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‘No peace’: Nearly a year after her son’s death, she learned that ICE was responsible

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‘No peace’: Nearly a year after her son’s death, she learned that ICE was responsible

Rachel Reyes, holds a photo of her son, Ruben Ray Martinez, a U.S. citizen who was shot and killed by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent during a traffic encounter in Texas.

Brenda Bazán for NPR


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Brenda Bazán for NPR

When Rachel Reyes thinks back to her son’s final days, she remembers how excited he was for the year ahead.

Ruben Ray Martinez had just turned 23. Reyes said her son planned to enroll in trade school to become a mechanic. He felt ready to move out of his family’s home in San Antonio and had found an apartment he liked, she added.

But on March 15, 2025, Martinez, a U.S. citizen, was shot and killed by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement agent during a traffic encounter in Texas. He’s considered the first of at least six people to have been killed by immigration agents since the start of President Trump’s second term, according to The Trace, an outlet focused on covering gun violence.

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“He would speak with enthusiasm, like he was looking forward to doing things. He thought he’d have more time,” she said. “We all thought he would have more time.”

Martinez’s death came nearly a year before immigration agents fatally shot Renee Macklin Good and Alex Pretti in separate incidents in Minneapolis. And during that time, Martinez’s mother and the public didn’t know that the officer who killed Martinez worked for ICE.

That only came to light following a public records request by American Oversight, a watchdog group, that sought documents related to ICE’s use of force. Among the records was an ICE incident report that said Martinez accelerated his car and struck a federal agent, prompting another officer to fire defensive shots.

But videos released separately last month suggest a different version of events: Footage from police body cameras appear to show federal agents standing in front of Martinez’s car as it slowly moves. It’s unclear from the videos reviewed by NPR whether the vehicle hit an agent.

Reyes told NPR that she felt betrayed by law enforcement, whom she says she always had a deep respect for. She added that losing her son was already devastating and the recent revelations about ICE’s involvement have made grieving more painful.

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“It’s like a constant state of unrest,” she said. “There was no peace and I still don’t have peace.”

Reyes holds a photo of Martinez. From the way that he cared for his siblings and nephew, she believed that Martinez would have made a great father someday.

Reyes holds a photo of Martinez. From the way that he cared for his siblings and nephew, she believed that Martinez would have made a great father someday.

Brenda Bazán for NPR


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Brenda Bazán for NPR

‘I heard Ruben say, ‘I’m sorry,’ and then he slumped backward’

Martinez was only supposed to be away from home for one night.

He told his mom that he planned to meet up with a friend and promised to be home the next day, according to Reyes.

“ He was all happy with his backpack getting ready to go,” she said. “And then, the next time I see him brought home, he’s in his urn.”

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Martinez and his friend Joshua Orta drove down to South Padre Island, a popular spring break destination in south Texas. Just after midnight, the two approached a busy intersection where a car wreck had occurred earlier that evening. Officers from multiple agencies were on the scene to help manage traffic, including South Padre Island Police, the Texas Parks and Wildlife Department and Homeland Security Investigations, which operates under ICE.

The next moments were caught on videos from officers’ body cameras that were released by the Texas Department of Public Safety (DPS) last month.

Footage from one body camera shows an officer signaling to Martinez to pull over. That officer, Texas Game Warden Juan Rosendo, later said in a police report released by DPS that he spotted an open bottle of alcohol in the car.

In a second body camera, an officer can later be heard saying “keep going.” Martinez starts to drive straight. As he gets closer to the crash site, an officer can be heard yelling, “Stop” and “Hold him.”

Moments later, Martinez’s car appears to have come to a full stop, according to footage from a third body camera. Two officers then approach the front of the vehicle — one of whom attempts to open the car door, the video shows. As this happens, Martinez’s car appears to slowly move forward and to the left. Then, three shots ring out in quick succession. The entire sequence of events lasts less than 30 seconds.

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The second body camera shows the shooter pulling Martinez’s body out of the car and onto the ground. Martinez is handcuffed and over a minute later, receives medical attention.

Rachel Reyes holds a jacket that was retrieved from her son’s car after his death.

Rachel Reyes holds a jacket that was retrieved from her son’s car after his death.

Brenda Bazán for NPR


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Brenda Bazán for NPR

According to police reports, the agent who opened fire was Homeland Security Investigations Supervisory Special Agent Jack Stevens. In a written statement to investigators, Stevens said he did so as an act of self-defense, claiming that he saw his fellow agent, Hector Sosa, “fall onto the hood of the vehicle.”

How Sosa came into contact with Martinez’s vehicle is unclear from the videos reviewed by NPR. Sosa, in his written statement to investigators, said he was treated for an unspecified knee injury. 

Later that night, Orta, who witnessed the shooting from the passenger seat, was taken into questioning. In a video released by DPS, Orta said Martinez was confused because multiple officers were yelling instructions. Martinez was also worried about getting in trouble for driving while intoxicated, according to Orta.

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“He was literally just like … panicky,” he told investigators. “He didn’t know what to do, like he definitely didn’t want to go to jail. But as far as running over an officer and endangering, he [wouldn’t] do that.”

Orta went on to say that the car was “barely moving” when he saw an “officer kind of like get on the hood.” He added that Martinez “didn’t necessarily hit him, but like, it kind of like, you know what I mean, caught his feet.”

Orta died in February in an unrelated car crash. In a written statement provided to Reyes’ lawyer before his death and then shared with NPR, Orta wrote “Ruben did not hit anyone,” adding that an agent approached the front of the car and slapped the hood.

He wrote, “Without giving any warning, commands, or opportunity to comply, the agent fired multiple shots at Ruben from an extremely close distance — no more than two feet. I heard Ruben say, ‘I’m sorry,’ and then he slumped backward.”

‘An unwillingness to admit mistakes”

The day after the shooting, a Texas Ranger came to Reyes’ home to tell her that Martinez had been fatally shot by an officer. He did not mention that the officer worked for ICE, she said.

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Reyes recalled being in shock and confused at the news because her son was not an aggressive person, she said. Far from it, Martinez was shy and laidback, she added.

“It never made sense to me,” she said. “Ruben wouldn’t use his car to hurt anyone, ever.”

In late February, a grand jury in Texas declined to bring charges against Stevens. In a statement to NPR, ICE’s acting director Todd Lyons said, “We stand by the grand jury’s unanimous decision that found no criminality. This incident was investigated from every possible angle by an independent body, and it cleared our officer.”

Since then, Democratic U.S. Reps. Robert Garcia of California and Greg Casar of Texas have called for an independent investigation into the shooting and why ICE did not disclose its involvement sooner.

Reyes’ attorney, Charles Stam, told NPR that his team is also exploring legal options, adding that he believes federal agents escalated the situation by standing in front of Martinez’s car. “ I think what we’ve seen is an unwillingness to admit mistakes,” he said.

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According to the Department of Homeland Security, immigration agents have the right to use deadly force when there’s “reasonable belief that the subject of such force poses an imminent threat.” But its policy advises agents to “avoid intentionally and unreasonably placing themselves in positions in which they have no alternative to using deadly force.”

“Sometimes there needs to be the deadly use of force. That’s something that should be undertaken with solemnity,” Stam said. “And if it’s done, there should be an investigation and people should be held accountable for their actions. We’ve seen none of that here.”

A photo of Martinez lies on a jacket that was retrieved from his car after his death.

A photo of Martinez lies on a jacket that was retrieved from his car after his death.

Brenda Bazán for NPR


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Shy, goofy and loved feeding stray cats

Martinez was quiet when he first met someone — but really, he was goofy and thoughtful, Reyes said. Her son loved feeding stray cats and had a knack for fixing things, especially cars.

From the way that he cared for his siblings and nephew, Reyes believed that Martinez would have made a great father someday. “ He would always make sure to tell them that he loved them every time they left, and he was always playing around with them and joking around,” she said. “He was really good to them.”

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For Reyes, it’s been strange to go through the day without hearing his laughter from across the hall or smelling French toast and eggs, which Martinez was learning to perfect.

“ I could always tell when he got started because I could smell the burnt eggs,” she said. “He would FaceTime me in the kitchen like, ‘How do you make your eggs so fluffy?’”

It was especially tough last month — which marked Martinez’s 24th birthday and the anniversary of his death. Reyes used to take her son to a nice restaurant to celebrate his birthday. Although she planned to stay home this year, her family encouraged her to keep the tradition going.

Reyes said it was nice to be at dinner with loved ones, but it wasn’t the same. “It’s just an obvious difference without him here,” Reyes said.

Still, like always, she saved a seat for her son.

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Video: A Look at the Plans for Trump’s ‘Triumphal Arch’

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Video: A Look at the Plans for Trump’s ‘Triumphal Arch’

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A Look at the Plans for Trump’s ‘Triumphal Arch’

The structure proposed for President Trump’s arch would be 250 feet, more than twice the height of the Lincoln Memorial. It would sit near Arlington National Cemetery. A commission filled with Trump appointees is to review plans on Thursday.

The United States’ triumphal arc will be outfitted with beautiful artwork and depictions celebrating the success of the American people over our 250-year history.

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The structure proposed for President Trump’s arch would be 250 feet, more than twice the height of the Lincoln Memorial. It would sit near Arlington National Cemetery. A commission filled with Trump appointees is to review plans on Thursday.

By Shawn Paik

April 16, 2026

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3 things to know about naval blockades as U.S. begins patrols in the Strait of Hormuz

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3 things to know about naval blockades as U.S. begins patrols in the Strait of Hormuz

The U.S. Navy’s aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln sails alongside guided-missile destroyer USS Frank E. Petersen Jr. and dry cargo ship USNS Carl Brashear in the Arabian Sea on Feb. 6.

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Days after the U.S. Navy began blockading the Strait of Hormuz, key questions remain unanswered about how such a large-scale operation can be sustained — and history suggests naval blockades are difficult to enforce and their results are often unpredictable at best.

The White House says it wants to choke off Iran’s main source of revenue, oil exports, by cutting the country off from global maritime trade. It’s a move aimed at increasing economic pressure on Iran after weeks of U.S. strikes have failed to persuade the country’s leaders to agree to end the war on Washington’s terms.

The U.S. Middle East command, known as CENTCOM, said on Sunday that it would intercept all vessels going to and from Iranian ports and will “not impede freedom of navigation” for ships from all other Persian Gulf ports.

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Meanwhile, President Trump has made clear that stopping all shipping to and from Iran is aimed at strangling Iran’s ability to export petroleum. The administration labels the pressure tactic as a blockade — though Bryan Clark, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, argues it’s more of a naval quarantine, because “the U.S. is only stopping traffic that’s coming from Iran.”

Such a tactic is simply a new facet in the long-term sanctions that the U.S. has placed on Iran, says Eric Schuck, an economics professor at Linfield University in Oregon. He says the U.S. is following the classic economic pressure tactic aimed at breaking an enemy’s economy. The way to do that is finding and cutting off “something which is nonsubstitutable, something that is so essential to their economy that everything else is going to come to a halt.” In Iran’s case, that is oil.

But will the strategy work? Here are three lessons learned from the history of naval blockades.

Blockades zap resources and are hard to enforce

For much of history, naval blockades were mostly enforced through coordinated patrols, control of key routes and strategic positioning of ships. During the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars of the early 19th century, for example, Britain imposed blockades on key French ports, which required a significant portion of the Royal Navy’s ships. And even then, some nimble French vessels — blockade runners — were still able to slip through the British screen.

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Unlike the British squadrons off French ports or blockades during the 20th century, the U.S. Navy can use shipboard position beacons, satellites, drones and helicopters to locate and watch vessels coming in and out of the Strait of Hormuz, according to Steve Dunn, author of Blockade: Cruiser Warfare and the Starvation of Germany in World War One.

“Detection of vessels is much easier, with satellite, [planes and drones] and radar,” using helicopters and fast boats to send boarding parties to determine whether a ship will be allowed to pass, Dunn wrote in an email to NPR.

The Navy will likely need “six or so destroyers in rotation” to enforce the strait blockade, according to the Hudson Institute’s Clark, who is an expert in naval operations and electronic warfare. Prior to the U.S.-Iran war, an average of 138 ships passed through the strait daily. With so many vessels going through the strategic choke point, “it would be almost impossible [for the Navy] to keep up with that traffic volume,” he says.

The early months of the Ukraine war demonstrated a similar difficulty: Russia’s navy initially tried to restrict Ukrainian maritime exports from the Black Sea, using sea mines and warships to threaten commercial traffic. It resulted in a de facto partial blockade of Ukrainian grain exports, which are crucial to Ukraine’s economy. But it was “quite quickly negotiated away,” partly because Russia lacked the full military capacity needed to enforce it, according to Nicholas Mulder, a professor at Cornell University who specializes in the history of sanctions, blockades and economic warfare.

“That’s the difficult thing about blockades — you have to enforce them,” Mulder says.

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The logistics of enforcing a blockade are not simple, Clark says. The blockading country’s navy must essentially pull over ships, like a traffic cop at sea. In the Arabian Sea outside the strait, the U.S. Navy “would intercept [ships] and basically get in their way and force them to turn … or take them over to a marshaling area or an anchorage in Oman,” he says.

The Navy isn’t prepared to track and stop that many ships, he says: “I don’t see the U.S. mounting a scorched-earth campaign of attacking every little vessel that tries to evade the blockade.”

They aren’t always effective

Schuck, of Linfield University, says during World War II, the Allied and Axis submarine campaigns — effectively naval blockades of shipping — provide a stark dichotomy of outcomes. The German U-boat campaign against Britain in the 1940s operated under the assumption that “if we sink everything, then it doesn’t matter. … We can cripple the British war economy,” Schuck says. However, in the end Britain was “able to make sure that the one supply line that mattered, that North Atlantic supply line,” remained open.

By contrast, the U.S. submarine campaign against Japan was “brutally effective,” targeting oil and resource flows from the Dutch East Indies to the Japanese home islands. The pressure forced Japan to shift its fleet in a way that undermined its own defense, since “they had to relocate a bunch of their fleet” just to defend their oil supply. As a result, things deteriorated on the homefront, Schuck says: By the closing months of the war, the caloric intake in Japan had dropped dramatically.

They don’t always hit their target

If history is any guide, naval blockades often have unintended consequences. “In most cases, what we’re aiming at and what we actually break are two different things,” says Schuck, who has studied the economics of naval blockades.

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During World War I, the Allies imposed a naval blockade on Germany to restrict imports of strategic materials such as nitrates and phosphates used in explosives. However, these same chemicals were also critical for the production of fertilizer.

“What wound up breaking wasn’t so much the German defense industrial base — it was their agricultural sector,” Schuck says. As a result, Germany’s civilian population faced severe food shortages and widespread malnutrition in the latter years of the war.

Likewise, during the British blockade of French ports around the turn of the 19th century, French trade collapsed along with the economy.

In the case of Iran, Schuck says, its oil revenue is its lifeblood, so “there is a potential … that their food supply could be exposed from this.” But that likely depends on how long the blockade lasts or how effective it is at shutting down Iran’s commerce.

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Video: What the Iran War Means for China

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Video: What the Iran War Means for China
Our national security correspondent David E. Sanger examines what the Iran war means to China, which is the world’s biggest importer of Iranian oil.

By David E. Sanger, Nikolay Nikolov, Alexandra Ostasiewicz, Gilad Thaler, Coleman Lowndes, Jon Miller, David Seekamp, Rafaela Balster, Jordan Gantz and Stephanie Swart

April 15, 2026

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