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Trump Blames L.A. Wildfires on Newsom Using Familiar Tactics

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Trump Blames L.A. Wildfires on Newsom Using Familiar Tactics

When enormous wildfires began to menace Los Angeles, the incoming president did not use his social media site to pledge support to emergency responders or offer words of compassion to a city where thousands of people have lost everything.

Instead, President-elect Donald Trump used his megaphone to tell the world who was at fault.

It wasn’t the Santa Ana winds, nor was it the rising temperatures that have dried out vegetation and made fires harder to extinguish.

The culprit, he wrote, was “Gavin Newscum.”

The Los Angeles fires have killed at least 11 people, reduced thousands of structures to ash and burned more than 36,000 acres, an area larger than the footprint of San Francisco. It’s the kind of devastation that, in a bygone era, might have prompted at least a temporary political cease-fire and pledges to work across the aisle to rebuild, even as the authorities face legitimate questions about their handling of the crisis.

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Instead, with 10 days until Trump’s second inauguration, he offered a reminder of how he has long used disasters to damage political opponents like Gov. Gavin Newsom, Democrat of California — even when they’re still going on.

“What this feels like is, the man hasn’t changed an inch,” said Carmen Yulín Cruz, the former mayor of San Juan, Puerto Rico, whom Trump described as “nasty” when they tangled over the federal response to the devastation of Hurricane Maria on the island in 2017.

But it’s not just about hurting his political foes. Trump has always been a master of tapping into people’s angst and projecting it far and wide for his benefit — and there is a lot of angst in Los Angeles right now.

Residents in Los Angeles are angry that water systems never designed to fight so many threatening fires have run dry. They are mystified that Karen Bass, the Democratic mayor, wasn’t in the city when the blazes began. They are scared for their lives and fearful that the institutions they have come to rely on, like insurance, won’t make them whole on the other side of this.

This week, Trump has called for Newsom to resign, blamed other Democrats like President Biden and Mayor Bass and said incorrectly that the Federal Emergency Management Agency had no money to respond to the disaster because of the “Green New Scam.”

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It’s a revival of a tendency he displayed during his first presidency, when he injected his personal politics into once-sacrosanct concepts like providing federal disaster aid to areas no matter whether they were blue or red. He told aides he wanted to stop money from reaching Puerto Rico after Maria, claiming that the island’s leadership was corrupt, and publicly insulted Cruz.

“At the beginning, I thought, ‘Why is he doing this?’” Cruz told me in an interview today. She suspected, she said, that it was because she was a Latina and a woman who had challenged his federal response to the disaster in her city. “It can be distracting, but it wasn’t distracting because I very clearly saw that it gave me an opportunity to talk about what was really going on in Puerto Rico.”

(He also struggled to manage the optics of his own response, like when he traveled to the island and hucked paper towels into the crowd.)

He also fought extensively with California. After the state’s devastating wildfire season of 2018, he tweeted that he had ordered FEMA to “send no more money” unless the state changed its approach to forest management. He has clashed on and off with Newsom over issues like water management and federal aid ever since.

In a text message last fall, Newsom told my colleagues that Trump often seemed to expect personal treatment before the state could receive aid, saying he was “publicly threatening, playing his politics — looking tough … forcing a call, a ‘transaction’ in his mind — reminding you in process who’s in control, why he matters.”

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Beyond withholding aid, Trump has used disasters as political ammunition on the campaign trail. After a train derailed and spilled toxic chemicals in East Palestine, Ohio, in early 2023, he used the site as a backdrop to hammer the Biden administration, helping his presidential campaign pick up steam.

And last fall, when Hurricane Helene slammed into Georgia and North Carolina, he made a series of false claims about the federal disaster response as he sought to depict the Biden administration as hapless and even biased against Republicans who were in harm’s way.

Trump’s defenders say there is no reason he shouldn’t bring up politics in a moment irrevocably shaped by them.

“We will have a fire, and there will be winds to blow the fire, but what determines the flow of the fire and the infrastructure capability of the fire department to fight, it is on them,” said former Speaker Kevin McCarthy, a California Republican, referring to the Democratic leadership of the city and the state.

He added: “In a time of crisis, people look at their electeds for leadership. How do you think they’re doing? They’re blaming somebody else. They say you can’t ask these questions. They’re not in town — they can’t answer why something happened.”

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James Gallagher, who serves as the Republican leader in the State Assembly and represents Paradise, a Northern California community that was devastated by the Camp Fire in 2018, said there was deep frustration that more hadn’t been done to reduce wildfire fuel in the state.

Climate change exacerbates conditions that can lead to wildfires, he said, but he blamed Democrats’ leadership for inadequate management of the dry brush that can fuel fires. (Trump has discussed this in the past, although his recent posts have focused more on his dispute with Newsom over water management, which California officials say would not have changed the circumstances around the fires.)

“The politics are wrapped up in some very substantive policy,” Gallagher said.

“We’ve been saying this for a long time — maybe we don’t have as big of a megaphone” as Trump, he added.

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Judge officially drops 3 charges in Georgia’s Trump 2020 election interference case

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Judge officially drops 3 charges in Georgia’s Trump 2020 election interference case

Fulton County Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee has officially dropped three charges out of dozens in Georgia’s election interference case against President Trump and others.

On Friday, McAfee ordered that Counts 14, 15, and 27, conspiracy and criminal attempt to file false documents and filing false documents, respectively, should be dismissed. Mr. Trump had been charged with two of the counts, 15 and 27.

McAfee had signaled in September 2024 that he wanted to remove the charges, arguing that they lie beyond the state’s jurisdiction. He was not able to officially drop the charges until the case was remanded to him, which did not happen until Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis’s disqualification was finalized by the Georgia courts.

In Friday’s ruling, he said that the defendants’ remaining motions challenging the indictment over the Supremacy Clause of the U.S. Constitution were denied, meaning only the three were quashed at this time.

The judge had previously quashed six counts in the indictment, including three against Mr. Trump, in March 2024.

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Even with the counts removed, 32 remain, including an overarching racketeering charge brought against the remaining 15 defendants.

Earlier today, attorney Steve Sadow, who is representing Mr. Trump in Georgia, said that his legal team “remain confident that a fair and impartial review will lead to a dismissal of the case” against the president.

A new prosecutor in the Georgia Trump election case

The ruling comes on the same day that Peter J. Skandalakis, the director of the Prosecuting Attorneys Council of Georgia, announced he would be filling the position left vacant by Willis after she was disqualified from the case.

Skandalakis said he had appointed himself to lead the prosecution after his organization could not find another prosecutor before McAfee’s Friday deadline. If a prosecutor had not been found, the judge said he would have dismissed all charges.

“The public has a legitimate interest in the outcome of this case,” he wrote. “Accordingly, it is important that someone make an informed and transparent determination about how best to proceed.” 

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Skandalakis said Willis’ office delivered 101 boxes of documents on Oct. 29 and an eight-terabyte hard drive with the full investigative file on Nov. 6. Although he hasn’t completed his review, he took on the case so he can finish assessing it and decide what to do next.

Though Mr. Trump announced pardons earlier this week for people accused of backing his efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election — including those charged in Georgia — presidential pardons only apply to federal charges, and Skandalakis has said that has no bearing on these state charges.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

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Peace through strength? America first? Is there a Trump doctrine? : Sources & Methods

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Peace through strength? America first? Is there a Trump doctrine? : Sources & Methods
President Trump has an ad-hoc approach to foreign policy. How well is it working?Guest host Sacha Pfeiffer speaks with national security correspondent Greg Myre and Russia correspondent Charles Myre about Trump’s second term approach to foreign policy, and how that’s playing out across the globe including Russia. And is Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin’s nuclear talk just bluster, or the beginning of a new arms race?Email the show at sourcesandmethods@npr.orgNPR+ supporters hear every episode without sponsor messages and unlock access to our complete archive. Sign up at plus.npr.org.
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Lawyers for Comey, Letitia James to argue in court that their cases should be dismissed

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Lawyers for Comey, Letitia James to argue in court that their cases should be dismissed

Alexandria, Va. — Attorneys for former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James will be arguing in court Thursday that the federal indictments against their clients should be dismissed because Lindsey Halligan’s appointment as interim U.S. attorney in Virginia is unlawful.

The court decided to consolidate the arguments for dismissal soon after James’ arraignment. Both Comey and James have stated that Halligan’s appointment as interim U.S. attorney was invalid and unconstitutional.

She was named to the post days after Erik Siebert resigned as acting U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia amid pressure from President Trump to bring prosecutions against his political foes. Just before Siebert’s resignation, sources had told CBS News that prosecutors from the district were concerned he could be removed for not prosecuting James.

Halligan, a former Trump defense lawyer who later joined him in his second administration, was tapped as interim U.S. attorney in September after serving as a senior aide to Mr. Trump in the White House. Halligan, who was previously an insurance lawyer, took the helm of the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Alexandria with no prosecutorial experience. Mr. Trump nominated her for U.S. attorney in late September.

Comey was indicted in September on one count of making false statements to Congress and one count of obstruction of justice, related to Senate testimony he gave five years ago. Comey pleaded not guilty to both counts.

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James was indicted last month on one count of bank fraud and one count of making false statements to a financial institution and pleaded not guilty. The Justice Department alleges James bought a house in Norfolk, Virginia, in 2020 with a mortgage that required her to use it as a second home, but instead ultimately rented it to a family and used it as an investment property. The department accuses James of misrepresenting how the house would be used, so she could obtain a lower interest rate. 

Sources told CBS News that Halligan presented evidence to the Comey and James grand juries alone, rather than with the line prosecutors who had worked on the cases. She was also the only attorney in the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of Virginia to sign the indictments. After Halligan became that district’s interim U.S. attorney, several prosecutors left the office or were fired.

Since the indictments, lawyers from U.S. Attorneys’ Offices in North Carolina and Missouri have joined Halligan in working on the cases involving Comey and James, respectively.

Attorney General Pam Bondi has used a federal law governing U.S. attorney vacancies to appoint Halligan and several others around the country as the top federal prosecutors in their respective offices. The law limits the term for an interim U.S. attorney to 120 days, after which the district court in that area can either extend that official’s term or appoint a new U.S. attorney to serve until the vacancy is filled.

In the case of the Eastern District of Virginia, Bondi tapped Siebert as interim U.S. attorney in January and, ahead of the 120-day deadline in May, judges of that region voted to keep Siebert in the post. Siebert had also been nominated for the permanent position. 

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He left the position in September, and though Siebert said he resigned, Mr. Trump wrote on social media, in a Sept. 20 post directed at Bondi, that he had ousted Siebert and praised Halligan as a “really good lawyer.” Halligan was sworn in as interim U.S. attorney days later.

Halligan and the 120-day term for interim U.S. attorneys

At the heart of the argument is the 120-day term for interim U.S. attorneys appointed by the attorney general. Comey’s lawyers said the clock for a temporary U.S. attorney in Virginia has already wound down, and they assert that the law sets a total 120-day time limit that is tied to the attorney general’s initial appointment of an interim U.S. attorney — which would be Bondi’s selection of Siebert in January.

“The period does not start anew once the 120-day period expires or if a substitute interim U.S. Attorney is appointed before the 120-day period expires,” they wrote.

Allowing the attorney general to make back-to-back sequential appointments would effectively allow the president to circumvent Senate confirmation and the district court’s role, Comey’s lawyers wrote in court papers.

Halligan “was defectively appointed to her office as an interim U.S. Attorney,” they said. Arguing that “no properly appointed” official from the executive branch had obtained the indictment against Comey, his lawyers said “the indictment is equally a nullity” and should be dismissed.

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James’ attorney, Abbe Lowell, is seeking a court order that would block Halligan from supervising the prosecution of James’ case and from exercising any other duties as interim U.S. attorney. 

Halligan, he wrote, “had no authority to litigate this case on behalf of the United States.”

“[B]ecause this indictment would not have been sought or obtained absent Ms. Halligan’s unlawful appointment … the indictment’s flaws cannot be brushed aside as harmless error,” Lowell wrote. “This Court must reject the Executive Branch’s brazen attempt to sidestep the constitutional and statutory limitations on the appointment of U.S. Attorneys.”

The Justice Department’s arguments

The Justice Department responded to the motions from Comey and James by arguing that Mr. Trump and Bondi have the authority to appoint an interim U.S. attorney after a previous interim pick has already served the 120-day maximum. 

The department said that even if the judge overseeing the challenges sides with Comey and James, Bondi has retroactively appointed Halligan as special attorney in the Eastern District of Virginia, which would allow her to conduct criminal and civil proceedings in the district.

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The Justice Department submitted to the court an order from Bondi, dated Oct. 31, in which she says she is ratifying Halligan’s actions before the grand juries and her signature on indictments returned by the grand jury in both cases, and appoints her special attorney for the Justice Department as of Sept. 22. 

“Even were Ms. Halligan’s appointment invalid, the motions to dismiss should be denied,” Justice Department attorneys wrote. “While Defendants challenge Ms. Halligan’s appointment as interim U.S. Attorney, the actions they challenge do not hinge on her validly holding that particular office.” The Justice Department also argued that “any government attorney can present a case to a grand jury or sign an indictment.”

“At minimum, any dismissal should be without prejudice to permit the government to seek new indictments now that the Attorney General has cured any arguable flaw in Ms. Halligan’s authority to prosecute,” the Justice Department continued.

They also argued that each appointment to interim U.S. attorney triggers its own 120-day term.

How courts have ruled so far on legality of other temporary U.S. attorney appointments in Trump’s second term

But the Trump administration has run into issues in other courts that have considered the legality of temporary U.S. attorney appointments during Mr. Trump’s second term. In cases involving Alina Habba, the top federal prosecutor in New Jersey, and Sigal Chattah, Nevada’s acting U.S. attorney, two judges each ruled they are serving unlawfully. A federal judge in California also issued a similar ruling for the acting U.S. attorney in the Central District of California, Bill Essayli.

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In the challenge to Habba’s appointment, U.S. District Judge Matthew Brann wrote that under federal law, the attorney general can make appointments of different people to serve as interim U.S. attorneys, “but for an aggregate term of 120 days.”

The Justice Department has appealed the decisions involving Habba and Chattah.

Federal judge from South Carolina to preside over Thursday’s arguments

U.S. District Judge Cameron Currie from South Carolina will preside over Thursday’s arguments. She was brought into the case because all of the federal judges in the Eastern District of Virginia have a conflict of interest in hearing the arguments because of Halligan’s role as head of the prosecutor’s office in the district.

Currie was appointed to the federal bench by President Bill Clinton in 1994.

Earlier this month, Currie said in an order that a transcript she requested from prosecutors from Halligan’s presentation to the grand jury that voted to indict Comey was incomplete, and “fails to include remarks made by the indictment signer both before and after the testimony of the sole witness, which remarks were referenced by the indictment signer during the witness’s testimony.” 

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After the grand jury indictment was returned, a federal magistrate judge expressed confusion and surprise after she received two versions of the indictment.

A majority of the grand jury that reviewed the Comey matter voted not to charge him with one of the three counts presented by prosecutors, according to a form that was signed by the grand jury’s foreperson and filed in court. He was indicted on two other counts — making false statements to Congress and obstructing a congressional proceeding — after 14 of 23 jurors voted in favor of them, the foreperson told the judge. 

But two versions of the indictment were published on the case docket: one with the dropped third count, and one without. The transcript reveals why this occurred. 

“So this has never happened before. I’ve been handed two documents that are in the Mr. Comey case that are inconsistent with one another,” the magistrate judge said to Halligan. “There seems to be a discrepancy. They’re both signed by the (grand jury) foreperson.” 

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