plays out in communist East Berlin in the 1960s and the neo-Nazi scene of the present day. Le Figaro called it “the great novel of German reunification”.

Schlink’s literary success is all the more surprising, considering that he started off in an altogether different profession. For decades he was a distinguished law professor and judge, specialising in constitutional law and teaching at some of Germany’s most prestigious universities. 

“But I felt like something was missing in my life,” he says. He had written “bad poetry” and “little stories and plays” as a young man, and then, in the late 1980s, decided to “return to writing”. With a colleague, Walter Popp, he concocted a detective novel, Self’s Justice; then in 1995 came The Reader and the rest is history. 

We meet at an outdoor café near his home in the hexagon-shaped Viktoria-Luise-Platz, one of Berlin’s most exquisite spots. With a huge fountain gurgling in the background, I ask Schlink, a sprightly 80-year-old with a disarming smile, how he chooses his subjects. “It’s not like I’m interested in something and then think up a story about it,” he says. “I have the feeling that the stories come to me.”

While he has published 11 novels and three collections of short stories, none of his books has done as well as The Reader, which was translated into 45 languages and turned into a Hollywood film starring Kate Winslet. It tells the story of a 15-year-old boy, Michael Berg, who discovers that the love of his life — an illiterate tram conductor called Hanna Schmitz, who is 21 years his senior — was a camp guard in Auschwitz.

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The Reader captures the anguish of a whole swath of young Germans gradually discovering the terrible things their parents did during the war. It is not, Schlink insists, a Holocaust novel. “It’s more about my generation’s relationship to the Third Reich than about the Third Reich itself,” he says. 

The book didn’t go down well in Germany, at least not at first. “People said my depiction of Hanna Schmitz was too human,” he says. But that, he insists, missed the point. 

“Our parents or uncles or teachers who committed monstrous acts weren’t monsters — they were wonderful teachers, loving parents and exemplary doctors,” he says. That was, in a way, one of the hardest aspects of Germany’s Vergangenheitsbewältigung or “coming to terms with the past”. “Of my generation there were a few who utterly, radically, broke with their parents, but most kept loving them . . . and became enmeshed in their guilt.”

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The Granddaughter also touches on recent historical trauma. It centres on the figure of Kaspar, a West German who goes to study in Berlin in the 1960s and falls in love with an East German woman. The secrets of her early years, buried deep and concealed from Kaspar, end up poisoning her life. 

Like Kaspar, Schlink also attended university in West Berlin, which at the time was a tiny island of freedom in the middle of the communist GDR. He had long been drawn to the east: “As the son of a Protestant pastor, I grew up with Luther and Bach . . . I was always interested in Prussian history and I felt the east was just as much my Germany as the Catholic Rhineland or the Bavarian south,” he says. “And I just wanted to get to know it.”

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Like Kaspar, he took part in the “Whitsun Meeting of Youth”, a 1964 communist-organised festival in East Berlin when The Beatles were played publicly for the first time and young people from the socialist east and the capitalist west argued passionately about politics and danced together in the streets.

And like the hero of The Granddaughter, Schlink also fell in love with an East German woman and helped her escape to the west. It was an intervention that caused frictions with his parents. “They felt I couldn’t take responsibility for ripping a young person out of her world, away from her mother and two sisters,” he says. “But Margit, my girlfriend, never regretted it.”

Schlink uses his novel to explore the strange, disturbing world of Germany’s far right. His vehicle is Kaspar’s teenage granddaughter Sigrun, who has grown up in an extremist “liberated zone” in rural eastern Germany, denies the Holocaust and admires Nazi war criminals. Kaspar’s failed attempts to get through to her, delivered in Schlink’s spare, dispassionate style, are the most unsettling parts of the novel.

The author knows East Germany better than most of his contemporaries. He was the first West German professor to be invited to teach at East Berlin’s Humboldt University in 1990, just after the Wall fell, and also advised a roundtable of democracy activists who were trying to come up with a new constitution for East Germany.

He witnessed the euphoria after the end of communism, but also the disappointments. “There was lots of injustice,” Schlink says. “In the military, in the civil service, in government, and in business, an entire elite was forced to go and was replaced by elites from the west.”

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In addition, the “more earnest” easterners also grew disillusioned with the “hedonism and unseriousness” of the west. “They had this idea of democracy that came from a picture book, where politicians are responsible, care about their voters’ concerns and deal with them,” he says. “They were good democrats — almost too good. And then came disappointment with the ‘system’, and the ‘systemic parties’. And then the flight into protest.”

He is speaking just days after elections in the eastern states of Thuringia and Saxony, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has made spectacular gains, an outcome that prompted pained editorials about the growing divide between east and west, 34 years after reunification.

Schlink is unsurprised that such an unapologetically ethno-nationalist party should do so well in the former communist east. “In West Germany people wanted to be Europeans and Atlanticists first,” he says. “In the GDR people were always much less self-conscious about being German.”

It is one of many moments when the turbulence of Germany’s history comes to dominate the conversation. Schlink recalls childhood holidays spent with his Swiss grandfather, a history nut: “With his walking stick he could draw battle plans from Sempach to Waterloo on the forest floor,” he says.

From then on, “I always felt that German history is my history,” he says. “I am German and it’s part of me. And I realise more and more how much I am shaped by it.”

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The Granddaughter by Bernhard Schlink, translated by Charlotte Collins Weidenfeld & Nicolson £20/HarperCollins $28.99, 336 pages

Guy Chazan is the FT’s Berlin bureau chief

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Trump Calls Officials Handling Los Angeles Wildfires ‘Incompetent’

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Trump Calls Officials Handling Los Angeles Wildfires ‘Incompetent’

President-elect Donald J. Trump offered fresh criticism early Sunday of the officials in charge of fighting the Los Angeles wildfires, calling them “incompetent” and asking why the blazes were not yet extinguished.

“The fires are still raging in L.A.,” Mr. Trump wrote on his Truth Social site. “The incompetent pols have no idea how to put them out.”

Mr. Trump’s comments indicated that the fires, and officials’ response to them, will likely occupy a prominent place on his domestic political agenda when he takes office on Jan. 20. He has renewed a longstanding feud with California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, who in turn has accused Mr. Trump of politicizing the fires.

California politicians have faced criticism over the fires since they broke out on Tuesday, including questions over how local and state authorities had prepared for them and how they have grown so quickly into huge blazes.

Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles had to contend with questions about whether there was adequate warning about the likelihood of devastating fires, and why there was a shortage of water and firefighters during the initial response. At a news conference on Thursday, she avoided a question about her absence from the city when the fires began — she was in Ghana on a previously scheduled official visit — and said that any evaluation of mistakes or failures by “any body, department, individual” would come later.

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Mr. Newsom, a Democrat, has also fended off criticism from Mr. Trump, who blamed him for the failure to contain fires and claimed he had blocked an infusion of water to Southern California over concerns about how it would affect a threatened fish species.

Mr. Newsom’s press office responded by saying in a statement that the “water restoration declaration” that Mr. Trump had accused him of not signing did not exist. “The governor is focused on protecting people, not playing politics, and making sure firefighters have all the resources they need,” the statement said.

Mr. Newsom and Kathryn Barger, the chair of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, have invited Mr. Trump to tour fire damage in the city. He has not responded publicly to those invitations.

At least 16 people had died as a result of the fires as of Sunday morning, and at least 12,000 structures had been destroyed, officials said. Mr. Trump alluded to that devastation in his post on Sunday.

“Thousands of magnificent houses are gone, and many more will soon be lost,” he wrote. “There is death all over the place. This is one of the worst catastrophes in the history of our Country. They just can’t put out the fires. What’s wrong with them?”

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His post did not mention any officials by name.

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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The most important thing Russian President Vladimir Putin tries to impress on Ukraine’s western friends is that he has time on his side, so the only way to end the war is to accommodate his wishes. The apparent resilience of Russia’s economy, and the resulting scepticism in some corners that western sanctions have had an effect, is a central part of this information warfare. 

The reality is that the financial underpinnings of Russia’s war economy increasingly look like a house of cards — so much so that senior members of the governing elite are publicly expressing concern. They include Sergei Chemezov, chief executive of state defence giant Rostec, who warned that expensive credit was killing his weapons export business, and Elvira Nabiullina, head of the central bank. 

This pair know better than many people in the west, who have been taken in by numbers indicating steady growth, low unemployment and rising wages. But any economy on a full mobilisation footing can produce such outcomes: this is basic Keynesianism. The real test is how already employed resources — rather than idle ones — are being shifted away from their previous uses and into the needs of war. 

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A state has three methods to achieve this: borrowing, inflation and expropriation. It must choose the most effective and painless mix. Putin’s conceit — towards both the west and his own public — has been that he can fund this war without financial instability or significant material sacrifices. But this is an illusion. If Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s frustrations are spilling into public view, it means the illusion is flickering.

A new report by Russia analyst and former banker Craig Kennedy highlights the huge growth in Russian corporate debt. It has soared by 71 per cent since 2022 and dwarfs new household and government borrowing.

Notionally private, this lending is in reality a creature of the state. Putin has commandeered the Russian banking system, with banks required to lend to companies designated by the government at chosen, preferential terms. The result has been a flood of below-market-rate credit to favoured economic actors.

In essence, Russia is engaged in massive money printing, outsourced so that it does not show up on the public balance sheet. Kennedy estimates the total at about 20 per cent of Russia’s 2023 national output, comparable to the cumulative on-budget allocations for the full-scale war.

We can tell from the Kremlin’s actions that it sees two things as anathema: visibly weak public finances and runaway inflation.

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The government eschews a significant budget deficit, despite growing war-related spending. The central bank remains free to raise interest rates, currently at 21 per cent. Not enough to beat down inflation driven by state-decreed subsidised credit, but enough to keep price growth within bounds.

The upshot is that Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s problems are not an error that can be fixed but inherent to Putin’s choice to flatter public finances and keep a (high) lid on inflation. Something else has to give, and that something else includes businesses that cannot operate profitably when borrowing costs exceed 20 per cent.

Putin’s privatised credit scheme, meanwhile, is storing up a credit crisis as the loans go bad. The state may bail out the banks — if they don’t collapse first. Given Russians’ experience of suddenly worthless deposits, fears of a repeat could easily trigger self-fulfilling runs. That would destroy not just banks’ but the government’s legitimacy.

Putin, in short, does not have time on his side. He sits on a ticking financial time bomb of his own making. The key for Ukraine’s friends is to deny him the one thing that would defuse it: greater access to external funds.

The west has blocked Moscow’s access to some $300bn in reserves, put spanners in the works of its oil trade and hit its ability to import a range of goods. Combined, these prevent Russia from spending all its foreign earnings to relieve resource constraints at home. Intensifying sanctions and finally transferring reserves to Ukraine as a down payment on reparations would intensify those constraints.

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Putin’s obsession is the sudden collapse of power. That, as he must be realising, is the risk his war economics has set in motion. Making it recede, by increasing access to external resources through sanctions relief, will be his goal in any diplomacy. The west must convince him that this will not happen. That, and only that, will force Putin to choose between his assault on Ukraine and his grip on power at home.

martin.sandbu@ft.com

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates
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LOS ANGELES − Fire crews on Sunday were racing to gain an upper hand against infernos that have ignited across the Los Angeles area amid ominous new wind warnings as flames threatened additional Southern California communities.

Aircraft unloaded water and fire retardant on hills where the Palisades Fire − the most destructive in the history of Los Angeles − ballooned another 1,000 acres to a total of 23,654, destroying more homes. The expansion of the fire, which was 11% contained, to the north and east spurred officials to issue more mandatory evacuations to the west of the 405 freeway as the blaze put parts of Encino and Brentwood in peril.

Cal Fire official Todd Hopkins said the Palisades Fire had spread into the Mandeville Canyon neighborhood and threatened to jump into the upscale Brentwood community and the San Fernando Valley.

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The Palisades Fire is one of six blazes that have erupted since Tuesday, leaving at least 16 people dead. Four of the six fires remained active on Sunday.

Santa Ana winds that have fueled the blazes for the past week were expected to strengthen Sunday morning in Los Angeles and Ventura counties and again late Monday through Tuesday morning. Sustained winds could reach 30 mph, with gusts up to 70 mph possible , forecasters said.

“Critical fire-weather conditions will unfortunately ramp up again … for southern California and last through at least early next week as periodic enhancements of off-shore winds continue,” the National Weather Service said. “This may lead to the spread of ongoing fires as well as the development of new ones.”

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Developments:

∎ About12,000 structures have been damaged or destroyed from the wildfires, which have consumed about 38,000 acres of land total, according to CalFire.

∎ Evacuation orders throughout the Los Angeles area now cover 153,000 residents. Another 166,000 residents have been warned that they may have to evacuate, Los Angeles County Sheriff Robert Luna, said.

∎ Gov. Gavin Newsom announced an investigation into water supply issues that may have impeded firefighters’ efforts.

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At least 16 people have died between the Eaton and Palisades fires, the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner said Saturday.

The Palisades Fire had at least five deaths, according to medical examiner records, and 11 people have died in the Eaton Fire.

Of the 16 total deaths in both fires, the only victim identified by officials was Victor Shaw, 66, who died Wednesday protecting his home in Altadena. Another victim was man in his 80s, but authorities did not release his name, pending notification of next of kin.

To the northeast, the Eaton Fire stood at 14,117 acres and was 15% contained after ripping through parts of Altadena and Pasadena. More than 7,000 structures were damaged or destroyed,  Fire Chief Anthony Marrone said.

In Altadena, California official Don Fregulia said managing the Eaton Fire and its impact will be a “huge, Herculean task” that he said will take “many weeks of work.”

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Progress was reported Saturday in bringing electrical power back to some Los Angeles neighborhoods.

Southern California Edison CEO Steven Powell said there are now about 48,000 customers without power, “down from over half a million just a couple days ago.”

Yes fire officials warned public safety power shutoffs were again likely to prevent new fires being ignited.

“They help save lives,” Marrone said. “Yes, they’re a challenge to deal with, but it’s certainly better than having another fire start.”

Richard and Cathryn Conn evacuated from the Pacific Palisades neighborhood earlier this week, only to find out that much of their neighborhood had been decimated. But they still aren’t sure about their four-bedroom house where they’d lived for over a quarter-century.

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“You can visualize every room,’’ Richard Conn, 75, said, “and then you know there’s a 50% chance it doesn’t exist anymore.”

“If you have ever wondered what it was like living in Dresden after the World War II firebombing, you should come to the Palisades,” he said.

They also don’t know what’s going to happen next as dangerous weather conditions have made it difficult to contain the fires, and more brush fires seem to keep popping up all over the county.

“I feel like people are panicking,” said Gary Baseman, 64. Read more.

As California fire officials are still getting to the bottom of what sparked the wildfires raging across Los Angeles, and politicians point fingers at one another, climate change is helping drive an increase in large wildfires in the U.S.

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“Climate change is leading to larger and more severe wildfires in the western United States,” the latest National Climate Assessment previously reported. These fires have “significant public health, socioeconomic, and ecological implications for the nation.”

But is climate change the main factor in California? It’s not quite that simple. Reporters from the Arizona Republic, part of the USA TODAY Network, dive into this topic. Read more here

Contributing: Jeanine Santucci, Eduardo Cuevas; Reuters

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