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How Trump’s Second Term Is Already Different From His First

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How Trump’s Second Term Is Already Different From His First

During his Inaugural Address on Monday, President Trump made a point of telling the country that he had learned “a lot” over the past eight years.

The four and a half days since have revealed what he meant.

Gone are the Washington outsiders who took the reins of government in 2017 and struggled to get its wheels turning. Instead, we’ve seen a hailstorm of action that reflects how Trump’s advisers have become masters of the government bureaucracy they have promised to upend.

My colleague Charlie Savage has covered law, government and the way presidents use their power for more than two decades. He reported extensively on the first Trump administration as well as on Trump’s plans for his second, and I asked him to talk us through just how much is different this time around — and what that could mean for the presidency to come.

Our conversation was condensed and edited for clarity.

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JB: You covered the first Trump administration, and now you’ve covered the first week of the second one. What was different in the opening days of Trump II, compared with Trump I?

CS: The opening of the first Trump administration was chaotic and dysfunctional. Trump had little support from the Republican establishment during the 2016 campaign. He and many of the officials he gathered around him when he took office simply did not know what they were doing at first — and it showed. Trump issued only four executive orders in his first five days in office in 2017. Even when the pace later picked up, many of his early directives were effectively press releases that did not do much of substance, or were so poorly developed that it was a no-brainer for courts to block them.

By contrast, the second Trump administration has begun with a blizzard of consequential executive orders. A few are vague nothing-burgers — like ordering the government to think about ways to reduce prices — but most are very substantive. Many of his policy changes will strike many people as extreme. Some, as I wrote this week, pushed at the limits of legitimate executive power and may not survive court challenges. One about ending birthright citizenship has already been blocked for now. But inarguably, Trump is moving much more quickly to achieve his goals.

This is partly because he and his advisers learned a lot about how government works over the course of his first term. And partly because, over the past eight years, Trumpism has become the conservative establishment, and policy think tanks in Washington are now aligned with and helping him — like Project 2025.

To be sure, things are still bumpy, but Trump’s advisers have been carefully planning out this takeover.

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What, specifically, does it seem like Trump — or the people around him — have learned since 2017? Have they figured out how to be bureaucrats?

Here’s one example of how they are operating more shrewdly. One of the executive orders that got less attention this week was about foreign visitors to the United States. It has a section that requires the government to take two months to study vetting and screening procedures in countries around the world, and then to deliver a report identifying which are so deficient as to supposedly warrant banning entry to the United States by any citizens of those countries.

It appears that the administration is planting a seed to later revive Trump’s controversial ban on travel by people from several predominantly Muslim countries. Last time, he abruptly imposed that policy days after taking office without careful planning, and the courts immediately blocked it. Making a show of having studied the issue first may make it easier to defend a new travel ban in court.

Who has been most responsible for putting these changes into practice?

One person who seems to have learned a lot is Stephen Miller, a top domestic policy adviser to Trump who has long been an architect of his immigration crackdown policies. He was a Senate aide before 2017, and learned over the course of Trump’s first term how to avoid pitfalls and get things done within the executive branch bureaucracy. He spent the four years out of office cultivating donors and relationships, both on Capitol Hill and with lawyers and others now going into the administration. He also helped get specific allies into key positions around the new administration, positioning them to keep the gears of bureaucracy turning the way he wants them to.

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Trump clearly wanted to put a stamp on the first week of the presidency. But, in a way, is it actually Miller’s imprint that we are seeing, given how much preparation and nuts-and-bolts strategizing he has put into this opening salvo?

No president personally performs the nuts-and-bolts work of drafting the executive orders and proclamations that he signs. That said, I have no doubt that Miller played a major role in developing the cluster of immigration actions we saw this week. He had previewed a lot of those very steps back in the fall of 2023, when I and my colleagues Jonathan Swan and Maggie Haberman were working on a series about the policy stakes of a potential return to power by Trump.

Plenty of other people were heavily involved, too. For example, Russell Vought, who was Trump’s head of the Office of Management and Budget in his first term and is set to reprise that role, has been very interested in other policy themes we have seen reflected in these early orders, such as efforts to impose tighter political control over the federal bureaucracy. At Project 2025, Vought was in charge of drafting executive orders that Trump could consider issuing early on if he got back into power. Of course, during the campaign Trump tried to distance himself from Project 2025; we don’t know yet whether or which of these early orders trace back to that effort.

Taken together, what does Trump’s first week in office tell us about how he now views power, and about his hold on the levers of government? What might it tell us about how he’ll approach the next four years?

Trump has tightened his grip on the Republican Party, and that party controls Congress, so he has no fear of impeachment. He cannot run for president again, so he has no fear of rejection by voters. He appointed a large number of federal judges during his first term, which means he now faces a federal judiciary that is much more tilted in his favor than when he first took office. He managed to wriggle free from two federal indictments and even survived an assassination attempt. The decision last summer by the six Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices to declare a constitutional doctrine of broad immunity for presidents can only be giving him additional confidence.

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Against the backdrop of all that, I think the scope and aggression of his early executive orders and his decision to grant clemency to even those Jan. 6 rioters who violently assaulted police officers are clear signals that he is feeling little constraint.

By now, you’ve seen the gesture made by the world’s richest man during President Trump’s inaugural festivities. You may also have seen his prominent defenders. But my colleague Katrin Bennhold, a former Berlin bureau chief, writes that there was little debate in Germany over the meaning of Musk’s outstretched arm.

In Germany, gestures like the one Musk made are illegal, along with other symbols and slogans from the Nazi era. So for the German establishment, the situation was very clear.

“A Hitler salute is a Hitler salute is a Hitler salute,” the prominent weekly Die Zeit wrote in an editorial.

“There is no need to make this unnecessarily complicated,” the editorial said. “Anyone on a political stage giving a political speech in front of a partly right-wing extremist audience” — present at the inauguration were several far-right politicians from Germany, Italy, France and Britain — “anyone who raises their right arm in a swinging manner and at an angle several times is doing the Hitler salute.”

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Read more here.

As President Trump traveled to North Carolina and California on Friday, to view damage from Hurricane Helene, in Asheville, N.C., and from the continuing wildfires in Los Angeles, he seemed to demonstrate a tendency I wrote about just a couple of weeks ago: mixing politics into the once politically neutral territory of disasters.

As a candidate, Trump made a series of false claims about the Helene disaster response as he sought to depict the Biden administration’s efforts as hapless. On Friday in Asheville, he said that former President Biden had done a “bad job” and that he was mulling shuttering FEMA altogether. He has previously threatened to withhold disaster aid to California, and he said today that he wanted to secure new voter ID laws and new water management policies while he was there.

California officials are already worried about how he might treat their state.

“He’s infected much of the Republican Party in Washington to view us not as the United States of America but as red states and blue states,” Senator Adam Schiff, the California Democrat, told my colleague Annie Karni. “We’re going to have to deal with that.”

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Video: Clashes With Federal Agents in Minneapolis Escalate

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Video: Clashes With Federal Agents in Minneapolis Escalate

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Clashes With Federal Agents in Minneapolis Escalate

Fear and frustration among residents in Minneapolis have mounted as ICE and Border Patrol agents have deployed aggressive tactics and conducted arrests after the killing of Renee Good by an immigration officer last week.

“Open it. Last warning.” “Do you have an ID on you, ma’am?” “I don’t need an ID to walk around in — In my city. This is my city.” “OK. Do you have some ID then, please?” “I don’t need it.” “If not, we’re going to put you in the vehicle and we’re going to ID you.” “I am a U.S. citizen.” “All right. Can we see an ID, please?” “I am a U.S. citizen.”

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Fear and frustration among residents in Minneapolis have mounted as ICE and Border Patrol agents have deployed aggressive tactics and conducted arrests after the killing of Renee Good by an immigration officer last week.

By Jamie Leventhal and Jiawei Wang

January 13, 2026

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Lindsey Halligan argues she should still be U.S. attorney, accuses judge of abuse of power

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Lindsey Halligan argues she should still be U.S. attorney, accuses judge of abuse of power

Top Justice Department officials defended Lindsey Halligan’s attempts to remain in her position as a U.S. attorney in court filings Tuesday, responding to a federal judge who demanded to know why she was continuing to do so after another judge had found that her appointment was invalid.

The filing, signed by Halligan, Attorney General Pam Bondi and Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, accused a Trump-appointed judge of “gross abuse of power,” and attempting to “coerce the Executive Branch into conformity.”

Last week, U.S. District Judge David Novak, who sits on the federal bench in Richmond, ordered Halligan to provide the basis for her repeated use of the title of U.S. attorney and explain why it “does not constitute a false or misleading statement.” 

Novak gave Halligan seven days to respond to his order and brief on why he “should not strike Ms. Halligan’s identification as United States attorney” after she listed herself on an indictment returned in the Eastern District of Virginia in December as a “United States attorney and special attorney.”

U.S. District Judge Cameron Currie had ruled in November that Halligan’s appointment as interim U.S. attorney was invalid and violated the Constitution’s Appointments Clause, and she dismissed the cases Halligan had brought against former FBI Director James Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James. 

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The statute invoked by the Trump administration to appoint Halligan allows an interim U.S. attorney to serve for 120 days. After that, the interim U.S. attorney may be extended by the U.S. district court judges for the region. 

Currie found that the 120-day clock began when Halligan’s predecessor, Erik Siebert was initially appointed in January 2025. Currie concluded that when that timeframe expired, Bondi’s authority to appoint an interim U.S. attorney expired along with it. 

The judge ruled that Halligan had been serving unlawfully since Sept. 22 and concluded that “all actions flowing from Ms. Halligan’s defective appointment” had to be set aside. That included the Comey and James indictments.

In their response, Bondi, Blanche and Halligan called Novak’s move an “inquisition,” “insult,” and a “cudgel” against the executive branch. The Justice Department argued that Currie’s ruling in November applied only to the Comey and James cases and did not bar Halligan from calling herself U.S. attorney in other cases that she oversees. 

“Adding insult to error, [Novak’s order] posits that the United States’ continued assertion of its legal position that Ms. Halligan properly serves as the United States Attorney amounts to a factual misrepresentation that could trigger attorney discipline. The Court’s thinly veiled threat to use attorney discipline to cudgel the Executive Branch into conforming its legal position in all criminal prosecutions to the views of a single district judge is a gross abuse of power and an affront to the separation of powers,” the Justice Department wrote.

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In his earlier order, Novak said that Currie’s decision “remains binding precedent in this district and is not subject to being ignored.”

The Justice Department called Currie’s ruling “erroneous”: and said that Halligan is entitled to maintain her position “notwithstanding a single district judge’s contrary view.”

On Monday, the second-highest ranking federal prosecutor in the Eastern District of Virginia, Robert McBride, was fired after he refused to help lead the Justice Department’s prosecution of Comey, a source familiar with the matter told CBS News. McBride is a former longtime federal prosecutor in Kentucky’s Eastern District and had only been on the job as first assistant U.S. attorney for a few months after joining the office in the fall. 

Halligan is a former insurance lawyer who was a member of President Trump’s legal team, and joined Mr. Trump’s White House staff after he won a second term in 2024. In September, Halligan was selected to serve as interim U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia after her predecessor abruptly left the post amid concerns he would be forced out for failing to prosecute James.

Just days after she was appointed, Halligan sought and secured a two-count indictment against Comey alleging he lied to Congress during testimony in September 2020. James, the New York attorney general, was indicted on bank fraud charges in early October. Both pleaded not guilty and pursued several arguments to have their respective indictments dismissed, including the validity of Halligan’s appointment, and claims of vindictive prosecution.

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Scott Adams, the controversial cartoonist behind ‘Dilbert,’ dies at 68

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Scott Adams, the controversial cartoonist behind ‘Dilbert,’ dies at 68

Cartoonist Scott Adams poses with his a life-size cutout of his creation, Dilbert, in 2014.

Lea Suzuki/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images


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Lea Suzuki/San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images

Scott Adams, the controversial cartoonist who skewered corporate culture, has died at age 68, He announced in May 2025 that he had metastatic prostate cancer and only months to live.

Months later, in November, Adams took to X to request — and receive — some very public help from President Trump and Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. in addressing health insurance issues that had delayed his treatment with an FDA-approved cancer drug called Pluvicto.

Adams said he was able to book an appointment the next day. Despite the Trump administration’s public intervention, Adams shared on his YouTube show in early January 2026 that “the odds of me recovering are essentially zero.”

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Adams’ former wife, Shelly Miles, announced his death Tuesday during a YouTube livestream, and then read a statement from Adams who said, “I had an amazing life. I gave it everything I had. If you got any benefits from my life, I ask you pay it forward as best you can.”

Adams rose to fame in the early 1990s with his comic strip Dilbert, satirizing white-collar culture based on his own experiences working in company offices. He made headlines again in the final years of his life for controversial comments about race, gender and other topics, which led to Dilbert‘s widespread cancellation in 2023.

Dilbert, which at its height was syndicated in some 2,000 newspapers across 65 countries, spawned a number of books, a video game and two seasons of an animated sitcom.

“I think you have to be fundamentally irrational to think that you can make money as a cartoonist, and so I can never answer succinctly why it is that I thought this would work,” Adams told NPR’s Weekend Edition in 1996. “It was about the same cost as buying a lottery ticket and about the same odds of succeeding. And I buy a lottery ticket, so why not?”

He said that he had “pretty much always wanted to be a famous cartoonist,” even applying to the Famous Artists School, a correspondence art course, as a pre-teen.

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“I was 11 years old, and I’d filled out the application saying that I wanted to be a cartoonist,” he said. “It turns out, as they explained in their rejection letter, that you have to be at least 12 years old to be a famous cartoonist.”

Turning to more practical matters, Adams studied economics at Hartwick College in Oneonta, N.Y. and earned an MBA from UC Berkeley. He also trained as a hypnotist at the Clement School of Hypnosis in the 1980s.

Adams began his career at Crocker National Bank, working what he described in a blog post as a “number of humiliating and low paying jobs: teller (robbed twice at gunpoint), computer programmer, financial analyst, product manager, and commercial lender.”

He then spent nearly a decade working at Pacific Bell — the California telephone company now owned by AT&T — in various jobs “that defy description but all involve technology and finances,” as Adams put it in his biography. It was there that he started drawing Dilbert, working on the strip on mornings, evenings and weekends from 1989 until 1995.

“You get real cynical if you spend more than five minutes in a cubicle,” he told NPR’s Weekend Edition in 2002. “But I certainly always planned that I would escape someday, as soon as I got escape velocity.”

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Adams satirized corporate culture for decades 

Scott Adams works on his comic strip in his California studio in 2006.

Scott Adams works on his comic strip in his California studio in 2006. He announced in May that he was dying of metastatic prostate cancer.

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Dilbert revolves around its eponymous white-collar engineer as he navigates his company’s comically dysfunctional bureaucracy, alongside his sidekick: an anthropomorphized, megalomaniac dog named Dogbert.

“Dilbert is a composite of my co-workers over the years,” Adams wrote on his website. “He emerged as the main character of my doodles. I started using him for business presentations and got great responses … Dogbert was created so Dilbert would have someone to talk to.”

Dilbert — with his trademark curly head, round glasses and always-upturned red and black tie — fights a constant battle for his sanity amidst a micromanaged, largely illogical corporate environment full of pointless meetings, technical difficulties, too many buzzwords and an out-of-touch manager known only as Pointy-haired Boss.

Even after Adams quit his day job, he kept a firm grasp on the absurdities and mundanities of cubicle life with help from his devoted audience.

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He included his email address on the strip and said he got hundreds of messages each day. Recurring reader suggestions ranged from stolen refrigerator lunches to bosses’ unrealistic expectations.

“So they all, for example, say, ‘I need this report in a week, but make sure that I get it two weeks early so I could look at it,’” Adams said. “Just bizarre stories where it’s clear that they either have never owned a watch or a calendar or they are in some kind of a time warp.”

Dilbert‘s storylines evolved alongside office culture, taking aim at a growing range of societal and technological topics over the years. In 2022, Adams introduced Dave, the strip’s first Black character, who identifies as white — a choice critics interpreted as poking fun at DEI initiatives.

That ushered in an era of anti-woke plotlines that saw dozens of U.S. newspapers drop the strip in 2022, foreshadowing its widespread cancellation just a year later.

The comic strip was cancelled over Adams’ comments

Adams didn’t limit himself to cartoons. He was a proponent of what he called the “talent stack,” combining multiple common skills in a unique and valuable way: like drawing, humor and risk tolerance, in his case.

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He ventured briefly into food retail at the turn of the millennium, selling vegetarian, microwavable burritos called Dilberitos. He published several novels and nonfiction books unrelated to the Dilbert universe over the years.

Adams was open about his health struggles throughout his career, including the movement disorder focal dystonia — which particularly affected his drawing hand — and, years later, spasmodic dysphonia, an involuntary clenching of the vocal cords that he managed to cure through an experimental surgery.

And he opined on social and political events on “Real Coffee with Scott Adams,” his YouTube talk series with over 180,000 subscribers.

His commentary, which often touched on race and other hot-button issues, led to Dilbert‘s widespread cancellation in February 2023.

In a YouTube livestream that month, Adams — while discussing a Rasmussen public opinion poll asking readers whether they agree “It’s OK to be white” (which is considered an alt-right slogan) — urged white people to “get the hell away from Black people,” labeling them a “hate group.” The backlash was swift: Dozens of newspapers across the country ditched Dilbert, and the comic’s distributor dropped Adams.

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The incident also renewed focus on numerous controversial comments Adams had made in the past, including about race, men’s rights, the Holocaust and COVID-19 vaccines. Adams defended his remarks as hyperbole, and later said getting “canceled” had improved his life, with public support coming from conservative figures like Elon Musk and Charlie Kirk.

Adams, in his final years, was a vocal supporter of President Trump and a critic of Democrats.

But he extended his “respect and compassion” to former President Joe Biden in a video the day after Biden’s prostate cancer diagnosis became public in May 2025.

The prognosis was personal for Adams: He shared that he too had metastatic prostate cancer and only months to live, saying he expected “to be checking out from this domain sometime this summer.”

“I’ve just sort of processed it, so it just sort of is what it is,” he said on his YouTube show. “Everybody has to die, as far as I know.”

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