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Meet the 23-Year-Old Student Who Raised $25 Million in Democratic Losses

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Meet the 23-Year-Old Student Who Raised  Million in Democratic Losses

After the Democratic candidates in Florida’s special elections burned through millions and millions of dollars on the way to double-digit losses this week, some Democrats are asking where that money deluge came from — and where it all went.

The answer to both questions is, in part, a 23-year-old law student and dungeon master — in Dungeons & Dragons — with a lucrative side gig.

In between classes and fantasy play, Jackson McMillan is also the chief executive of Key Lime Strategies, a small fund-raising firm in Florida that scored big when it landed as clients the two Democratic nominees in the Florida congressional elections, Josh Weil and Gay Valimont. Mr. McMillan said they had combined to raise $25 million.

“We’ve built a juggernaut,” he said in an interview.

Along the way, Mr. McMillan has piled up critics far beyond his years. Much of the focus is on his unusual fee structure, which one top party official excoriated in a cease-and-desist letter as “exorbitant.” His firm received a 25 percent cut of “true profits” — the proceeds after fund-raising expenses — for both special elections.

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Mr. McMillan is unapologetic.

“A lot of the people who are critiquing me online are mad that it wasn’t them,” he said of raising so much money, which he said put a scare into Republicans and injected real money into long-neglected corners of a rightward-drifting state.

One secret ingredient to his firm’s success, Mr. McMillan explained, is Dungeons & Dragons.

“All the senior fund-raising strategists at my firm — myself, Ryan — we’re dungeon masters,” he said of his college friend and the firm’s chief operating officer, Ryan Eliason. “We run Dungeons & Dragons games. So we weave narratives and tales. It’s like our biggest hobby. We basically tell a really compelling story. And that’s what sets us apart from — that and a lot of technical analysis — is what sets us apart from some of our competitors.”

Others say the story his team spun up about Mr. Weil and Ms. Valimont made him a false-hope merchant who cashed in on the desperation of small Democratic donors wanting to fight the new Trump administration. These were lopsidedly Republican seats, which the G.O.P. won by more than 30 percentage points last fall and where Democrats faced near-impossible odds; the Republicans won by 14 percentage points on Tuesday.

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Stefan Smith, a digital strategist who is head of digital engagement at the American Civil Liberties Union, called the 25-percent-of-profits fee structure “absurd” and said the races had diverted donor money from more urgent priorities under false pretenses of competitiveness.

“Democrats are experiencing the largest trust gap we’ve experienced in a generation, and we are not going to win that back by letting predators roam freely across the digital ecosystem,” Mr. Smith said, speaking in his personal capacity. “It is on all of us to hunt them to extinction.”

There is no single standard for fund-raising contracts, but more typically, consultants earn a retainer and either a percentage of what is spent creating and placing ads, or a much smaller percentage of what is raised overall.

So just how much did Mr. McMillan’s firm clear?

“I don’t think I’m totally comfortable sharing that,” he said, waving off talk that it had amounted to a multimillion-dollar payout and saying that all of the bills had yet to be settled.

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“Don’t get me wrong,” he added. “My firm did well.”

Records show that by mid-March, the two campaigns had paid his firm $4.7 million, roughly 38 percent of their total spending.

Much of the money sent to Key Lime Strategies appears to have paid for fund-raising ads.

In the first 90 days of the year, Mr. Weil’s campaign was the single biggest political spender on Instagram and Facebook in the nation, spending $2.5 million. Ms. Valimont’s campaign was close behind, at $2.1 million.

Neither Mr. Weil nor Ms. Valimont returned calls for comment. Both sent written statements praising Mr. McMillan. Mr. Weil said the campaign’s payments to the company had covered polling and mailers, as well as email, text and social media messaging.

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“The work he did on this campaign should cement Jackson McMillan as the gold standard for Dem fund-raising and political coordination in the state of Florida for years to come,” he said. Ms. Valimont said the funds helped to boost “voter registration efforts that would never have garnered any investment under normal circumstances.”

It’s an adage of online political fund-raising that you have to spend money to make money. (And raising big money brings more media attention, which in turn can bring in more money.) The question is if quite that much needed to be spent. Records show the advertising blitz overwhelmingly went to raising more money rather than persuading Florida voters.

Both Mr. Weil and Ms. Valimont, for instance, spent far more on ads in California than in Florida, records show.

All told, the Weil campaign spent far less on local television ads, $1.5 million, than out-of-state online fund-raising.

At one point in the race, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York, said she was being featured in fund-raising appeals without her permission. And lawyers for David Hogg, a Democratic National Committee vice chair, wrote a cease-and-desist letter asking Mr. McMillan to pull ads featuring Mr. Hogg because he would not “lend his name to fund-raising efforts that divert substantial portions of the proceeds from a campaign to cover exorbitant fees for fund-raising consultants.”

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Mr. Hogg went even further in a post on X. “People like Jackson McMillan are the exact type of consultants who people say are the problem in our party,” he wrote.

In an interview, Mr. Hogg explained his decision to go after Mr. McMillan by name: “Nothing is going to change until we start calling these people out.”

Mr. McMillan said that the episode had been a “misunderstanding” and that the firm had pulled the ads and apologized. He noted that he and Mr. Hogg, 24, had risen in Florida politics at the same time and are of the same generation.

“We’re in the same space,” Mr. McMillan said. “And I would love to work together with Vice Chair Hogg more, and I think we have the same motives and goals, which is why I was very, very surprised to see his onslaught of attacks.”

Mr. McMillan is also the treasurer of the Florida Future Leaders PAC, a youth-organizing group formed last year. State records show the PAC paid Key Lime Strategies more than $534,000, roughly 65 percent of the group’s total expenses.

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Mr. McMillan defended his firm’s pay structure, which is listed on its website, as cheaper and “more ethical” than some rivals, who sometimes take a smaller cut of the total raised, regardless of what the campaign is netting.

Mr. McMillan said he had actually stumbled into the digital fund-raising business.

He was once an aspiring paleontologist at the University of Florida, where he said he had enrolled early as a 15-year-old after skipping some grades. But a trip to Wyoming for a dinosaur-bone dig was interrupted by a car accident, and he recalled rethinking his career choice as he removed glass shards from his arm.

He met his business partner and current roommate, Mr. Eliason, in college. They formed the Magic the Gatoring club, where students gathered to play the fantasy card game Magic the Gathering, and a quick bond followed.

Mr. McMillan filed the paperwork for Key Lime Strategies in June 2022 and began doing political field programs for local races, including some for the Tampa City Council. “It was a lot of work for not a lot of payoff,” Mr. McMillan recalled of early fund-raising efforts.

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But then came Ms. Valimont’s first long-shot bid for Congress, in 2024 against Matt Gaetz — a high-profile villain for many Democrats. Mr. McMillan, by then a full-time student, said it had been the “perfect contest” to experiment in.

Ms. Valimont raised $1.58 million. More than half — $812,824.15 — went to Key Lime Strategies.

She lost by 32 percentage points.

Then she ran in the special election, rehired Key Lime Strategies, raised millions more and lost again.

If fund-raising doesn’t work out, Mr. McMillian is already testing another business that he filed the paperwork for in January: using artificial intelligence to spot consumer complaints for potential lawsuits against “corporate bad actors.” “That is the kind of law that I am most familiar with,” he said, citing some courses and an internship last summer.

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Either way, he is betting on himself — and his Gen Z colleagues.

“I will put money on a 20-something in politics every day over someone who’s been doing this for 40 years,” Mr. McMillan said. “Give them an energy drink, and they will outwork you 10 to one.”

Kitty Bennett contributed research.

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

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Want to opt out of AI? State labeling laws might help

Red STOP AI protest flyer with meeting details taped to a light pole on a city street in San Francisco, California on May 20, 2025.

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Utah and California have passed laws requiring entities to disclose when they use AI. More states are considering similar legislation. Proponents say labels make it easier for people who don’t like AI to opt out of using it.

“They just want to be able to know,” says Utah Department of Commerce executive director Margaret Woolley Busse, who is implementing new state laws requiring state-regulated businesses to disclose when they use AI with their customers.

“If that person wants to know if it’s human or not, they can ask. And the chatbot has to say.”

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California passed a similar law regarding chatbots back in 2019. This year it expanded disclosure rules, requiring police departments to specify when they use AI products to help write incident reports.

“I think AI in general and police AI in specific really thrives in the shadows, and is most successful when people don’t know that it’s being used,” says Matthew Guariglia, a senior policy analyst for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which supported the new law. I think labeling and transparency is really the first step.”

As an example, Guariglia points to San Francisco, which now requires all city departments to report publicly how and when they use AI.

Such localized regulations are the kind of thing the Trump Administration has tried to head off. White House “AI Czar” David Sacks has referred to a “state regulatory frenzy that is damaging the startup ecosystem.”

Daniel Castro, with the industry-supported think tank Information Technology & Innovation Foundation, says AI transparency can be good for markets and democracy, but it may also slow innovation.

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“You can think of an electrician that wants to use AI to help communicate with his or her customers … to answer queries about when they’re available,” Castro says. If companies have to disclose the use of AI, he says, “maybe that turns off the customers and they don’t really want to use it anymore.”

For Kara Quinn, a homeschool teacher in Bremerton, Wash., slowing down the spread of AI seems appealing.

“Part of the issue, I think, is not just the thing itself; it’s how quickly our lives have changed,” she says. “There may be things that I would buy into if there were a lot more time for development and implementation.”

At the moment, she’s changing email addresses because her longtime provider recently started summarizing the contents of her messages with AI.

“Who decided that I don’t get to read what another human being wrote? Who decides that this summary is actually what I’m going to think of their email?” Quinn says. “I value my ability to think. I don’t want to outsource it.”

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Quinn’s attitude to AI caught the attention of her sister-in-law, Ann-Elise Quinn, a supply chain analyst who lives in Washington, D.C. She’s been holding “salons” for friends and acquaintances who want to discuss the implications of AI, and Kara Quinn’s objections to the technology inspired the theme of a recent session.

“How do we opt out if we want to?” she asks. “Or maybe [people] don’t want to opt out, but they want to be consulted, at the very least.”

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

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In a Looming Nuclear Arms Race, Aging Los Alamos Faces a Major Test

In a sprawling building atop a mesa in New Mexico, workers labor around the clock to fulfill a vital mission: producing America’s nuclear bomb cores.

The effort is uniquely challenging. Technicians at Los Alamos National Laboratory must handle hazardous plutonium to create the grapefruit-size cores, known as pits. They do so in a nearly 50-year-old building under renovation to address aging infrastructure and equipment breakdowns that have at times disrupted operations or spread radioactive contamination, The New York Times found.

Now, the laboratory is under increasing pressure to meet the federal government’s ambitions to upgrade the nation’s nuclear arsenal. The $1.7 trillion project includes everything from revitalizing missile silos burrowed deep in five states, to producing new warheads that contain the pits, to arming new land-based missiles, bomber jets and submarines.

But the overall modernization effort is years behind schedule, with costs ballooning by the billions, according to the Congressional Budget Office. In 2018, Congress charged Los Alamos with making an annual quota of 30 pits by 2026, but by last year it had produced just one approved for the nuclear stockpile. (Officials have not disclosed whether more have been made since then.)

That pace has put the lab — and especially the building called Plutonium Facility 4, or PF-4 — under scrutiny by Trump administration officials.

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With food stamps set to dry up Nov. 1, SNAP recipients say they fear what’s next

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With food stamps set to dry up Nov. 1, SNAP recipients say they fear what’s next

Roughly 42 million Americans rely on food stamps that arrive every month on their electronic benefit transfer cards. On Nov. 1, that aid is set to abruptly stop amid the ongoing U.S. government shutdown, potentially leaving households scrambling to figure out how to put food on the table.

People enrolled in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, told CBS News they’re bracing for some tough financial choices. Kasey McBlais, a 42-year-old single mom who lives in Buckfield, Maine, said she’s planning to delay paying her electric and credit card bills to make sure her two children have enough to eat. 

“Now we’ll have to prioritize which bills we can pay and which can wait,” said McBlais, who works for a Maine social services agency and who draws about $600 a month in SNAP benefits. “My children won’t go hungry.”

The suspension of food aid comes as Democratic and Republican lawmakers continue to trade blame over the government shutdown, which now stands as the second-longest funding lapse in U.S. history. The U.S. Department of Agriculture, which funds the SNAP program, warned earlier this month that there would be insufficient funding to pay full November benefits if the shutdown continued, prompting local governments to post notices on their websites about the potential interruption in payments. 

“Bottom line, the well has run dry,” the USDA said in a memo posted Sunday on its website. “At this time, there will be no benefits issued November 01.”

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Democratic lawmakers have asked the USDA to use contingency funds to cover most of next month’s SNAP benefits, but an agency memo surfaced on Friday that says “contingency funds are not legally available to cover regular benefits.” The document says the money is reserved for such things as helping people in disaster areas.

That means beginning Nov. 1, the government will halt about $8 billion in monthly SNAP payments, cutting off food assistance for the one in eight Americans who are enrolled in the program. Recipients, who include households in every state, typically get about $187 a month on a prepaid card to help cover the cost of groceries.

Some U.S. states, including Louisiana, Vermont and Virginia, have vowed to continue disbursing SNAP benefits even if the federal government suspends payments. New York on Monday pledged $30 million in emergency food assistance, while also recently committing to provide millions more in support for food banks. 

Yet the USDA memo stipulates that states won’t be reimbursed for temporarily providing food aid to residents, raising questions about the viability of that approach. 

Sharlene Sutton, a 45-year-old mother of four in Dorchester, Mass., who left her job as a security officer last month to care for one of her children, who has epilepsy, said she relies on the $549 she gets in monthly SNAP benefits to feed her family. 

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“I was freaking out because I’m like, ‘Oh my god, now I don’t have a job,’” she told CBS News. “I’m not worried about myself that much. It’s about the kids. Like, where am I going to get food from?”

Turning to food banks

Sutton said she’s looking for a food bank to help fill the gap if her food aid is cut off. But experts warn that the non-profit organizations alone aren’t capable of filling the $8 billion monthly hole left by a looming SNAP suspension. 

“The charitable food system and food banks don’t have the resources to replace all those food dollars,” John Sayles, CEO of Vermont Foodbank in Barre, Vermont, told CBS News. 

Already, food banks are getting an influx of calls from SNAP recipients who are worried about the payments freeze, and food shelves could see long lines next month if the shutdown persists, Sayles said. 

“There is no safety net after SNAP other than the food shelf,” he added.

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Albuquerque, New Mexico’s Roadrunner Food Bank, which typically serves 83,000 households per week, is “seeing panic” among residents due to the SNAP halt, said Katy Anderson, vice president of strategy, partnerships and advocacy at the nonprofit organization. 

Even before this new surge in demand, food banks were already facing pressures because of the growing number of people seeking their services, aggravated this year by persistent inflation, and funding constraints. In March, the USDA said it was nixing $420 million in funding for a program that allows food banks to buy food directly from local farms, ranchers and producers. 

A surge in patrons could also strain food banks as they face their own funding struggles and contend with growing demand thanks to inflation ticking higher in March, the USDA said it was nixing $420 million in funding for a program that allows food banks to buy food directly from local farms, ranchers and producers. 

Broader economic impact

A temporary halt in $8 billion in monthly food aid could also impact local businesses, from grocers to farm stands, said Sayles of Vermont Foodbank. Each $1 in SNAP benefits provides an economic benefit of $1.60, he said, referring to the so-called multiplier effect in which dollars flowing through the local economy help support spending, jobs and growth. 

“SNAP is the foundation of economic support for a lot of food retailers, like those smaller places in rural areas and the corner store in our cities,” said Kate Bauer, an associate professor of nutritional services at the University of Michigan. “So this has far-reaching impacts beyond just the people who get SNAP.”

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SNAP is designed to provide supplemental aid for a family’s grocery budget, but some families depend on it as their main source of income to buy food, Bauer noted. For those living paycheck to paycheck, even a short disruption in benefits can have immediate consequences, experts said.

The loss of SNAP funding threatens some of the most vulnerable people in the U.S., with the Center on Budget Policy and Priorities noting that two-thirds of food-stamp recipients are children, seniors or people with disabilities.

For McBlais, the single mom, the issue isn’t political. Rather, it’s about making sure families can eat in an economy where many are already struggling to afford rent, utilities and basic groceries, she told CBS News. 

“Everybody needs food — SNAP recipients are Democratic, Republicans and everything in between,” McBlais said. 

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