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Students and civil rights groups blast police response to campus protests
Police face off with pro-Palestinian students after dismantling part of the encampment barricade on the campus of the University of California, Los Angeles, early on May 2.
Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images
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Police face off with pro-Palestinian students after dismantling part of the encampment barricade on the campus of the University of California, Los Angeles, early on May 2.
Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images
A broken ankle.
Concussions.
Tasered.
Pepper sprayed.
These are some of the claims of injuries stemming from police conduct — and inaction — from students and university faculty involved in pro-Palestinian demonstrations on university campuses in New York and Los Angeles.
Aidan Doyle, a 21-year-old junior at the University of California, Los Angeles, told NPR that the slow response from police, decisions made by university officials and the violence from counterprotesters would be things he’s unlikely to ever forget.
“The treatment of the protesters by the cops was horrible and unforgivable. But it was nothing compared to what the counterprotesters did assaulting 80, 90, 100 of us,” said Doyle, a member of the school’s pro-Palestinian encampment.
The students, like Doyle, and some faculty at universities across the country have spent the past few months protesting for Palestinian freedom. They’ve called on their universities to divest from companies that have businesses or investments in Israel because of the country’s military operation in Gaza.
These demonstrations have ramped up in recent weeks as students began erecting encampments on their school campuses, even taking over a school building to bring awareness to their cause.
University and police officials repeatedly demanded students disperse and take down their encampments, but protesters refused, arguing a right to free speech, and maintained that their demonstrations were peaceful. Some protesters at demonstrations, including at the University of California, Los Angeles, fought with counterprotesters.
Students and faculty, alumni, civil rights groups and some politicians allege that universities endangered public safety by calling in police in response to the protesters’ refusal to disperse. Some have said law enforcement used excessive, military-like force in their effort to clear some of the biggest student-run pro-Palestinian demonstrations and encampments in New York City and Los Angeles.
Days after police broke up the encampment and takeover of Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall, the New York City Police Department admitted that an officer accidentally fired his gun while inside the building. No one was hit by the bullet in that incident.
Isabelle Leyva, a senior organizer with the New York Civil Liberties Union, described “a consistent pattern of NYPD escalation at pro-Palestine protests” over the past few months. The organization is an affiliate of the American Civil Liberties Union.
The NYPD has responded to more than 2,400 protests and demonstrations since Oct. 7, and nearly half of them were related to the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians, Police Commissioner Edward Caban said during a press conference last week.
“And every one, we’ve worked to keep protesters safe and protect their First Amendment rights,” he said.
But Leyva said that last week’s protests in New York City were unlike anything she’s seen before. She worked with several monitors, including students, that observed the demonstrations at Columbia University and The City College of the City University of New York where police were called in to disperse student encampments on April 30.
“We saw, in my personal experience, the largest deployment of the NYPD that I’ve ever seen at a protest,” Leyva said. She saw violence during the arrests of people outside of campus that were protesting during the NYPD’s raid on Columbia’s Hamilton Hall.
In Los Angeles, students at UCLA reported being struck by rubber bullets fired by a massive police response to the demonstration at the school while also witnessing officers reportedly delaying their response as counterprotesters rained sticks, fists and rocks onto their encampment.
More than 2,100 people have been arrested on college campuses across the country over the previous two weeks on universities across the U.S, according to a tally from the Associated Press.
On Monday, tense interactions between protesters and police were still being reported. Columbia leadership requested a police presence through May 17, until commencement activities for the school were over.
UCLA’s chapter of the Students for Justice in Palestine reported more than 45 students, other members of the university, members of the press and lawyers were arrested at 6 a.m. Monday by the members of the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department and the Los Angeles Police Department. At the time, UCLA SJP said, no students were protesting. The group also alleges that police kept these students on the ground in handcuffs for hours.
In New York protests, police used a controversial specialty unit
Russ Hicks, a longtime police academy trainer in Washington state, told NPR’s Martin Kaste that to have a larger response from law enforcement is safer, both for officers and for the protesters.
“What you don’t want is a handful of five officers managing a large crowd because that’s when things get out of control,” Hicks said. Officers may end up “using too much force because they don’t have enough people,” he said.
But Molly Biklen, the NYCLU’s associate legal director, argues that police arriving in such large numbers, as was the case at Columbia and City College, “often leads to escalation rather than de-escalation.”
The NYPD’s controversial Strategic Response Group (SRG) was brought in to break up the student encampments on the night of April 30. The SRG “responds to citywide mobilizations, civil disorders, and major events with highly trained personnel and specialized equipment,” according to the NYPD’s website.
The NYCLU has long called for the dissolution of the SRG, saying it is “a violent, overfunded, and unaccountable unit of the NYPD notorious for its abuse of protesters, particularly those standing up for racial justice.” The SRG has also drawn condemnation from Human Rights Watch.
The NYCLU filed a lawsuit over alleged aggressive over-policing from the NYPD during Black Lives Matter protests in 2020. Last September, a settlement was reached that mandates the NYPD will only be allowed to deploy the SRG under certain conditions. Not all provisions have been fully implemented, Biklen said.
The New York Police Benevolent Association, the police union, said it intends to appeal the settlement, calling it “misguided” and dangerous to the lives of frontline officers.
Biklen said other universities have responded “with dialogue” and in other ways.
“There’s a number of ways to respond,” Biklen said, “that just don’t involve throwing hundreds of cops at problems. That has been a way in which society has tried to respond to every single problem that we have in a city. And, I think we’ve seen that that is not the answer.”
Officials claim some protesters weren’t students and that they threatened safety
Pro-Palestinian supporters confront police during demonstrations at The City College of New York as the NYPD cracks down on protest camps at both Columbia University and CCNY on April 30, in New York City.
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Pro-Palestinian supporters confront police during demonstrations at The City College of New York as the NYPD cracks down on protest camps at both Columbia University and CCNY on April 30, in New York City.
Spencer Platt/Getty Images
Police in New York City and the Mayor Eric Adams have repeatedly said that about half of the people arrested at Columbia and City College are not currently affiliated with either school — allegations the schools are repeating.
City officials said 29% of the 112 people arrested at a protest at Columbia last week were not affiliated with the school. At the City College protest, 60% of the 170 arrested were not affiliated with the school, according to the city’s press release.
The NYPD has not directly responded to NPR’s repeated requests to get clarification on how the department and Adams have made that determination.
Police said school officials have said they made the decision to call in extra security measures in response to “violence and vandalism” — not because the students were holding peaceful protests.
Since October, “there has been a pattern of demonizing protesters specifically that are protesting in support of Palestinian Liberation,” said the NYCLU’s Leyva. “When we start to paint protesters as outside agitators, as terrorists, as people who want to harm the city, etc. in the public’s mind, that allows people to justify mass police presence, including police violence and mass arrests.”
NPR has submitted a Freedom of Information Act request for police body camera footage from law enforcement agencies in New York and Los Angeles.
In response to the encampment at UCLA, officers from multiple units arrived including the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, the California Highway Patrol, the Los Angeles Police Department, and the UCLA Police Department.
“The Sheriff’s Department is committed to protecting people’s constitutional rights and their right to exercise free speech,” the agency said in a statement to NPR on Monday. “However, when actions turn violent and cross the line into criminal misconduct the Department will intervene and enforce the laws appropriately. We encourage the public to protest peacefully and listen to law enforcement instructions.”
The California Highway Patrol confirmed to NPR that officers responding to the demonstrations “utilized aerial distraction devices” that didn’t come into physical contact with anyone. When certain demonstrators threatened officers by throwing objects and weapons, the CHP said “sponge rounds and bean bag rounds were used on a limited basis in response. The CHP did not deploy any chemical agents during this incident.”
The LAPD referred NPR to UCLA police, which didn’t respond to a request for comment.
A student says he will never forget what happened at UCLA
Police face off with pro-Palestinian students after dismantling part of the encampment barricade on the UCLA campus in Los Angeles early on May 2.
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Police face off with pro-Palestinian students after dismantling part of the encampment barricade on the UCLA campus in Los Angeles early on May 2.
Etienne Laurent/AFP via Getty Images
A large number of police arrived at schools in New York City and Los Angeles, dressed in riot gear, some holding shields and batons.
Graphic videos and images have emerged of violent clashes on the night of April 30 and May 1 between pro-Palestinian student demonstrators and counterprotesters on the UCLA campus. Videos on social media showed law enforcement standing off to the side during the fighting and shooting rubber bullets into the melee.
Doyle, the UCLA junior, said he joined the encampment on the school’s Royce Quad the week before arrests were made calling it peaceful.
He allowed NPR to use videos he shared of his experience at the encampment on Instagram.
On Sunday, April 28, a pro-Israeli rally started near the encampment. Nothing violent happened, but tension was brewing, Doyle said. Pressure continued to mount when on Tuesday, April 30, things erupted. That’s when a large group of counterprotesters surrounded the encampment, hurling fireworks, sticks and other items.
Doyle said he was hit in the face with a rock and a plastic traffic cone.
A student at UCLA shares how he was attacked at the Palestine Solidarity Encampment.
He received 12 staples to the back of his head. pic.twitter.com/DJfZclZ7zc
— Sulaiman Ahmed (@ShaykhSulaiman) May 4, 2024
Counterprotesters continued to attack the encampment throughout the night, including hitting students with pepper spray and other chemicals, he said.
“I saw a girl probably 20 years old, being struck in the face by men who are counterprotesting. It was one of the most disturbing things I’ve ever seen,” Doyle said.
At around 2 a.m., Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass tweeted that LAPD officers were responding to the violence and said that the “violence unfolding this evening at UCLA is absolutely abhorrent and inexcusable.”
Police arrived at around midnight or 1 a.m., from Doyle’s recollection.
“We watched as they lined up on the hill alongside the counterprotesters, and they stood there and did nothing,” he said.
The LAPD confirmed that its officers, along with other state and local law enforcement agencies responded.
“Once mutual aid resources were formed and coordinated, they separated the two groups. No arrest were made, no force was used, and no officers were injured,” the LAPD wrote on X.
A California Highway Patrol (CHP) officer fires a flash-bang while clearing a pro-Palestinian encampment after dispersal orders were given at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) campus, on May 2, 2024 in Los Angeles, California.
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A California Highway Patrol (CHP) officer fires a flash-bang while clearing a pro-Palestinian encampment after dispersal orders were given at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) campus, on May 2, 2024 in Los Angeles, California.
Mario Tama/Getty Images
Students, including Doyle, returned to the encampment the next night, on May 1, despite the attacks from the night before.
That’s when more than 200 pro-Palestinian protesters were surrounded by Los Angeles police and were arrested. LAPD Chief Dominic Choi said 210 arrests were made by the UCLA Police Department for failure to disperse and that he was “thankful there were no serious injuries to officers or protestors.”
But the UCLA Palestine Solidarity Encampment said police “tore students from our human chain and shot rubber bullets at close range. Many were rushed to the ER after the bullets connected with heads and hands.”
Doyle said he and hundreds of other protesters were handcuffed and bundled into buses where they stayed for hours before getting to the police station.
“We were in the bus for something like 4 1/2 hours,” he said. One of his fellow demonstrators requested a trip to the bathroom, which was ignored, Doyle said. Eventually, Doyle said, that person defecated on himself.
UCLA Chancellor Gene Block issued a statement defending the decision to call in law enforcement.
“Several days of violent clashes between demonstrators and counter-demonstrators put too many Bruins in harm’s way and created an environment that was completely unsafe for learning,” Block wrote. “In the end, the encampment on Royce Quad was both unlawful and a breach of policy. It led to unsafe conditions on our campus and it damaged our ability to carry out our mission.”
Block has said the attack on the encampment from counterprotesters will be investigated and “may lead to arrests, expulsions and dismissals.”
City College violence was “more aggressive” than Columbia’s, civil rights group says
Police arrest protesters during pro-Palestinian demonstrations at The City College Of New York as the NYPD cracks down on protest camps at both Columbia University and CCNY on April 30, in New York City.
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Police arrest protesters during pro-Palestinian demonstrations at The City College Of New York as the NYPD cracks down on protest camps at both Columbia University and CCNY on April 30, in New York City.
Spencer Platt/Getty Images
The images that emerged from the NYPD’s response at Ivy League Columbia University were striking.
As media attention was trained on Columbia, students at City College faced violence “even more aggressive than what we saw outside of Columbia,” Leyva said.
This kind of response is even more striking and layered because City College has more students of color “who are already impacted disproportionately by policing and police violence,” Leyva said.
NYCLU’s protest monitors saw pepper spray and tasers being deployed, students being beaten and sustaining injuries, she said. Arrests continued well into the early hours at City College.
“Around campus is where we documented the bulk of the violence. So that was six or seven police on top of one person for arrest, pushing people onto the sidewalk, using barricades that were lifted and then arresting those people on the sidewalk, despite the fact that the orders to avoid arrest was to go onto the sidewalk,” Leyva said. “This was all in an effort to keep people as far away from campus and being able to see what was going on.”
In a recent statement, the CUNY Gaza Solidarity Encampment said, “We reject the claim that there was violence against any officer from a member of the encampment or a supporter since their injuries were a consequence of their own pepper spray,”
Corinna Mullin, an adjunct assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at John Jay College, said the police raid on the City College encampment “was a horrifying experience.” Mullin supported the students’ cause and stood alongside other faculty members. She spoke last week at a press conference organized by student protesters.
“We were surrounded on all sides by hundreds of police officers. It felt like a military invasion. It was terrifying — terrifying. I’ve never experienced anything like it before. There was an unnecessary and excessive use of force,” Mullin said.
She detailed witnessing police batons pressed against protesters’ necks and chests. Once in jail, people were left standing, denied water and access to a bathroom for hours, she said. She also witnessed a Muslim woman’s hijab being removed from her head.
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Video: Raising a Baby in Altadena’s Ashes
“So, my daughter, Robin, was born Jan. 5, 2025.” “Hi, baby. That’s you.” “When I first saw her, I was like, ‘Oh my God, she’s here.’” “She was crying and immediately when she was up on my face, she stopped crying.” “I got the room with the view.” “But it wasn’t until way later, I saw a fire near the Pasadena Mountains.” “We’re watching the news on the TV, hoping that it’s just not going to reach our house.” “The Eaton fire has scorched over 13,000 acres.” “Sixteen people confirmed dead.” “More than 1,000 structures have been destroyed.” “And then that’s when we got the call. Liz’s mom crying, saying the house is on fire.” “Oh, please. No, Dios mio. Go back. Don’t go that way. It’s closed. Go, turn. Turn back.” “Our house is burning, Veli.” “Oh my God.” “It was just surreal. Like, I couldn’t believe it.” “There’s nothing left.” “Not only our house is gone, the neighbors’ houses are gone, her grandma’s house is gone. All you could see was ash.” “My family has lived in Altadena for about 40 years. It was so quiet. There’s no freeways. My grandmother was across the street from us. All our family would have Christmas there, Thanksgivings. She had her nopales in the back. She would always just go out and cut them down and make salads out of them. My grandmother is definitely the matriarch of our family. My parents, our house was across the street. And then me and Javi got married right after high school.” “My husband’s getting me a cookie.” “Me and Javi had talked a lot about having kids in the future. Finally, after 15 years of being married, we were in a good place. It was so exciting to find out that we were pregnant. We remodeled our whole house. We were really preparing. My grandmother and my mom, they were like, crying, and they were like, so excited.” “Liz!” “I had this vision for her, of how she would grow up, the experiences maybe she would have experiencing my grandmother’s house as it was. We wanted her to have her childhood here. But all of our preparation went out the window in the matter of a few hours.” “And we’re like, ‘What do we do?’ And then we get a phone call. And it was Liz’s uncle. He was like, ‘Hey, come to my house. We have a room ready for you.’” “In my more immediate family, nine people lost their homes, so it was about 13 people in the house at any given point for the first three months of the fire. It was a really hard time. We had to figure out insurance claim forms, finding a new place to live, the cost of rebuilding — will we be able to afford it? Oh my gosh, we must have looked at 10 rentals. The experience of motherhood that I was hoping to have was completely different. Survival mode is not how I wanted to start. “Hi, Robin.” “Robin — she was really stressed out. “She’s over it.” “Our stress was radiating towards Robin. I feel like she could feel that.” “There was just no place to lay her safely, where she could be free and not stepped over by a dog or something. So she was having issues gaining strength. So she did have to go to physical therapy for a few months to be able to lift her head.” “One more, one more — you can do it.” “All the stress and the pain, it was just too much.” “Then Liz got really sick.” “I didn’t stop throwing up for five hours. Javi immediately took me to the E.R. They did a bunch of tests and figured out it was vertigo, likely stress-induced. It felt like, OK, something has to slow down. I can’t just handle all of it myself all the time. My mom is so amazing and my grandmother, they really took care of us in a really wonderful way. So — yeah.” “We’ve been able to get back on our feet. “Good high-five.” “I think it has changed how I parent. I’m trying to shed what I thought it would be like, and be open to what’s new. Robin is doing much better. She’s like standing now and trying to talk. She says like five words already. Even if it’s not exactly home for Robin, I wanted to have those smells around. You walk in and it smells like home. For us, it’s definitely tamales. My grandmother’s house is not being rebuilt. I can tell she’s so sad. “Let me just grab a piece of this.” “So right now, where Javi’s standing is the front. One bedroom there, here in the middle, and Robin’s bedroom in the corner. My grandma will live with us versus across the street, which is silver linings. Yeah, and we did make space for a garden for her.” “What are you seeing? What do you think? What do you think, Robin?” “The roots of Altadena — even though they’re charred — they’re going to be stronger than before.” “How strong you can be when something like this happens, I think is something that’s really important for her to take on. And that I hope Altadena also takes on.”
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New video shows fatal Minnesota ICE shooting from officer’s perspective
People participate in a protest and noise demonstration calling for an end to federal immigration enforcement operations in the city, Friday, Jan. 9, 2026, in Minneapolis.
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John Locher/AP
MINNEAPOLIS — A Minnesota prosecutor on Friday called on the public to share with investigators any recordings and evidence connected to the fatal shooting of Renee Good as a new video emerged showing the final moments of her encounter with an immigration officer.

The Minneapolis killing and a separate shooting in Portland, Oregon, a day later by the Border Patrol have set off protests in multiple cities and denunciations of immigration enforcement tactics by the U.S. government. The Trump administration has defended the officer who shot Good in her car, saying he was protecting himself and fellow agents.
The reaction to the shooting has largely been focused on witness cellphone video of the encounter. A new, 47-second video that was published online by a Minnesota-based conservative news site, Alpha News, and later reposted on social media by the Department of Homeland Security shows the shooting from the perspective of ICE officer Jonathan Ross, who fired the shots.
This image from video made by Immigration and Customs Enforcement officer Jonathan Ross via Alpha News shows Renee Good in her vehicle in Minneapolis on Wednesday, Jan. 7, 2026.
Jonathan Ross/AP/ICE
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Jonathan Ross/AP/ICE
Sirens blaring in the background, he approaches and circles Good’s vehicle in the middle of the road while apparently filming on his cellphone. At the same time, Good’s wife also was recording the encounter and can be seen walking around the vehicle and approaching the officer. A series of exchanges occurred:
“That’s fine, I’m not mad at you,” Good says as the officer passes by her door. She has one hand on the steering wheel and the other outside the open driver side window.
“U.S. citizen, former f—ing veteran,” says her wife, standing outside the passenger side of the SUV holding up her phone. “You wanna come at us, you wanna come at us, I say go get yourself some lunch big boy.”
Other officers are approaching the driver’s side of the car at about the same time and one says: “Get out of the car, get out of the f—ing car.” Ross is now at the front driver side of the vehicle. Good reverses briefly, then turns the steering wheel toward the passenger side as she drives ahead and Ross opens fire.
The camera becomes unsteady and points toward the sky and then returns to the street view showing Good’s SUV careening away.
“F—ing b—,” someone at the scene says.
A crashing sound is heard as Good’s vehicle smashes into others parked on the street.
Federal agencies have encouraged officers to document encounters in which people may attempt to interfere with enforcement actions, but policing experts have cautioned that recording on a handheld device can complicate already volatile situations by occupying an officer’s hands and narrowing focus at moments when rapid decision-making is required.
Under an ICE policy directive, officers and agents are expected to activate body-worn cameras at the start of enforcement activities and to record throughout interactions, and footage must be kept for review in serious incidents such as deaths or use-of-force cases. The Department of Homeland Security has not responded to questions about whether the officer who opened fire or any of the others who were on the scene were wearing body cameras.
Homeland Security says video shows self-defense
Vice President JD Vance and Homeland Security spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said in posts on X that the new video backs their contention that the officer fired in self-defense.
“Many of you have been told this law enforcement officer wasn’t hit by a car, wasn’t being harassed, and murdered an innocent woman,” Vance said. “The reality is that his life was endangered and he fired in self defense.”
Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey has said any self-defense argument is “garbage.”
Policing experts said the video didn’t change their thoughts on the use-of-force but did raise additional questions about the officer’s training.
“Now that we can see he’s holding a gun in one hand and a cellphone in the other filming, I want to see the officer training that permits that,” said Geoff Alpert, a criminology professor at the University of South Carolina.
The video demonstrates that the officers didn’t perceive Good to be a threat, said John P. Gross, a professor at the University of Wisconsin Law School who has written extensively about officers shooting at moving vehicles.
“If you are an officer who views this woman as a threat, you don’t have one hand on a cellphone. You don’t walk around this supposed weapon, casually filming,” Gross said.
Ross, 43, is an Iraq War veteran who has served in the Border Patrol and ICE for nearly two decades. He was injured last year when he was dragged by a driver fleeing an immigration arrest.
Attempts to reach Ross at phone numbers and email addresses associated with him were not successful.

Prosecutor asks for video and evidence
Meanwhile, Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty said that although her office has collaborated effectively with the FBI in past cases, she is concerned by the Trump administration’s decision to bar state and local agencies from playing any role in the investigation into Good’s killing.
She also said the officer who shot Good in the head does not have complete legal immunity, as Vance declared.
“We do have jurisdiction to make this decision with what happened in this case,” Moriarty said at a news conference. “It does not matter that it was a federal law enforcement agent.”
Moriarty said her office would post a link for the public to submit footage of the shooting, even though she acknowledged that she wasn’t sure what legal outcome submissions might produce.
Good’s wife, Becca Good, released a statement to Minnesota Public Radio on Friday saying, “kindness radiated out of her.”
“On Wednesday, January 7th, we stopped to support our neighbors. We had whistles. They had guns,” Becca Good said.
“I am now left to raise our son and to continue teaching him, as Renee believed, that there are people building a better world for him,” she wrote.
Protesters confront law enforcement outside the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building in Minneapolis, Friday, Jan. 9, 2026.
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Adam Bettcher/AP
The reaction to Good’s shooting was immediate in the city where police killed George Floyd in 2020, with hundreds of protesters converging on the shooting scene and the school district canceling classes for the rest of the week as a precaution and offering an online option through Feb. 12.
On Friday, protesters were outside a federal facility serving as a hub for the immigration crackdown that began Tuesday in Minneapolis and St. Paul. That evening, hundreds protested and marched outside two hotels in downtown Minneapolis where immigration enforcement agents were supposed to be staying. Some people were seen breaking or spray painting windows and state law enforcement officers wearing helmets and holding batons ordered the remaining group of fewer than 100 people to leave late Friday.
Shooting in Portland
The Portland shooting happened outside a hospital Thursday. A federal border officer shot and wounded a man and woman in a vehicle, identified by the Department of Homeland Security as Venezuela nationals Luis David Nico Moncada and Yorlenys Betzabeth Zambrano-Contreras. Police said they were in stable condition Friday after surgery, with DHS saying Nico Moncada was taken into FBI custody
DHS defended the actions of its officers in Portland, saying the shooting occurred after the driver with alleged gang ties tried to “weaponize” his vehicle to hit them. It said no officers were injured.
Portland Police Chief Bob Day confirmed that the two people shot had “some nexus” to Tren de Aragua, a Venezuelan gang. Day said they came to the attention of police during an investigation of a July shooting believed to have been carried out by gang members, but they were not identified as suspects.
The chief said any gang affiliation did not necessarily justify the shooting by U.S. Border Patrol. The Oregon Department of Justice said it would investigate.
On Friday evening, hundreds of protesters marched to the ICE building in Portland.
The biggest crackdown yet
The Minneapolis shooting happened on the second day of the immigration crackdown in the Twin Cities, which Homeland Security said is the biggest immigration enforcement operation ever. More than 2,000 officers are taking part and Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said they have made more than 1,500 arrests.
The government is also shifting immigration officers to Minneapolis from sweeps in Louisiana, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press. This represents a pivot, as the Louisiana crackdown that began in December had been expected to last into February.
Good’s death — at least the fifth tied to immigration sweeps since President Donald Trump took office — has resonated far beyond Minneapolis. More protests are planned for this weekend, according to Indivisible, a group formed to resist the Trump administration.
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Trump administration can’t block child care, other program money for 5 states: Judge
A federal judge ruled Friday that President Donald Trump’s administration cannot block federal money for child care subsidies and other programs aimed at supporting needy children and their families from flowing to five Democratic-led states for now.
The states of California, Colorado, Illinois, Minnesota and New York argued that a policy announced Tuesday to freeze funds for three grant programs is having an immediate impact on them and creating “operational chaos.” In court filings and a hearing earlier Friday, the states contended that the government did not have a legal reason for holding back the money from those states.
The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services said it was pausing the funding because it had “reason to believe” the states were granting benefits to people in the country illegally, though it did not provide evidence or explain why it was targeting those states and not others.
The programs are the Child Care and Development Fund, which subsidizes child care for children from low-income families; the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program, which provides cash assistance and job training; and the Social Services Block Grant, a smaller fund that provides money for a variety of programs.
The five states say they receive a total of more than $10 billion a year from the programs.
U.S. District Judge Arun Subramanian, who was nominated to the bench by former President Joe Biden, did not rule on the legality of the funding freeze, but he said the five states had met a legal threshold “to protect the status quo” for at least 14 days while arguments are made in court.
The government had requested reams of data from the five states, including the names and Social Security numbers of everyone who received benefits from some of the programs since 2022.
The states argue that the effort is unconstitutional and is intended to go after Trump’s political adversaries rather than to stamp out fraud in government programs — something the states say they already do.
Jessica Ranucci, a lawyer in the New York Attorney General’s office, said in the Friday hearing, which was conducted by telephone, that at least four of the states had already had money delayed after requesting it. She said that if the states can’t get child care funds, there will be immediate uncertainty for providers and families who rely on the programs.
A lawyer for the federal government, Kamika Shaw, said it was her understanding that the money had not stopped flowing to states.
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