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Analysis: Joe Biden’s numbers are collapsing among a group you really wouldn’t expect

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Within the early days of Biden’s presidency (from January 2021 to June 2021), a mean of 6 in 10 grownup members of Technology Z — these born between 1997 and 2004 — authorized of the job Biden was doing. In the course of the interval spanning September 2021 to March 2022, that quantity had plummeted to a mean of simply 39%.

Amongst millennials — these born between 1981 and 1996 — the collapse is equally stark. Biden’s approval ranking amongst that group stood at 60% in aggregated Gallup numbers within the first half of 2021, in contrast with 41% extra lately.

That loss in confidence amongst younger individuals was, apparently, not as steep amongst older age teams. Over that very same interval, Biden’s approval rankings amongst child boomers — these born between 1946 and 1964 — dipped by solely 7 factors. Amongst “traditionalists” — these born earlier than 1946 — his approval ranking was unchanged.

Now, among the discrepancy is as a result of youthful Individuals had been way more constructive about Biden initially of his presidency than older Individuals. So there was simply extra room to fall.

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On the identical time, it is clear in different surveys that there was a major lessening of enthusiasm for Biden amongst youthful Individuals. A Quinnipiac ballot launched this week confirmed that simply 21% of these aged 18 to 34 stated they authorized of the way in which the President was dealing with his job, whereas 58% disapproved.

By comparability, 36% of Individuals aged 35 to 49 and 35% of Individuals aged 50 to 64 authorized of Biden’s job efficiency. Amongst Individuals 65 and over, 48% stated the identical.

What explains Biden’s precipitous drop-off amongst younger Individuals? It is onerous to pinpoint anybody purpose, however there is not any query the delta between what younger individuals anticipated out of the Biden presidency — significantly when it got here to coping with Covid-19 — and what they bought is substantial.

As Gallup’s Jeffrey Jones famous:

“By the summer season [of 2021], as coronavirus circumstances unexpectedly rose, Biden had misplaced vital help amongst Technology Z, millennials and Technology X, starting from seven- to 10-percentage-point drops.”

Whatever the purpose, the fade in youth help for Biden is a main downside for Democrats. Particularly when you think about that he received 60% of the youth vote — these aged 18 to 34 — within the 2020 presidential election, in response to exit polls. It was, by far, his greatest efficiency amongst any age cohort.

The Level: There are numerous causes for Democrats to be involved concerning the midterm elections. This discovering is true on the high of that checklist.

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It is not too late for Joe Biden to go

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It is not too late for Joe Biden to go

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The best that can be said of Joe Biden’s stumbling debate performance was that it took place in June. If he were pressed to step down as nominee there would still be two months to go before the Democratic convention. For Biden’s loyalists, who have always moved swiftly to shut down any hint of dissent about his candidacy, Thursday night was a moment of truth. For more than a year, private conversations in Washington have been dominated by the president’s ageing. But the public omerta on that topic broadly held up. That cognitive dissonance has now collapsed. The story is now about whether Biden can be persuaded to step down.

The choice is his alone. Having crushed the Democratic nomination, Biden would be within his rights to ignore pleas to step aside. Potential alternative nominees, such as Gavin Newsom, California’s governor, and Gretchen Whitmer, Michigan’s governor, will be unlikely to speak out. The risk of being labelled a traitor and ruining their presidential chances would be too great. There is no such thing as a committee of party elders who can prevail on Biden to vacate the crown. He is the leader of the party. A tap on the shoulder from the younger Hillary Clinton, 76, or the much younger Barack Obama, 62, would risk backfiring.

Those who know Biden best say the only people who could influence him are his family, starting with the first lady, Jill Biden. Biden is a stubborn man. Most presidents are. Until Thursday night, he believed he was the only Democrat who could beat Donald Trump. Now it looks like he is on a course to defeat in November. As Biden’s mumbling, and often inaudible, performance went on, the prediction markets reacted in real time. By the end of the debate, one political betting market, PredictIt, gave Trump a 61 per cent chance of winning, having started the debate at 53 per cent. This put a number on what almost everyone was thinking.

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The risk for Democrats now is two-fold. The first is that Biden simply refuses to budge. Indeed, that is still the likeliest outcome. While the debate was happening, Biden’s aides were putting it about that he was suffering from a heavy cold, which explained his hoarse delivery. By this point, everyone had forgotten Trump’s forecast that Biden would take a “shot in the ass”, or even cocaine, to enhance his performance. If Biden believes he simply had a bad night, he could eat up the precious time Democrats have to elect a replacement. The worst thing he could do is cling on for another few weeks then step down. He would need to make the announcement in the next few days.

The second risk is that Biden does decide to step aside in good time and the Democratic party descends into civil war. Another reason Biden has been so reluctant to consider quitting is the unpopularity of Kamala Harris, the vice-president. But as the first female and non-white vice-president, it would be provocative for Biden to endorse anyone else. If he did not name Harris as his heir apparent, the party could polarise along ideological lines. Anyone competing with Harris for the nomination, particularly a white male, would risk being depicted as the enemy of progress. A bitter Democratic nomination battle culminating in a divisive convention in Chicago offers too many historical echoes for comfort. The last time Democrats held their convention in that Midwestern city was in 1968. It turned into a circular firing squad.

These risks were already known. But the upsides are suddenly clearer. Many democracies can hold a general election and change their government in the timeframe between now and the Chicago convention. Indeed, Britain looks set to do so next week having declared a snap election in late May. The fact that no US party has held an open convention in recent memory should be no obstacle. Everything about America’s 2024 presidential race is unprecedented. This includes the advanced age of both candidates and the fact that one of them, Trump, has repudiated the results of the last election.

Bill Clinton once said Americans prefer “strong and wrong” to “weak and right”. On Thursday, those two options were on the debate stage. Every Democrat, including Biden, tirelessly repeats that democracy is on the ballot this November. They argue that the stakes for America are existential. The question now is whether they have the ruthlessness to act on those beliefs.

There is no shortage of Democratic talent. Nor would a noisy contest necessarily be bad for the party. Democrats would be showcasing the lively democratic process that they believe is in peril. The question that Biden, and the first lady, must now ask themselves is who Trump would fear more: Biden, or a younger opponent who could fire off the rebuttals that he failed to deliver on Thursday? To a growing number of Democrats, that question answers itself.

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edward.luce@ft.com

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'Babbling' and 'hoarse': Biden's debate performance sends Democrats into a panic

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'Babbling' and 'hoarse': Biden's debate performance sends Democrats into a panic

ATLANTA — President Joe Biden was supposed to put the nation’s mind at ease over his physical and mental capacity with his debate showing Thursday night. 

But from the onset of the debate, the 81-year-old seemingly struggled even to talk, mostly summoning a weak, raspy voice. In the opening minutes, the president repeatedly tripped over his words, misspoke and lost his train of thought.  

In one of the most notable moments, Biden ended a rambling statement that lacked focus by saying, “We finally beat Medicare,” before moderators cut him off and transitioned back to Trump. 

While Biden warmed up and gained more of a rhythm as the debate progressed, he struggled to land a punch against Trump, much less fact-check everything said by the former president, as Trump unleashed a torrent of bad information.

Trump also pounced on Biden, saying at one point that he didn’t understand what Biden had just said with regard to the border. 

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“I don’t know if he knows what he said either,” Trump said.   

Nearly an hour into the debate, a Biden aide and others familiar with his situation offered up an explanation for the president’s hoarseness: He has a cold.

But there were problems aside from the shakiness of Biden’s voice. When he wasn’t talking, he often stared off into the distance. Trump frequently steamrolled over Biden, accusing him of being a criminal and for peddling misinformation — many times without a response from Biden, though the president did fire back with a handful of one-liners throughout.

The Biden campaign acknowledged that the debate would be a critical moment in the election, with officials hoping it could shake up the race to the president’s benefit. Most polls have found the race to be neck and neck, with razor-thin margins that have moved negligibly for months, even after a New York jury found Trump guilty on 34 felony counts. 

Questions about Biden’s age and frailty have dragged down his polling numbers for months. The public concerns are exacerbated by deceptively edited videos, some of which have gone viral, that cut off relevant portions of an event, making it appear as if Biden is wandering or confused. This was Biden’s first opportunity since the State of the Union speech to dispel that narrative. 

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Instead of a new beginning, many Democrats saw it as a moment for panic. 

“Democrats just committed collective suicide,” said one party strategist who has worked on presidential campaigns. “Biden sounds hoarse, looks tired and is babbling. He is reaffirming everything voters already perceived. President Biden can’t win. This debate is a nail in the political coffin.“ 

“It’s hard to argue that we shouldn’t nominate someone else,” a Democratic consultant who works on down-ballot races added. 

Biden did ramp up as the debate progressed. 

“Only one of us is a convicted felon, and I’m looking at him,” Biden said to Trump. That was one moment that tested particularly well in the Biden campaign’s internal real-time polling at the time of the debate, according to a person familiar. 

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A Biden aide said that it was “not an ideal start” for the president at the beginning of the debate, but that there was “no mass panic” at the campaign headquarters in Delaware.

The muting of the candidates’ microphones at the debate, a stipulation agreed to before the debate by both campaigns, added a new dimension to the face-off. The first Biden-Trump match-up in 2020 was marked by repeated interruptions by Trump, leading to moments of frustration for Biden.

“Will you shut up, man?” Biden complained in that first Cleveland debate. 

Reaction pours in

“I’m thinking the Democrats are thinking about who the Barry Goldwater is who can walk in tomorrow and tell the president he needs to step aside,” said Ben Proto, chairman of the Connecticut Republican Party.

In 1974, after key Watergate tapes were made public, then-Sen. Barry Goldwater, R-Ariz., went to see President Richard Nixon alongside other prominent lawmakers, telling Nixon that he would be convicted by the Senate and should step aside — which the president did.

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Biden’s campaign defended his performance, saying he offered a “positive and winning vision” for America.

“On the other side of the stage was Donald Trump, who offered a dark and backwards window into what America will look like if he steps foot back in the White House: a country where women are forced to beg for the health care they need to stay alive. A country that puts the interests of billionaires over working people,” Biden campaign chair Jen O’Malley Dillon said in a statement. “And a former president who not once, not twice, but three times, failed to promise he would accept the results of a free and fair election this November.”

Some Democrats also defended Biden presidency more broadly after the debate, pointing to his policies over Trump’s.

“One thing this debate won’t change is Trump’s base instinct to sell out anyone to make a quick buck or put his own image on a steak, golf course, or even the Holy Bible,” said Brandon Weathersby, a spokesman with the pro-Biden American Bridge 21st Century super PAC. “Trump puts himself first everytime and that won’t change if he becomes president again.”

Trump, meanwhile, has fended off his own questions over whether he’s diminished by age, including his struggles to stay on topic and his meandering when speaking. Biden has posited that the former president “snapped” after his 2020 election loss and is unstable, which he aired again Thursday night.

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Trump often gave his typical rambling responses and seemed at times to make up factoids and figures.

“During my four years, I had the best environmental numbers ever, and my top environmental people gave me that statistic just before I walked on the stage, actually,” Trump said.

Trump also said that he would lower insulin prices for seniors, but it was Biden who signed legislation in 2022 that lowered out-of-pocket cost for people on Medicare to $35 a month and covered all insulin products. 

Setting the stage for the fall

The first debate during the 2020 election cycle was in early September, making the first 2024 general election debate significantly earlier than usual — more than two months ahead of Labor Day, which is often seen as the point when most voters start to pay attention to presidential contests.

“Debates move numbers,” said Matt Gorman, a longtime Republican strategist who worked for Tim Scott’s presidential campaign. “And with this so early — and the next one not until September — you’re stuck with the narrative for four long months.”

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“And one and the other’s performance will set the tone for the next one,” he added.

For months, Trump’s team has been hammering Biden’s mental acuity, a strategy that is at odds with how campaigns generally handle the lead-up to debates, when they try to build up opponents as deft debaters to set expectations.

The expectations for Biden were low, and by almost all estimates he was unable to clear them.

“Biden just had to beat himself; unfortunately the stumbling and diminished Joe Biden the world has come to know made Trump look competent and energetic,” said a former Trump campaign official who is not working for his campaign in 2024. “I expect there will be some loud calls from Democrats for a change on the top of the ticket.”

“The floor for Biden was so low,” the person added. “After Biden’s debate performance, it seems the floor is six feet under.”

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The 90-minute debate hit on a wide range of topics, but many of the most dominant themes were centered on those that have been most prominent on the campaign trail over the past few months.

Trump hit Biden on two big policy fights that have stubbornly dogged his campaign: immigration and inflation. 

Since Biden took office, 15 million jobs have been created and the unemployment rate sits at a relatively low 4%, but prices for consumer goods have remained high and provided a consistent line of attack from the Trump campaign and Republicans more broadly.

In one heated exchange, Trump point-blank said “he caused the inflation.” Biden said in response there was less inflation under Trump because he tanked the economy. 

“There was no inflation when I came into office,” Biden said before that rejoinder — a quote that was quickly used by Republicans as evidence that all of the current price hikes happened on Biden’s watch.

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Trump continued to attack Biden over his border policies, which his campaign has used as one of its biggest lines of attack throughout the campaign. That often including amplifying each time an undocumented migrant commits a crime even though the data does not support the idea of a migrant crime wave.

We have a border that is the most dangerous place anywhere in the world,” Trump said.

Earlier this year, Trump used his influence over congressional Republicans to successfully block a bipartisan border deal that Biden supported.

Biden also tried to land a punch on Jan. 6, trying to build on the oft-discussed idea that Trump returning to the White House would be a threat to democracy.

“He encouraged those folks to go up to Capitol Hill,” Biden said. “He sat there for three hours being begged by his vice president and many colleagues on the Republican side to do something.”

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Trump deflected, arguing the Biden should be “ashamed” for arresting those who participated in the attempted insurrection. 

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NFL hit with $4.7bn antitrust verdict over ‘Sunday Ticket’ game package

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NFL hit with $4.7bn antitrust verdict over ‘Sunday Ticket’ game package

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A California jury has found the US National Football League violated antitrust laws and ordered it to pay $4.7bn in damages to customers who bought a package of its live games over satellite television, in a landmark case that could reshape the market for sports rights distribution.

The verdict comes in a federal class-action lawsuit brought by subscribers to the NFL’s Sunday Ticket package, who alleged the league’s out-of-market games violated antitrust rules by restricting competition for certain Sunday afternoon fixtures to pay-TV.

The case, which was tried in a federal court in Los Angeles, may have wide-reaching consequences for how live sports rights are bundled. It also delivers a significant blow to the world’s richest sports league, as the fines could be tripled under US federal antitrust law.

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The NFL said it was “disappointed” with the verdict. “We continue to believe that our media distribution strategy . . . is by far the most fan friendly distribution model in all of sports and entertainment.” It said it would “contest” the verdict and maintained the claims were “baseless and without merit”.

In 1961, US Congress passed the Sports Broadcasting Act, which gives professional sports leagues such as the NFL an exemption from antitrust laws in order to pool sales of its media broadcast rights. Underpinning the act is the idea that professional teams including the Dallas Cowboys and the New York Giants operate as franchises of one business unit — the league — and as such media distribution of their fixtures is not in competition with one another.

Still, there are four time zones across the continental US, and the majority of NFL fixtures take place simultaneously on Sunday afternoons. That has created demand for so-called out-of-network games, which the league sells as its Sunday Ticket package. Viewers can watch fixtures of local teams on their regional Fox or CBS free-to-air network, but must purchase Sunday Ticket to watch games outside their home markets.

Underscoring the seriousness of the case and its implication for the future of live sports rights, NFL commissioner Roger Goodell and Cowboys owner Jerry Jones were among the witnesses testifying for the league during the trial. Goodell told the jury it was the first time he has presented under oath in a federal courtroom since he began his term in 2006, according to a report from the Associated Press.

The league maintained Sunday Ticket is a premium product with premium pricing, and as such would not undercut viewership for free-to-air local games. The package costs between $349 and $449 per year, depending on whether consumers have a subscription with distributor YouTube TV. Sunday Ticket was distributed by satellite provider DirecTV from 1994 until 2023, when the league awarded the rights to Google’s YouTube TV in a record $14bn contract.

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The lawsuit was brought by a San Francisco sports bar called the Mucky Duck in 2015 and has since been expanded to a class-action representing millions of subscribers and tens of thousands of similar establishments. The plaintiffs have highlighted, among other evidence, a 2017 internal NFL memo titled “New Frontier”, which suggested the league could divvy up Sunday fixtures across cable channels rather than pool them to satellite TV.

Unlike other US professional leagues, including Major League Baseball and the National Basketball Association, NFL teams do not offer individual TV packages. In his trial testimony, Cowboys owner Jones said he was “completely against each team doing TV deals”, according to the AP, despite the fact that a theoretical direct-to-consumer offering for his team — estimated to be worth $9bn by Forbes, the most valuable professional club in global sport — would likely rake in subscriptions.

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