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How Trump’s Second Term Is Already Different From His First
During his Inaugural Address on Monday, President Trump made a point of telling the country that he had learned “a lot” over the past eight years.
The four and a half days since have revealed what he meant.
Gone are the Washington outsiders who took the reins of government in 2017 and struggled to get its wheels turning. Instead, we’ve seen a hailstorm of action that reflects how Trump’s advisers have become masters of the government bureaucracy they have promised to upend.
My colleague Charlie Savage has covered law, government and the way presidents use their power for more than two decades. He reported extensively on the first Trump administration as well as on Trump’s plans for his second, and I asked him to talk us through just how much is different this time around — and what that could mean for the presidency to come.
Our conversation was condensed and edited for clarity.
JB: You covered the first Trump administration, and now you’ve covered the first week of the second one. What was different in the opening days of Trump II, compared with Trump I?
CS: The opening of the first Trump administration was chaotic and dysfunctional. Trump had little support from the Republican establishment during the 2016 campaign. He and many of the officials he gathered around him when he took office simply did not know what they were doing at first — and it showed. Trump issued only four executive orders in his first five days in office in 2017. Even when the pace later picked up, many of his early directives were effectively press releases that did not do much of substance, or were so poorly developed that it was a no-brainer for courts to block them.
By contrast, the second Trump administration has begun with a blizzard of consequential executive orders. A few are vague nothing-burgers — like ordering the government to think about ways to reduce prices — but most are very substantive. Many of his policy changes will strike many people as extreme. Some, as I wrote this week, pushed at the limits of legitimate executive power and may not survive court challenges. One about ending birthright citizenship has already been blocked for now. But inarguably, Trump is moving much more quickly to achieve his goals.
This is partly because he and his advisers learned a lot about how government works over the course of his first term. And partly because, over the past eight years, Trumpism has become the conservative establishment, and policy think tanks in Washington are now aligned with and helping him — like Project 2025.
To be sure, things are still bumpy, but Trump’s advisers have been carefully planning out this takeover.
What, specifically, does it seem like Trump — or the people around him — have learned since 2017? Have they figured out how to be bureaucrats?
Here’s one example of how they are operating more shrewdly. One of the executive orders that got less attention this week was about foreign visitors to the United States. It has a section that requires the government to take two months to study vetting and screening procedures in countries around the world, and then to deliver a report identifying which are so deficient as to supposedly warrant banning entry to the United States by any citizens of those countries.
It appears that the administration is planting a seed to later revive Trump’s controversial ban on travel by people from several predominantly Muslim countries. Last time, he abruptly imposed that policy days after taking office without careful planning, and the courts immediately blocked it. Making a show of having studied the issue first may make it easier to defend a new travel ban in court.
Who has been most responsible for putting these changes into practice?
One person who seems to have learned a lot is Stephen Miller, a top domestic policy adviser to Trump who has long been an architect of his immigration crackdown policies. He was a Senate aide before 2017, and learned over the course of Trump’s first term how to avoid pitfalls and get things done within the executive branch bureaucracy. He spent the four years out of office cultivating donors and relationships, both on Capitol Hill and with lawyers and others now going into the administration. He also helped get specific allies into key positions around the new administration, positioning them to keep the gears of bureaucracy turning the way he wants them to.
Trump clearly wanted to put a stamp on the first week of the presidency. But, in a way, is it actually Miller’s imprint that we are seeing, given how much preparation and nuts-and-bolts strategizing he has put into this opening salvo?
No president personally performs the nuts-and-bolts work of drafting the executive orders and proclamations that he signs. That said, I have no doubt that Miller played a major role in developing the cluster of immigration actions we saw this week. He had previewed a lot of those very steps back in the fall of 2023, when I and my colleagues Jonathan Swan and Maggie Haberman were working on a series about the policy stakes of a potential return to power by Trump.
Plenty of other people were heavily involved, too. For example, Russell Vought, who was Trump’s head of the Office of Management and Budget in his first term and is set to reprise that role, has been very interested in other policy themes we have seen reflected in these early orders, such as efforts to impose tighter political control over the federal bureaucracy. At Project 2025, Vought was in charge of drafting executive orders that Trump could consider issuing early on if he got back into power. Of course, during the campaign Trump tried to distance himself from Project 2025; we don’t know yet whether or which of these early orders trace back to that effort.
Taken together, what does Trump’s first week in office tell us about how he now views power, and about his hold on the levers of government? What might it tell us about how he’ll approach the next four years?
Trump has tightened his grip on the Republican Party, and that party controls Congress, so he has no fear of impeachment. He cannot run for president again, so he has no fear of rejection by voters. He appointed a large number of federal judges during his first term, which means he now faces a federal judiciary that is much more tilted in his favor than when he first took office. He managed to wriggle free from two federal indictments and even survived an assassination attempt. The decision last summer by the six Republican-appointed Supreme Court justices to declare a constitutional doctrine of broad immunity for presidents can only be giving him additional confidence.
Against the backdrop of all that, I think the scope and aggression of his early executive orders and his decision to grant clemency to even those Jan. 6 rioters who violently assaulted police officers are clear signals that he is feeling little constraint.
How Elon Musk’s salute looked from Germany
By now, you’ve seen the gesture made by the world’s richest man during President Trump’s inaugural festivities. You may also have seen his prominent defenders. But my colleague Katrin Bennhold, a former Berlin bureau chief, writes that there was little debate in Germany over the meaning of Musk’s outstretched arm.
In Germany, gestures like the one Musk made are illegal, along with other symbols and slogans from the Nazi era. So for the German establishment, the situation was very clear.
“A Hitler salute is a Hitler salute is a Hitler salute,” the prominent weekly Die Zeit wrote in an editorial.
“There is no need to make this unnecessarily complicated,” the editorial said. “Anyone on a political stage giving a political speech in front of a partly right-wing extremist audience” — present at the inauguration were several far-right politicians from Germany, Italy, France and Britain — “anyone who raises their right arm in a swinging manner and at an angle several times is doing the Hitler salute.”
Read more here.
A return to disaster politics
As President Trump traveled to North Carolina and California on Friday, to view damage from Hurricane Helene, in Asheville, N.C., and from the continuing wildfires in Los Angeles, he seemed to demonstrate a tendency I wrote about just a couple of weeks ago: mixing politics into the once politically neutral territory of disasters.
As a candidate, Trump made a series of false claims about the Helene disaster response as he sought to depict the Biden administration’s efforts as hapless. On Friday in Asheville, he said that former President Biden had done a “bad job” and that he was mulling shuttering FEMA altogether. He has previously threatened to withhold disaster aid to California, and he said today that he wanted to secure new voter ID laws and new water management policies while he was there.
California officials are already worried about how he might treat their state.
“He’s infected much of the Republican Party in Washington to view us not as the United States of America but as red states and blue states,” Senator Adam Schiff, the California Democrat, told my colleague Annie Karni. “We’re going to have to deal with that.”
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Which first lady feared her husband might be having a stroke? The quiz knows
From left: Jeff Bezos, Roland Garros, Jill Biden.
Marco Bertorello/AFP via Getty Images; Branger/Getty Images/Hulton Archive; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images
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Marco Bertorello/AFP via Getty Images; Branger/Getty Images/Hulton Archive; Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images
This week, the pope took a stand on artificial intelligence in an encyclical Google Gemini called “historic and highly ambitious” and an “aggressive, uncompromising critique.” Thanks, Gemini! Enjoy the quiz, y’all.
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Becerra leads governor’s race, with Hilton and Steyer in tight contest for second spot, poll finds
On the cusp of California’s gubernatorial June 2 primary, a poll shows voters are closely divided among three candidates vying to succeed Gov. Gavin Newsom at a perilous moment in history for the state and the nation.
Among likely California voters, 25% support Xavier Becerra, a Democrat and former Biden Cabinet secretary, according to the survey by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies that was co-sponsored by the Los Angeles Times and released Thursday. Republican Steve Hilton, a former Fox News commentator and British political strategist, has the backing of 21%, while 19% backed billionaire hedge fund founder turned environmental activist Tom Steyer, a Democrat.
California gubernatorial candidate Xavier Becerra takes a selfie while campaigning Tuesday at an event in San Francisco.
(Benjamin Fanjoy / Getty Images)
The survey provided the clearest indication yet that the three have separated themselves from the rest of the field. Support increased for Becerra, Hilton and Steyer since the last Berkeley IGS poll in March. Becerra leapfrogged everyone. In early March, he wallowed near the bottom of the pack at just 5% support among likely voters, and now is the front-runner.
The other candidates floundered. Support for Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, a Republican, dropped 5%, and he now finds himself in a distant fourth place. Former Democratic Rep. Katie Porter of Irvine dropped by almost half to 7%. San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and state Supt. of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond — all Democrats — remained mired in the single digits.
Poll director Mark DiCamillo cautioned that it remains unclear which candidates will finish in first and second place in the June 2 primary, a pivotal question since only the top two finishers will advance to the November general election regardless of party affiliation. The low voter turnout thus far makes predicting the outcome especially difficult.
Although every registered voter in California was sent a mail-in ballot, many have not returned them or dropped them off at voting locations — a telltale sign of the uncertain nature of this year’s governor’s race. The survey, which included all 61 of the gubernatorial candidates on the ballot, found that Democratic turnout thus far is noticeably lower compared with past primary elections, DiCamillo said.
Steve Hilton arrives for a news conference at the San Jose Diridon rail station on Tuesday.
(Jason Henry/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
“We’re assuming that … the Democrats will in fact turn out in the final week after we had concluded our poll and begin to make up ground on what looks like an early lead for Hilton, and those voters favor Becerra,” DiCamillo said.
The survey, conducted between May 19 and 24, found that likely Democratic voters favored Becerra over Steyer by 11 percentage points. Voters registered as “no party preference” were evenly divided among Becerra, Steyer and Hilton. Among likely Republican voters, Hilton led Bianco by almost 2 to 1.
Becerra also had a notable edge over Steyer among women and Latino voters, while Steyer had an advantage among Black voters. Hilton was favored over the two Democrats among self-identified libertarians and among voters in Orange County, the Central Valley and northern coast and Sierra region.
The poll found that 7% of voters remained undecided.
For the first time in more than a quarter of a century, the contest to lead the nation’s most populous state and the world’s fourth-largest economy has consistently lacked a front-runner despite a plethora of candidates.
Two of California’s best-known Democrats, former Vice President Kamala Harris and U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, both toyed with a run for governor before deciding not to run, which contributed to the sluggishness of the race. The 2026 campaign for governor also languished in the shadow of the mayhem stirred up by President Trump, including his immigration raids throughout Southern California, and the devastation wrought by the 2025 Pacific Palisades and Altadena wildfires.
But a whirlwind of recent developments has drawn attention to the race.
Former Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), once a front-runner in the contest, withdrew from the race and resigned from Congress in the aftermath of multiple allegations of sexual misconduct and assault that he denies.
Tom Steyer takes part in a campaign event in Santa Rosa on Wednesday.
(David Paul Morris / Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Additionally, record-breaking amounts of money have flowed into the race. Steyer has smashed state self-funding records by contributing $212 million to his campaign as of Tuesday, according to the California secretary of state’s office. Nearly $85 million has been donated to independent expenditure committees by corporations, labor unions, tech titans, Native American tribes and other special interests, most of which will have policy interests that will be in front of the next governor.
Although the 2026 California governor’s race lacks the allure of recent contests that featured candidates such as global movie star Arnold Schwarzenegger, political scion Jerry Brown and former San Francisco mayor and likely 2028 presidential candidate Gavin Newsom, it is unfolding at a crucial time for Californians.
The state’s most vulnerable residents are facing severe reductions to medical care because of looming federal healthcare funding cuts, and California’s budget, already volatile because of its reliance on the state’s wealthiest residents, may grow more unpredictable. California’s highest-in-the-nation gas prices increased even more because of the U.S.-Iran war, adding to the state’s entrenched affordability crisis, which has driven many residents out of the state.
The cost of living, homelessness and public safety were among the top concerns expressed by voters, according to the poll. Protecting voting rights was also supported by most voters, though their underlying concerns could be starkly different based on their political views.
Democrats have been focused on the disenfranchisement of voters, a fear that has heightened in the aftermath of a recent Supreme Court decision that gutted a section of the Voting Rights Act that forced states to draw voting districts to help elect Black or Latino representatives to Congress. Republicans echo President Trump’s claims of elections being rigged.
Chad Bianco is interviewed May 6 after the gubernatorial debate at the Skirball Cultural Center in Los Angeles.
(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)
Voters split largely along party lines about issues such as Trump’s policies about climate change, immigration and taxes.
Voters’ uncertainty in the governor’s race is partly driven by California’s unique, voter-approved “jungle” primary system, in which the two candidates who win the most votes in the June 2 primary advance to the November general election, regardless of party affiliation.
Although the state’s voters are largely registered Democrats, the party’s leaders feared earlier this year that they would splinter among the multiple Democrats on the ballot, leading to Hilton and Bianco advancing to the November general election and ensuring that a Republican would be elected governor. Bianco had the backing of 11% in the new Berkeley survey.
The Republicans were once roughly tied in polls, until Trump endorsed Hilton in April. More than one-third of likely Republican voters said Trump’s endorsement of Hilton made them more likely to support him. Among voters who identified with the “Make America Great Again” movement, nearly two-thirds supported Hilton while less than 3 in 10 backed Bianco.
Though Bianco’s followers seem to be more passionate, “Hilton has got the much broader base of support, and then he got Trump’s endorsement,” DiCamillo said.
He added that Hilton’s rise is unusual in California, where statewide candidates typically spend enormous sums of money to raise their visibility among the state’s 23.1 million registered voters.
“What’s interesting about Hilton is that he hasn’t really done much of his campaigning in the traditional way. He hasn’t run huge amounts of television advertising, you don’t see his name out there in the traditional media, other than in free media,” DiCamillo said. “You can see that in the data, because almost a third of voters still have no opinion of Hilton … about what it was back in March, which is startling for a candidate who is among the leaders.”
Democrats’ fear of being locked out of the November general election led party leaders and allies to effectively urge low-polling candidates to drop out of the race in remarkable public statements in March.
The tables have since turned — the prospect of two Republicans winning the top spots in the June primary appear nonexistent, while polling shows a small possibility of two Democrats advancing to the general election.
“I’m not saying it’s likely, but it’s possible that two Democrats could emerge, and that would have huge implications on turnout in the [November] election,” DiCamillo said, pointing to California congressional races that could shape control of the U.S. House of Representatives. “If you don’t have a Republican at the top of the ticket, it would be dismal for the Republicans’ chances.”
The poll of 8,578 registered California voters was conducted online in English and Spanish and has a margin of error of about 2 percentage points in either direction.
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Former senior CIA officer took home gold bars and millions in cash, FBI says
Authorities allege that David J. Rush took home tens of millions of dollars worth of gold bars from his job at the CIA and fabricated key parts of his education and military history. He’s seen here in a photo supplied by the Alexandria Sheriff’s Office.
Alexandria Sheriff’s Office
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Alexandria Sheriff’s Office
Many people in the workplace struggle with expense reports and imposter syndrome. And then, according to the FBI, there is David J. Rush — a former CIA official who is accused of taking gold bars and bulk cash to his Virginia home while also allegedly lying about his education and military service, according to federal court records.
Rush, a former senior executive service-level CIA employee in Virginia, was arrested on May 19, after FBI agents searching his home seized more than 300 1-kilogram gold bars valued at more than $40 million, according to an affidavit from FBI Special Agent Matthew T. Johnson, who works in the counterintelligence division of the FBI’s Washington field office.
“FBI agents also seized approximately $2 million in United States currency,” the document states. “Finally, FBI agents seized approximately 35 luxury watches, many of which were Rolex brand.”
Rush, who is listed as living in Ashburn, Va., is charged with a felony count of theft of public money, according to court documents. He remains in the custody of the U.S. Marshals Service after his request to be released on bond was denied.
Requests for comment from Rush’s defense attorney were not immediately returned. Federal court records show that he waived a preliminary hearing and was scheduled for a detention hearing in Alexandria, Va., on Friday. But Magistrate Judge William E. Fitzpatrick agreed to a request from both sides of the case to postpone that hearing to the morning of June 5.
The CIA says it informed the FBI of its suspicions about Rush, who apparently fell under scrutiny after he began asking for gold bars last November. That’s when he began making “several requests … to obtain a significant quantity of foreign currency and tens of millions of dollars in gold bars for work-related expenses,” according to the affidavit.
“After a CIA internal investigation identified potential violations of the law, CIA Director John Ratcliffe referred the information to the FBI for a law enforcement investigation,” a CIA spokesperson told NPR via email, in a statement jointly issued with the FBI.
A review of a storage space Rush used at the CIA found that only part of the cash was there. The agency’s inquiry into the matter is ongoing, but it has not yet found any record of why Rush said he needed the massive amount of money.
The FBI affidavit accuses Rush of taking gold bars and currency, making false statements to the agency and on national security background forms, and filing fraudulent timecards.
Rush holds a Top Secret/Secure Compartmented Information clearance, according to the FBI affidavit. But the agency alleges that beginning with Rush’s successful 2009 CIA job application, he fabricated academic and military achievements that helped him attain that status and, as a result, earn higher wages.
Rush enlisted in the U.S. Navy in 1997, and was later commissioned as an ensign in the U.S. Navy Reserves after providing a transcript showing he earned an undergraduate degree from Clemson University, the affidavit states. In three different applications to join the CIA, he claimed to have attained an undergraduate degree from Clemson, along with a master’s degree from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, or RPI, and other credentials.
But this spring, registrar offices at both Clemson and RPI told the FBI that their institutions have no record of Rush ever attending classes there.
Similarly, Rush’s alleged claims that he was a military pilot and served in prominent related roles were undermined by records showing he never underwent any evaluations as a pilot and does not hold a pilot’s license, according to the affidavit.
Explaining the allegation of timecard fraud, the FBI says that while military records show Rush was honorably discharged from the Navy Reserves as a lieutenant in 2015, he continued to claim military leave on his timesheets for the next 10 years, and allegedly told the CIA that he had risen to the rank of captain in the Navy Reserves.
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