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Putin, Ukraine and the revival of the west

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Two images taken in the course of the Ukraine disaster appear to sum up the relative positions of Russia and the western alliance. The primary is of Vladimir Putin at his now well-known lengthy desk — his bodily distance from visiting leaders symbolising Russia’s isolation. The second picture is of Joe Biden in the course of a gaggle of Nato leaders — with the US president surrounded by buddies and allies.

Amid all of the horror of the conflict in Ukraine, some within the US and Europe have noticed a silver lining within the revival of the western alliance. Ivo Daalder, a former US ambassador to Nato, captured the brand new temper in a latest co-authored article, with James Lindsay, headlined: “Why Putin Underestimated the West.”

The pace, power and unity of the western response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine stunned the Kremlin, as Sergei Lavrov, Russia’s overseas minister, has admitted. It might even have stunned western leaders.

Inside a number of days of the invasion, a big a part of the property of Russia’s central financial institution had been frozen. A variety of Russian monetary establishments and oligarchs had been hit with sanctions. European airspace had been closed to Russian airways. Tech exports to Russia had been restricted. Russia had been kicked out of the soccer World Cup. The Nord Stream 2 fuel pipeline to Germany had been suspended and Berlin had introduced a historic improve in navy spending. And western nations had agreed to produce Ukraine with heavy weaponry — with the EU making its first ever transfer into direct navy help.

Leaders of the G7 nations line up after assembly in Brussels in March. US and European allies in Asia, together with Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Australia, have joined within the sanctions effort towards Russia © Henry Nicholls/Getty Pictures

These responses weren’t merely a one-off. New sanctions or seizures of Russian property proceed to be introduced. The western alliance additionally appears set to develop with Finland and, presumably Sweden, set to use to hitch Nato. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, justified partly as a response to Nato enlargement — has really provoked an extra enlargement of Nato.

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Earlier worldwide crises — such because the Iraq conflict or Russia’s assault on Georgia in 2008 — have both divided the western alliance or caught it off-guard. Against this, as Margaret Macmillan, the eminent historian, factors out, this time “the west appeared ready and to have really thought by way of how it will reply”.

The chaotic US and allied withdrawal from Afghanistan in the summertime of 2021 fitted completely into the narratives, closely promoted in Moscow and Beijing, of American isolationism and western decline. However the power of the response over Ukraine, led by the US, has helped to problem these concepts — and given coronary heart to believers within the Atlantic alliance.

Afghans in Kabul scramble to flee in 2021. The chaotic allied withdrawal fitted the narratives of western decline, but the response over Ukraine has challenged that
Afghans in Kabul scramble to flee in 2021. The chaotic allied withdrawal fitted the narratives of western decline, however the response over Ukraine has challenged that © Akhter Gulfam/EPA/Shutterstock

Norbert Röttgen, a German MP who till lately led the parliament’s overseas affairs committee, says: “The central significance of America to European safety has been reasserted. Europeans are extra conscious of the significance of the American alliance. Individuals are reminded of the significance of Europe.”

It has additionally turn into obvious that “the west”, as a geopolitical idea, is now not outlined by geography. American allies in Asia, together with Japan, South Korea, Singapore and Australia, have joined within the sanctions effort towards Russia. So has Switzerland, a impartial nation and vital worldwide monetary centre. US officers felt extra relaxed about inserting sanctions on the Russian central financial institution, figuring out that the world’s different massive monetary centres had been appearing in live performance with Washington. Efforts by Russia and China to diversify their property away from the greenback are a lot tougher if the key different currencies — the euro, the yen, the pound and the Swiss franc — are additionally off limits.

However whereas there’s undoubted satisfaction in Washington and Brussels on the power and unity of the western response, even the optimists are keenly conscious that western unity could possibly be fragile and fleeting.

Vladimir Putin and Emmanuel Macron in Moscow in February. Tensions over the EU’s stance on Russia are rising, with the Polish prime minister criticising France’s president for making numerous phone calls to Putin
Vladimir Putin and Emmanuel Macron in Moscow in February. Tensions over the EU’s stance on Russia are rising, with the Polish prime minister criticising France’s president for making quite a few telephone calls to Putin © Sputnik/AFP/Getty Pictures

For the second, all eyes are on subsequent Sunday’s French presidential election. Marine Le Pen, the candidate of the far-right Rassemblement Nationwide, is working President Emmanuel Macron shut within the polls. Le Pen has a historical past of hostility in the direction of the EU and Nato and stays an advocate of rapprochement with Russia. In a overseas coverage speech in Paris this week, she argued that “equidistance” ought to be a central precept of French overseas coverage — implying that France mustn’t favour its relationship with the US over its relationship with Russia.

Trying additional into the gap, many Europeans are watching Biden’s sinking ballot numbers with alarm. The prospect of a return of Donald Trump to the White Home in 2024 is spooking some officers at Nato and the EU.

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Even with out Trump or Le Pen in energy, tensions are already rising throughout the EU itself. Macron lately lashed out at Mateusz Morawiecki, calling him “a far-right anti-Semite who bans LGBT individuals”, following criticism from the Polish prime minister, of Macron’s choice to make quite a few telephone calls to Putin.

Marine Le Pen of the far-right Rassemblement Nationwide, who has a historical past of hostility in the direction of the EU and Nato, is simply behind Emmanuel Macron within the French presidential race © Clement Mahoudeau/AFP/Getty Pictures
Some officers at Nato and the EU concern the prospect of a return of Donald Trump to the White Home in 2024 may threaten western unity towards Russia © Chris Seward/AP

These sorts of intra-European tensions may mount over the approaching months, because the conflict in Ukraine drags on. Preliminary euphoria concerning the power of western sanctions may give method to a way of impotence and despair as Russia commits conflict crimes throughout Ukraine, whereas the west watches from the sidelines. Rising inflation within the west — specifically a surge in the price of power — may imply that voters’ consideration switches away from Ukraine and in the direction of financial difficulties at house.

Le Pen is already making the price of dwelling the centrepiece of her marketing campaign — and that’s solely set to climb throughout Europe. For instance, British shoppers, who’ve simply seen a 50 per cent rise of their power payments — are, on the present trajectory, more likely to be hit with one other 50 per cent rise in autumn. These financial woes are already resulting in divisions over sanctions. Germany continues to withstand strain to right away cease imports of Russian fuel — arguing {that a} fast curtailment may result in surges in inflation and unemployment.

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The detached south

It is usually dawning on the west that the concept that the entire world is united in condemnation of Russian actions is demonstrably false. To make sure, there have been some vital diplomatic reverses for the Kremlin. The preliminary Russian invasion was condemned on the UN Common Meeting by a vote of 141-4. Alternatively, there have been many vital abstentions. Certainly, nations that didn’t condemn Russia on the UN, together with China and India, account for greater than half the world’s inhabitants.

India’s response to the conflict in Ukraine is a specific concern, and a warning, for the west. Typically hailed because the world’s largest democracy, the Indians are essential companions in America’s plans to counter Xi Jinping’s China. Washington has even gone to the size of relabelling the world, as soon as known as the Asia-Pacific area, because the Indo-Pacific — a bow in the direction of the geopolitical significance of India. Along with Australia, Japan and the US — the Indians type a part of the Quad, a safety grouping which China has denounced as a part of an embryonic “Asian Nato”.

However whereas Australia and Japan have joined “the west” in pushing again towards Russia — India has conspicuously stood to 1 aspect. Russia’s overseas minister Lavrov lately paid a pleasant go to to Delhi and had a non-public assembly with Narendra Modi, India’s prime minister. The least discomforting clarification for India’s neutrality is easy realpolitik: the Indians purchase a variety of arms from Russia and their main strategic worries are Pakistan and China — in order that they see no motive to have a row with Russia as effectively.

India’s prime minister Narendra Modi. Whereas different Indo-Pacific nations have joined ‘the west’ in pushing again towards Russia, India has conspicuously stood to 1 aspect © AP
President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil was one of the last foreign leaders to visit Vladimir Putin in Moscow before the invasion and has stayed neutral on the war
President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil was one of many final overseas leaders to go to Vladimir Putin in Moscow earlier than the invasion and has stayed impartial on the conflict © Andressa Anholete/Getty Pictures

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However there’s additionally clearly some sentiment concerned. India media commentary on the conflict is stuffed with references to the nation’s longstanding friendship with Russia — and to the hypocrisy of the west, with all the things from the British empire to the Iraq conflict, cited in proof. Kapil Komireddi, an Indian commentator who’s sharply important of his personal authorities’s stance on Ukraine, additionally condemns the “insupportable sanctimony of the west”.

India is way from an remoted case. Brazil and South Africa additionally abstained in key UN votes on Ukraine. Two weeks after the Russian invasion, President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa — thought to be a champion of the rule of regulation and democracy at house — tweeted his due to “His Excellency Vladimir Putin for taking my name right now”. President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil was as soon as an in depth ally of Trump — however now detests the Biden administration. He was one of many final overseas leaders to go to Putin in Moscow earlier than the invasion and has stayed impartial on the conflict.

Even the west’s favorite autocrats within the Gulf states have stood to 1 aspect on this battle. The United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have additionally abstained in UN votes on Russia. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia, nurturing his personal grievances towards the Biden administration, has pointedly resisted western entreaties to extend oil manufacturing, to offset the lack of power provides from Russia.

A resident looks for belongings in an apartment building destroyed during fighting between Ukrainian and Russian forces in Borodyanka, Ukraine
A bombed residence constructing in Borodyanka, Ukraine. The pace, power and unity of the western response to the invasion stunned the Kremlin, and even some western leaders © Vadim Ghirda/AP

All of those discordant notes underline that any preliminary impression that the entire world had united in outrage towards Russia was clearly deceptive. As a substitute there’s an “axis of concern” centred on the western alliance and an “axis of indifference” centred on the World South.

Pascal Lamy, a former head of the World Commerce Group, thinks that the west ought to take this very significantly. He argues that “the China-Russia alliance is partly an alliance of narratives”. The widespread story informed by Moscow and Beijing is certainly one of western hypocrisy and double-dealing, Lamy says, and that narrative has many takers within the World South.

Even outstanding worldwide civil servants, like WHO director-general Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, are calling out the west for alleged double requirements. He questioned this week whether or not “the world actually offers equal consideration to black and white lives”, given the modest consideration on emergencies in nations equivalent to Ethiopia, Yemen and Afghanistan.

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American and European resilience

These sorts of issues ought to qualify any sense of western triumphalism about efforts to isolate Russia. Nonetheless, it stays true that the west has had disaster. For Macmillan, one of many classes is that “it’s untimely to say that the US is in decline . . . the US nonetheless has large property and energy.”

Because the historian factors out, there have been earlier eras the place American energy and resilience was written down prematurely — after the Melancholy and after the Vietnam conflict. The EU has additionally had quite a few obituary notices written for it — most lately in the course of the Greek debt disaster and after Brexit. However the EU, just like the US, is kind of resilient. And when the EU and the US work along with Japan, the UK, Canada, South Korea and Australia — these superior democracies nonetheless simply account for greater than half the world economic system.

Russia’s footballers play in a World Cup qualifying match. Within a few days of the invasion of Ukraine, the country had been kicked out of the competition
Russia’s footballers play in a World Cup qualifying match. Inside a number of days of the invasion of Ukraine, the nation had been kicked out of the competitors © Jure Makovec/AFP/Getty Pictures

In the meantime, the west’s adversaries are trying much less formidable than they had been — even a number of months in the past. The mystique of the Russian armed forces has been comprehensively punctured by the conflict in Ukraine. And China underneath Xi seems extra troubled than for some years. Beijing’s official response to the conflict in Ukraine has been evasive — as China watches its Russian ally flounder and performs for time. At house, Xi can be going through a rising disaster. His “zero Covid” coverage — hailed repeatedly by the official Chinese language media as proof of the prevalence of the Beijing mannequin of governance — is now in deep trouble, with Shanghai in a protracted and more and more unsustainable lockdown.

Three years in the past, Putin informed the FT that the western liberal mannequin was now a confirmed failure. Xi’s mantra has been that the east is rising and the west is in decline. Each males might have spoken too quickly.

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Hawksmoor restaurant chain up for sale

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Hawksmoor restaurant chain up for sale

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Hawksmoor has been put up for sale in a deal that could value the restaurant chain at about £100mn, according to two people familiar with the matter, as it seeks to grow its international footprint.

Investment bank Stephens, which has been hired to run a sales process, has started speaking to potential buyers, the people said. Graphite Capital has owned 51 per cent of Hawksmoor since 2013.

Hawksmoor chief executive and co-founder Will Beckett and another co-founder Huw Gott, who own a minority stake, will retain their shareholding to continue to lead the company, one of the people added.

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Graphite Capital said it did not comment on “market rumour” and Stephens declined to comment.

Hawksmoor did not comment on whether it was up for sale but Beckett said in a statement: “We’ve got a great relationship with Graphite, and together we are getting to know the US investment community in more depth. As that continues, an opportunity may emerge that we wish to explore together.”

Meanwhile, Rare Restaurants, the owner of rival steakhouse Gaucho, is also exploring a sale of the business having appointed Clearwater M&A advisers, two people familiar with the matter said. One person said Rare was yet to start the process, as it was not under financial pressure. Rare Restaurants and Clearwater declined to comment.

London-based Hawksmoor’s sales process comes as the chain, which operates 13 locations, including 10 in the UK, continues expanding abroad having opened in Chicago last week.

It follows Hawksmoor’s debut US site in New York in 2021 and the launch of another venue in Dublin last year.

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The company, which opened its first outlet in 2006 in east London as a place to buy better-quality steak, said last week that sales were expected to top £100mn this year with “consistent like-for-like growth”.

One person close to the company said underlying profits for the 12 months to the end of June were above £10mn, and that it aimed to expand further in the US.

In 2021, Hawksmoor shelved plans for a flotation amid uncertainty in the hospitality industry caused by Covid lockdowns, shortages of labour and supply chain disruption. The chain had been working with Berenberg private bank on the plans.

Despite surging inflation and the cost of living crisis, the UK hospitality industry has witnessed several large deals. Last year, Apollo acquired Wagamama-owner The Restaurant Group for £506mn, while Japanese group Zensho acquired Yo! Sushi owner Snowfox Group for £490mn.

Earlier this year, London-based Equistone Partners sold its stake in catering company CH&CO to the world’s largest catering group Compass in a £475mn deal.

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The exploration of a sale for Hawksmoor comes as private equity groups face pressure to sell some of their record $3tn in unsold assets in order to return cash to their backers.

Global takeovers in the first half of the year climbed 22 per cent by value thanks to a rebound in big deals, but the total number of mergers and acquisitions fell to a four-year low because of a slowdown in smaller transactions.

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Robert Towne, Oscar-winning writer of 'Chinatown,' dies at 89

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Robert Towne, Oscar-winning writer of 'Chinatown,' dies at 89

Screenwriter Robert Towne poses at The Regency Hotel in New York on March 7, 2006.

Jim Cooper/AP


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NEW YORK — Robert Towne, the Oscar-winning screenplay writer of Shampoo, The Last Detail and other films, whose script for Chinatown became a model of the art form and helped define the jaded allure of his native Los Angeles, has died. He was 89.

Towne died Monday surrounded by family at his home in Los Angeles, said publicist Carri McClure. She declined to comment on any cause of death.

In an industry which gave birth to rueful jokes about the writer’s status, Towne for a time held prestige comparable to the actors and directors he worked with. Through his friendships with two of the biggest stars of the 1960s and ’70s, Warren Beatty and Jack Nicholson, he wrote or co-wrote some of the signature films of an era when artists held an unusual level of creative control.

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The rare “auteur” among screen writers, Towne managed to bring a highly personal and influential vision of Los Angeles onto the screen.

“It’s a city that’s so illusory,” Towne told The Associated Press in a 2006 interview. “It’s the westernmost west of America. It’s a sort of place of last resort. It’s a place where, in a word, people go to make their dreams come true. And they’re forever disappointed.”

Recognizable around Hollywood for his high forehead and full beard, Towne won an Academy Award for Chinatown and was nominated three other times, for The Last Detail, Shampoo and Greystoke. In 1997, he received a lifetime achievement award from the Writers Guild of America.

“His life, like the characters he created, was incisive, iconoclastic and entirely (original),” said Shampoo actor Lee Grant on X.

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Towne’s success came after a long stretch of working in television, including The Man from U.N.C.L.E and The Lloyd Bridges Show, and on low-budget movies for “B” producer Roger Corman. In a classic show business story, he owed his breakthrough in part to his psychiatrist, through whom he met Beatty, a fellow patient. As Beatty worked on Bonnie and Clyde, he brought in Towne for revisions of the Robert Benton-David Newman script and had him on the set while the movie was filmed in Texas.

Towne’s contributions were uncredited for Bonnie and Clyde, the landmark crime film released in 1967, and for years he was a favorite ghost writer. He helped out on The Godfather, The Parallax View and Heaven Can Wait among others, and referred to himself as a “relief pitcher who could come in for an inning, not pitch the whole game.”

But Towne was credited by name for Nicholson’s macho The Last Detail and Beatty’s sex comedy Shampoo and was immortalized by Chinatown, the 1974 thriller set during the Great Depression.

Chinatown was directed by Roman Polanski and starred Nicholson as J.J. “Jake” Gittes, a private detective asked to follow the husband of Evelyn Mulwray (played by Faye Dunaway). The husband is chief engineer of the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power and Gittes finds himself caught in a chaotic spiral of corruption and violence, embodied by Evelyn’s ruthless father, Noah Cross (John Huston).

Influenced by the fiction of Raymond Chandler, Towne resurrected the menace and mood of a classic Los Angeles film noir, but cast Gittes’ labyrinthine odyssey across a grander and more insidious portrait of Southern California. Clues accumulate into a timeless detective tale, and lead helplessly to tragedy, summed up by the one of the most repeated lines in movie history, words of grim fatalism a devastated Gittes receives from his partner Lawrence Walsh (Joe Mantell): “Forget it, Jake, it’s Chinatown.”

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Towne’s script has been a staple of film writing classes ever since, although it also serves as a lesson in how movies often get made and in the risks of crediting any film to a single viewpoint. He would acknowledge working closely with Polanski as they revised and tightened the story and arguing fiercely with the director over the film’s despairing ending — an ending Polanski pushed for and Towne later agreed was the right choice. (No one has officially been credited for writing “Forget it, Jake, it’s Chinatown”).

But the concept began with Towne, who had turned down the chance to adapt The Great Gatsby for the screen so he could work on Chinatown, partly inspired by a book published in 1946, Carey McWilliams’ Southern California: An Island on the Land.

“In it was a chapter called ‘Water, water, water,’ which was a revelation to me. And I thought, ‘Why not do a picture about a crime that’s right out in front of everybody?,’ ” he told The Hollywood Reporter in 2009.

“Instead of a jewel-encrusted falcon, make it something as prevalent as water faucets, and make a conspiracy out of that. And after reading about what they were doing, dumping water and starving the farmers out of their land, I realized the visual and dramatic possibilities were enormous.”

The back story of Chinatown has itself become a kind of detective story, explored in producer Robert Evans’ memoir, The Kid Stays in the Picture; in Peter Biskind’s East Riders, Raging Bulls, a history of 1960s-1970s Hollywood, and in Sam Wasson’s The Big Goodbye, dedicated entirely to Chinatown. In The Big Goodbye, published in 2020, Wasson alleged that Towne was helped extensively by a ghost writer — former college roommate Edward Taylor. According to The Big Goodbye, for which Towne declined to be interviewed, Taylor did not ask for credit on the film because his “friendship with Robert” mattered more.

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Wasson also wrote that the movie’s famous closing line originated with a vice cop who had told Towne that crimes in Chinatown were seldom prosecuted.

“Robert Towne once said that Chinatown is a state of mind,” Wasson wrote. “Not just a place on the map in Los Angeles, but a condition of total awareness almost indistinguishable from blindness. Dreaming you’re in paradise and waking up in the dark — that’s Chinatown. Thinking you’ve got it figured out and realizing you’re dead — that’s Chinatown.”

The studios assumed more power after the mid-1970s and Towne’s standing declined. His own efforts at directing, including Personal Best and Tequila Sunrise, had mixed results. The Two Jakes, the long-awaited sequel to Chinatown, was a commercial and critical disappointment when released in 1990 and led to a temporary estrangement between Towne and Nicholson.

Towne’s greatest regret, he said in the 2006 AP interview, was how Greystoke turned out. Towne wrote the adaptation of Edgar Rice Burroughs’ novel Tarzan of the Apes and wanted to direct it. But production troubles on Personal Best bled into his hopes for Greystoke. Hugh Hudson, instead, directed the 1984 film. And while Greystoke received three Oscar nominations, including for Towne’s script, he was unhappy with the result. Towne took the name of his dog, P.H. Vazak, for his screenwriting credit, making Vazak an unlikely Oscar nominee.

Around the same time, he agreed to work on a movie far removed from the art-house aspirations of the ’70s, the Don Simpson-Jerry Bruckheimer production Days of Thunder, starring Tom Cruise as a race car driver and Robert Duvall as his crew chief. The 1990 movie was famously over budget and mostly panned, although its admirers include Quentin Tarantino and countless racing fans. And Towne’s script popularized an expression used by Duvall after Cruise complains another car slammed him: “He didn’t slam into you, he didn’t bump you, he didn’t nudge you. He rubbed you.

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“And rubbin,’ son, is racin.’”

Towne later worked with Cruise on The Firm and the first two Mission: Impossible movies. His most recent film was Ask the Dust, a Los Angeles story he wrote and directed that came out in 2006. Towne was married twice, the second time to Luisa Gaule, and had two children. His brother, Roger Towne, also wrote screenplays, his credits including The Natural.

Towne was born Robert Bertram Schwartz in Los Angeles and moved to San Pedro after his father’s business, a dress shop, closed down because of the Great Depression. (His father changed the family name to Towne). He had always loved to write and was inspired to work in movies by the proximity of the Warner Bros. Theater and from reading the critic James Agee. For a time, Towne worked on a tuna boat and would speak often of its impact.

“I’ve identified fishing with writing in my mind to the extent that each script is like a trip that you’re taking — and you are fishing,” he told the Writers Guild Association in 2013. “Sometimes they both involve an act of faith. … Sometimes it’s sheer faith alone that sustains you, because you think, ‘God damn it, nothing — not a bite today. Nothing is happening.’ “

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Analysis | In private, Democrats panic. For the Biden campaign, everything is fine.

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Analysis | In private, Democrats panic. For the Biden campaign, everything is fine.

Democrats were panicking. Donors were despondent. And some elected officials were privately questioning whether their leader should step aside.

But in President Biden’s cosseted bubble over the past five days, his 90-minute debate stage meltdown Thursday night against former president Donald Trump was merely a “bad night,” with aides quickly retreating to what they hoped was a fail-safe mantra: But Trump is worse!

Campaign officials touted their record fundraising on debate day. White House officials promised that Biden would bounce back at his upcoming North Carolina rally. And Jen O’Malley Dillon, the campaign chair, told nervous donors at the Ritz-Carlton in Atlanta on Friday that “nothing fundamentally changed in the race.”

By Tuesday, however, the business-as-usual calm the Biden team sought to impose had backfired, with some Democrats complaining of being gaslit.

Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Tex.) became the first Democratic member of Congress to defect, calling for Biden to drop out of the race, and other Democrats publicly urged Biden to more seriously address his fitness for the job. Rep. James E. Clyburn (D-S.C.) opened the door to a post-Biden election, saying on MSNBC that he would support Vice President Harris were Biden to step aside.

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The public developments represented a striking contrast from the four days after Biden’s halting 2024 debate debut, when his inner circle and campaign team publicly emitted a steady stream of denialism and don’t-believe-your-lying-eyes happy talk, arguing that the 81-year-old president — noticeably slower and physically aged than four years ago — is still the best candidate to defeat Trump in November.

“Joe isn’t just the right person for the job,” first lady Jill Biden said at a fundraiser Saturday in East Hampton, N.Y. “He’s the only person for the job.”

Officials said his post-debate swing re-energized donors and voters, pointing to his $38 million fundraising haul in the days after and his packed rally in Raleigh. They also noted Biden’s top aides made a flurry of private calls to top elected Democrats and donors, to stave off defections and reiterate that Biden had no plans to exit the race.

“We’ve always said this was going to be a close race and a tough campaign, and we’re working incredibly hard to earn every single vote, and taking nothing for granted,” Lauren Hitt, a spokeswoman for the campaign, said in a statement.

But during the four-state swing after the debate — during which he inaugurated a visitor center at the Stonewall National Monument and attended three fundraisers — Biden’s traveling entourage operated with a breezy, nothing-to-see-here attitude, as if pantomiming a thriving campaign not in the midst of an existential crisis.

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A top aide to the first lady danced as Diana Ross blared on the tarmac in Raleigh, , N.C. in the wee hours of Friday. Mike Donilon, a longtime confidant to the president and chief strategist of his campaign, eschewed a suit for casual summer wear: seersucker short-sleeve, button-down shirt and suede, horsebit loafers. And aides scoffed at reporters when they asked the president whether he planned to drop out.

Two of Biden’s granddaughters joined him for the final day of the swing, before they reunited with the rest of the Biden clan ahead of a scheduled family photo shoot with Annie Leibovitz at Camp David — a tableau that, as party leaders privately fretted about a second Trump term ushering in the end of American democracy, had echoes of Nero fiddling while Rome burned.

But as Democratic strategists, elected officials and liberal pundits publicly and privately called for — at the very least — a serious discussion about whether Biden should step aside, he and his campaign instead offered business-as-usual spin.

“It’s a familiar story: Following Thursday night’s debate, the Beltway class is counting Joe Biden out,” Dillon wrote in an email blasted out Saturday evening. “The data in the battleground states, though, tells a different story.”

But a sentence about polling later in Dillon’s memo belied her studied nonchalance, seeming to acknowledge that Biden might very well drop in the polls as voters continue to process Biden’s debate stage performance: “If we do see changes in polling in the coming weeks, it will not be the first time that overblown media narratives have driven temporary dips in the polls,” she wrote.

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Shortly after Dillon’s memo, deputy campaign manager Rob Flaherty also sent out an email full of “helpful” responses to help calm nervous Democrats.

“If you’re like me, you’re getting lots of texts or calls from folks about the state of the race after Thursday. Maybe it was your panicked aunt, your MAGA uncle, or some self-important Podcasters,” Flaherty wrote, before offering such suggested talking points as “the long-term impact of debates is overstated anyway” and “90 minutes does not negate 3-½ years of results.”

The Biden operation appears to think it has no choice but to proceed as if his meandering debate performance — his voice was frail, his thoughts were garbled, and he failed to meaningfully fact check Trump — was merely an aberration.

To even entertain the criticism ricocheting around their party would be to tacitly acknowledge what many Democratic voters have long feared and what some officials and strategists have long whispered: That Biden is too old to run for a second term, and that he should have kept his promise to serve as a “bridge” to the next generation and bowed out in time for a vigorous Democratic primary.

Now, however, Biden’s team finds itself taking what Democratic critics point to as hubris and selfishness and repackaging it as resilience.

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Inside Biden’s inner circle, the latest round of criticism — particularly from editorial boards and pundits — is being dismissed as the standard underestimation of Biden’s ability. Aides have been quick to remind anxious allies and donors of when Democrats said Biden needed to drop out of the Democratic primary in 2020 after losing badly in Iowa and New Hampshire before going on to win the nomination and defeat Trump. And they have also noted that Biden, who has suffered great personal tragedy, has weathered much tougher times and will bounce back.

As evidence, they pointed to his boisterous rally in Raleigh the day after the debate — where an adoring crowd of more than 2,000 people cheered for him and Biden delivered a fierce defense of his ability to serve as president.

“I don’t speak as smoothly as I used to. I don’t debate as well as I used to. But I know what I do know: I know how to tell the truth,” Biden said. “I know right from wrong. And I know how to do this job. I know how to get things done.”

The Biden campaign is also trying to stay focused on their original theory of the case — that this election needs to be a referendum on the former president, not the sitting one.

During the debate itself, for instance, almost three-quarters of Biden’s social media posts mentioned Trump, while other left-wing political influencers posted more frequently about how old Biden appeared and critiqued his performance, according to a Washington Post analysis of social media posts, podcasts and other public statements.

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In the days after the debate, the trend continued. More than half of Biden’s social media posts about the debate focused on Trump and his performance, while only a few addressed Biden’s own age.

The Biden strategy of happy talk, however, comes with risks, making the president and his team seem out of touch with reality.

Hilary Rosen, a longtime Democratic strategist, said she thinks the Biden operation “would have been better off sticking with honesty.”

“You can’t tell people they didn’t see what they saw,” Rosen said. ” To try to turn this around and try to make it be everybody else’s fault — it’s not only offensive, it just isn’t going to fly.”

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