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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

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Writer Bernhard Schlink on German war guilt and the resurgent far right

When Bernhard Schlink’s home in Bielefeld was destroyed by Allied bombs during the second world war, a wagoner who helped his mother retrieve their furniture from the wreckage expressed an unconventional thought — that the Germans had only themselves to blame.

“We saw the synagogues burn, we know why our cities are burning now,” he told Schlink’s mother as they rode past bombed-out buildings.

“That deeply impressed her,” the writer says, “because very few people felt that at the time”.

Indeed, it took years — decades even — for Germans to assume any responsibility for the Holocaust. “In the 1950s they just saw themselves as victims, not perpetrators,” Schlink says.

Guilt — both individual and collective — has been an abiding theme in Schlink’s work. Author of The Reader, the only German book ever to top The New York Times bestseller list, he takes the darkest episodes of German history — colonialism in Africa; Nazi war crimes; the Baader-Meinhof terror of the 1970s — and weaves them into compelling stories that have made him one of Germany’s most celebrated and popular writers.

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An English translation of his 2021 novel The Granddaughter will appear in the UK later this month and early next year in the US. It is a complex, poignant narrative that plays out in communist East Berlin in the 1960s and the neo-Nazi scene of the present day. Le Figaro called it “the great novel of German reunification”.

Schlink’s literary success is all the more surprising, considering that he started off in an altogether different profession. For decades he was a distinguished law professor and judge, specialising in constitutional law and teaching at some of Germany’s most prestigious universities. 

“But I felt like something was missing in my life,” he says. He had written “bad poetry” and “little stories and plays” as a young man, and then, in the late 1980s, decided to “return to writing”. With a colleague, Walter Popp, he concocted a detective novel, Self’s Justice; then in 1995 came The Reader and the rest is history. 

We meet at an outdoor café near his home in the hexagon-shaped Viktoria-Luise-Platz, one of Berlin’s most exquisite spots. With a huge fountain gurgling in the background, I ask Schlink, a sprightly 80-year-old with a disarming smile, how he chooses his subjects. “It’s not like I’m interested in something and then think up a story about it,” he says. “I have the feeling that the stories come to me.”

While he has published 11 novels and three collections of short stories, none of his books has done as well as The Reader, which was translated into 45 languages and turned into a Hollywood film starring Kate Winslet. It tells the story of a 15-year-old boy, Michael Berg, who discovers that the love of his life — an illiterate tram conductor called Hanna Schmitz, who is 21 years his senior — was a camp guard in Auschwitz.

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The Reader captures the anguish of a whole swath of young Germans gradually discovering the terrible things their parents did during the war. It is not, Schlink insists, a Holocaust novel. “It’s more about my generation’s relationship to the Third Reich than about the Third Reich itself,” he says. 

The book didn’t go down well in Germany, at least not at first. “People said my depiction of Hanna Schmitz was too human,” he says. But that, he insists, missed the point. 

“Our parents or uncles or teachers who committed monstrous acts weren’t monsters — they were wonderful teachers, loving parents and exemplary doctors,” he says. That was, in a way, one of the hardest aspects of Germany’s Vergangenheitsbewältigung or “coming to terms with the past”. “Of my generation there were a few who utterly, radically, broke with their parents, but most kept loving them . . . and became enmeshed in their guilt.”

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The Granddaughter also touches on recent historical trauma. It centres on the figure of Kaspar, a West German who goes to study in Berlin in the 1960s and falls in love with an East German woman. The secrets of her early years, buried deep and concealed from Kaspar, end up poisoning her life. 

Like Kaspar, Schlink also attended university in West Berlin, which at the time was a tiny island of freedom in the middle of the communist GDR. He had long been drawn to the east: “As the son of a Protestant pastor, I grew up with Luther and Bach . . . I was always interested in Prussian history and I felt the east was just as much my Germany as the Catholic Rhineland or the Bavarian south,” he says. “And I just wanted to get to know it.”

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Like Kaspar, he took part in the “Whitsun Meeting of Youth”, a 1964 communist-organised festival in East Berlin when The Beatles were played publicly for the first time and young people from the socialist east and the capitalist west argued passionately about politics and danced together in the streets.

And like the hero of The Granddaughter, Schlink also fell in love with an East German woman and helped her escape to the west. It was an intervention that caused frictions with his parents. “They felt I couldn’t take responsibility for ripping a young person out of her world, away from her mother and two sisters,” he says. “But Margit, my girlfriend, never regretted it.”

Schlink uses his novel to explore the strange, disturbing world of Germany’s far right. His vehicle is Kaspar’s teenage granddaughter Sigrun, who has grown up in an extremist “liberated zone” in rural eastern Germany, denies the Holocaust and admires Nazi war criminals. Kaspar’s failed attempts to get through to her, delivered in Schlink’s spare, dispassionate style, are the most unsettling parts of the novel.

The author knows East Germany better than most of his contemporaries. He was the first West German professor to be invited to teach at East Berlin’s Humboldt University in 1990, just after the Wall fell, and also advised a roundtable of democracy activists who were trying to come up with a new constitution for East Germany.

He witnessed the euphoria after the end of communism, but also the disappointments. “There was lots of injustice,” Schlink says. “In the military, in the civil service, in government, and in business, an entire elite was forced to go and was replaced by elites from the west.”

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In addition, the “more earnest” easterners also grew disillusioned with the “hedonism and unseriousness” of the west. “They had this idea of democracy that came from a picture book, where politicians are responsible, care about their voters’ concerns and deal with them,” he says. “They were good democrats — almost too good. And then came disappointment with the ‘system’, and the ‘systemic parties’. And then the flight into protest.”

He is speaking just days after elections in the eastern states of Thuringia and Saxony, where the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) has made spectacular gains, an outcome that prompted pained editorials about the growing divide between east and west, 34 years after reunification.

Schlink is unsurprised that such an unapologetically ethno-nationalist party should do so well in the former communist east. “In West Germany people wanted to be Europeans and Atlanticists first,” he says. “In the GDR people were always much less self-conscious about being German.”

It is one of many moments when the turbulence of Germany’s history comes to dominate the conversation. Schlink recalls childhood holidays spent with his Swiss grandfather, a history nut: “With his walking stick he could draw battle plans from Sempach to Waterloo on the forest floor,” he says.

From then on, “I always felt that German history is my history,” he says. “I am German and it’s part of me. And I realise more and more how much I am shaped by it.”

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The Granddaughter by Bernhard Schlink, translated by Charlotte Collins Weidenfeld & Nicolson £20/HarperCollins $28.99, 336 pages

Guy Chazan is the FT’s Berlin bureau chief

Join our online book group on Facebook at FT Books Café and subscribe to our podcast Life & Art wherever you listen

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How the federal government is painting immigrants as criminals on social media

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How the federal government is painting immigrants as criminals on social media

Getty Images, Dept. of Homeland Security and The White House via X/Collage by Emily Bogle/NPR

Two days after At Chandee, who goes by Ricky, was arrested by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the White House’s X account posted about him, calling the 52-year-old the “WORST OF WORST” and a “CRIMINAL ILLEGAL ALIEN.”

Except that the photo the White House posted was of a different person. The post also incorrectly claimed Chandee had multiple felony convictions — he has one, for second-degree assault in 1993 when he was 18 years old. He shot two people in the legs and served three years in prison.

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At "Ricky" Chandee with his wife, Tina Huynh-Chandee.

At “Ricky” Chandee with his wife, Tina Huynh-Chandee.

Via the Chandee family


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Via the Chandee family

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Chandee, who came to the U.S. as a child refugee, was ordered to be deported back to his home country, Laos. But Laos had not been accepting all of the people the U.S. wanted it to, so the federal government determined that it was likely infeasible to deport him, his lawyer Linus Chan told NPR. Chandee therefore was granted permission to stay in the U.S. and work so long as he checked in with immigration authorities periodically. He has not missed a check-in in over 30 years and has not had another criminal incident.

People who know Chandee do not see him as “worst of the worst.”

After Chandee completed his prison sentence, he finished school and became an engineering technician. He worked for the City of Minneapolis for 26 years, became a father, and his son grew up to join the military.

In his free time, Chandee enjoys hiking and foraging for mushrooms, Minnesota Public Radio reported.

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“We are proud to work alongside At ‘Ricky’ Chandee,” said Tim Sexton, Director of Public Works for the City of Minneapolis in a statement. “I don’t understand why he would be a target for removal now, why he was brutally detained and swiftly flown to Texas, or how his removal benefits our city or country.” Chandee is petitioning for his release in federal court.

Chandee’s case is not unique 

Social media accounts from the White House, the Department of Homeland Security and other immigration agencies have spent much of the past year posting about people detained in the administration’s immigration crackdown, typically portraying them as hardened, violent criminals. That’s even as over 70% of the people detained don’t have criminal records according to ICE data.

NPR’s research of cases in Minnesota shows that while many of the people who have been highlighted on social media do have recent, serious criminal records, about a quarter are like Chandee, with decades-old convictions, minor offenses or only pending criminal proceedings. Scholars of immigration, media and criminal law say such a media campaign is unprecedented and paints a distorted picture of immigrants and crime.

A year into President Trump’s second term, the X accounts of DHS and ICE have posted about more than 2,000 people who were targets of mass deportation efforts. Starting late last March, DHS and ICE began posting on X on a near daily basis, often highlighting apprehensions of multiple people a day, an NPR review of government social media posts show.

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Among the 2,000 people highlighted by the agencies, NPR identified 130 who were arrested by federal agents in Minnesota and tried to verify the government’s statements about their criminal histories.

In most of the social media posts, the government did not provide the state where the conviction occurred or the person’s age. Public court records do not tend to include photos so definitive identification can be a challenge.

NPR derived its findings from cases where it was able to locate a name and matching criminal history in the Minnesota court and detention system, in nationwide criminal history databases, sex offender databases, and in some cases, federal courts and other state courts.

In 19 of the 130 cases, roughly 1-in-7, public records show the most recent convictions were at least 20 years ago.

Seventeen of the 19 cases with old convictions did include violent crimes like homicide and first-degree sexual assault. ICE provided some of those names to Fox News as key examples of the agency’s accomplishments. “It’s the most disturbing list I’ve ever seen,” said Fox News reporter Bill Melugin on X, highlighting the criminal convictions of each person on the list.

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For seven people, their only criminal history involved driving under the influence or disorderly conduct.

ICE agents approach a house before detaining two people in Minneapolis on Jan. 13.

ICE agents approach a house before detaining two people in Minneapolis on Jan. 13.

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Stephen Maturen/Getty Images

Six of the 130 Minnesota cases highlighted by the administration involved people with no criminal convictions. The government’s social media posts for those six instead rely upon the charges and arrests as evidence of their criminality, even though arrests don’t always lead to charges and charges can be dismissed.

In yet another case, the government highlighted a criminal charge even while noting it had been dismissed. (The person did have other existing convictions.)

For 37 of the 130 people, NPR was unable to confirm matching criminal history after consulting the databases and news coverage. Some of the names turned up no criminal history at all. The government said these people committed crimes ranging from homicide and assault to drug trafficking, and cited one by name to Fox News. NPR tried to reach out to all 37 people and their families for comment but did not receive a response from any.

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In a statement to NPR, DHS’s chief spokesperson Lauren Bis did not dispute NPR’s findings or provide documentation where NPR wasn’t able to confirm matching criminal history.

“The fact that NPR is defending murderers and pedophiles is gross,” Bis wrote. “We hear far too much about criminals and not enough about their victims.” before listing four of the people with old convictions of homicide and sexual assault, underlining the date of deportation order for three of them.

Images designed to trigger emotion

The stream of social media posts with photos of mostly nonwhite people are meant to draw an emotional response, says Leo Chavez, an emeritus professor of anthropology at the University of California, Irvine. They “have been used repeatedly over and over to get people to buy into, really drastic, drastic and draconian actions and policies,” he said.

Chavez, whose most recent book is The Latino Threat: How Alarmist Rhetoric Misrepresents Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation, recalls how political campaigns in past decades presented images of Latinos — often men — without context. “Just by showing their image, showing brown people, particularly brown men, it’s supposed to be scary.”

The fact that the government’s social media posts come with statements about criminal history as well as photos reinforces that emotional response, Chavez said. DHS has previously acknowledged inaccuracies on their website. But even if the department issues corrections, Chavez said, “the goal was actually achieved, which was to reinforce the criminality and the visualization.”

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CNN’s analysis of DHS’s “Arrested: Worst of the Worst” website showed that for hundreds out of about 25,000 people posted on the website, the crimes listed were not violent felonies. Instead, DHS listed people with records that included traffic offenses, marijuana possession or illegal reentry. DHS said the website had a “glitch” that it will fix but also that the people in question “have [committed] additional crimes.”

“I’ve never seen anything like this when it comes to immigration enforcement in the modern era,” said Juliet Stumpf, a professor at Lewis & Clark Law School who studies the intersection of immigration and criminal law. She said the drumbeat of social media posts focused on specific individuals was like “FBI’s most wanted posters” or “like reality TV shows.”

Then-DHS Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin, flanked by deputy director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Madison Sheahan, left, and Acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Todd Lyons, speaks during a news conference at ICE Headquarters, in Washington, D.C., on May 21, 2025.

Then-DHS Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs Tricia McLaughlin, flanked by deputy director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Madison Sheahan (left), and Acting director of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Todd Lyons, speaks during a news conference at ICE Headquarters, in Washington, D.C., on May 21, 2025.

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Stumpf drew a parallel with an incident from the 1950s when the U.S. government deported two permanent residents suspected of being communists. “The government was kind of proclaiming and celebrating their deportation because getting rid of these communists was making the country safer,” said Stumpf, “Maybe that’s comparable to something like [this].”

An analysis by the Deportation Data Project shows a dramatic increase in arrests of noncitizens without criminal records during President Trump’s current term compared to President Biden’s term.

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“If you look at research, immigrants actually tend to commit fewer crimes than even U.S. citizens do. And that’s true of immigrants who have lawful status here and immigrants who don’t,” said Stumpf. “If we have a number of social media posts that are painting immigrants as the worst of the worst…it’s actually really putting out a distorted version of reality about who immigrants actually are.”

Some claims are disputed by other authorities

In some posts, DHS and ICE have also used photos of people and statements about their criminal histories to burnish the federal government’s accomplishments, defend their agents and criticize states like Minnesota. State and local authorities have in turn pushed back, and some of the federal government’s claims about the people it has detained have been met with setbacks in the courts.

DHS accused Minnesota’s Cottonwood County of not honoring detainers, written requests by ICE to hold prisoners in custody for a period of time so ICE can pick them up. In one post, the agency identified a person who was charged with child sexual abuse, writing “This is who sanctuary city politicians and anti-ICE agitators are defending.”

The Cottonwood County sheriff’s office said DHS’s post “misrepresented the truth” in their own post on Facebook. According to their account, the county did honor the detainer but ICE said it was unable to pick up the person before the order expired and the county had to release the suspect.

The Minnesota Department of Corrections wrote in a blog post that dozens of people DHS listed on its “Worst of the Worst” website were not arrested as DHS described, but were transferred to ICE by the state because they were already in state custody. The Corrections Department has since launched a page dedicated to “correct the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) repeated false claims.”

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The “Worst of the Worst” website has some overlap with the department’s social media posts, but it contains a much larger number of people — over 30,000 nationally. It included a Colombian soccer star who was extradited to the U.S., tried in Texas, convicted of drug trafficking and served time in federal prison. The website incorrectly describes him as being arrested in Wisconsin. The soccer player, Jhon Viáfara Mina, recently finished his sentence early and returned to Colombia, according to Spanish newspaper El Diario Vasco.

In some instances, DHS and ICE wrote about incidents where they ran into conflict when carrying out arrests. In those posts, they named the arrestees and posted their photos. But in one case where the incident went to court, the government’s account of the events shifted. After a federal agent shot Julio C. Sosa-Celis in Minneapolis in January, DHS claimed he was lodging a “violent attack on law enforcement.” Assault charges against Sosa-Celis fell apart in court as new evidence surfaced, and the officers involved were put on leave.

Despite the fact that the charges were dropped, DHS’s post profiling Sosa-Celis remains online.

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Bill Clinton to testify before House committee investigating Epstein links

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Bill Clinton to testify before House committee investigating Epstein links

Former president Bill Clinton is scheduled to give deposition Friday to a congressional committee investigating his links to Jeffrey Epstein, one day after Hillary Clinton testified before the committee and called the proceedings “partisan political theatre” and “an insult to the American people”.

During remarks before the House oversight committee, Hillary Clinton, the former secretary of state, insisted on Thursday that she had never met Epstein.

The former Democratic president, however, flew on Epstein’s private jet several times in the early 2000s but said he never visited his island.

Clinton, who engaged in an extramarital affair while president and has been accused of sexual misconduct by three women, also appears in a photo from the recently released files, in a hot tub with Epstein and a woman whose identity is redacted.

Clinton has denied the sexual misconduct claims and was not charged with any crimes. He also has not been accused of any wrongdoing connected to Epstein.

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Epstein visited the White House at least 17 times during the early years of Clinton’s presidency, according to White House visitor records cited in news reports. Clinton said he cut ties with him around 2005, before the disgraced financier, who died from suicide in 2019, pleaded guilty to solicitation of a minor in Florida.

The House committee subpoenaed the Clintons in August. They initially refused to testify but agreed after Republicans threatened to hold them in contempt.

The Clintons asked for their depositions to be held publicly, with the former president stating that to do so behind closed doors would amount to a “kangaroo court”.

“Let’s stop the games + do this the right way: in a public hearing,” Clinton said on X earlier this month.

The committee’s chair, James Comer, did not grant their request, and the proceedings will be conducted behind closed doors with video to be released later.

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On Thursday, Hillary Clinton’s proceedings were briefly halted after representative Lauren Boebert leaked an image of Clinton testifying.

During the full day deposition, Clinton said she had no information about Epstein and did not recall ever meeting him.

Before the deposition, Comer said it would be a long interview and that one with Bill Clinton would be “even longer”.

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Read Judge Schiltz’s Order

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Read Judge Schiltz’s Order

CASE 0:26-cv-00107-PJS-DLM

Doc. 12-1 Filed 02/26/26

Page 5 of 17

and to file a status update by 11:00 am on January 20. ECF No. 5. Respondents never provided a bond hearing and did not release Petitioner until January 21, ECF Nos. 10, 12, after failing to file an update, ECF No. 9. Further, Respondents released Petitioner subject to conditions despite the Court’s release order not providing for conditions. ECF Nos. 5, 12–13.

Abdi W. v. Trump, et al., Case No. 26-CV-00208 (KMM/SGE)

On January 21, 2026, the Court ordered Respondents, within 3 days, to either (a) complete Petitioner’s inspection and examination and file a notice confirming completion, or (b) release Petitioner immediately in Minnesota and confirm the date, time, and location of release. ECF No. 7. No notice was ever filed. The Court emailed counsel on January 27, 2026, at 10:39 am. No response was provided.

Adriana M.Y.M. v. David Easterwood, et al., Case No. 26-CV-213 (JWB/JFD)

On January 24, 2026, the Court ordered immediate release in Minnesota and ordered Respondents to confirm the time, date, and location of release, or anticipated release, within 48 hours. ECF No. 12. Respondent was not released until January 30, and Respondents never disclosed the time of release, instead describing it as “early this morning.” ECF No. 16.

Estefany J.S. v. Bondi, Case No. 26-CV-216 (JWB/SGE)

On January 13, 2026, at 10:59 am, the Court ordered Respondents to file a letter by 4:00 pm confirming Petitioner’s current location. ECF No. 8. After receiving no response, the Court ordered Respondents, at 5:11 pm, to immediately confirm Petitioner’s location and, by noon on January 14, file a memorandum explaining their failure to comply with the initial order. ECF No. 9. Respondents did not file the memorandum, requiring the Court to issue another order. ECF No. 12. On January 15, the Court ordered immediate release in Minnesota and required Respondents to confirm the time, date, and location of release within 48 hours. ECF No. 18. On January 20, having received no confirmation, the Court ordered Respondents to comply immediately. ECF No. 21. Respondents informed the Court that Petitioner was released in Minnesota on January 17, but did not specify the time. ECF No. 22.

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