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Amid Trump, Musk blowup, canceling SpaceX contracts could cripple DoD launch program – Breaking Defense

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Amid Trump, Musk blowup, canceling SpaceX contracts could cripple DoD launch program – Breaking Defense

Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk, accompanied by U.S. President Donald Trump (R), and his son X Musk, speaks during an executive order signing in the Oval Office at the White House on February 11, 2025 in Washington, DC. (Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

WASHINGTON — If President Donald Trump were to follow through on his threat today to cancel all government contracts with billionaire Elon Musk, it would likely derail Pentagon and Intelligence Community space operations, and specifically in the near term cripple the Space Force’s National Security Space Launch (NSSL) program, due to the US government’s reliance on SpaceX rockets.

Trump and Musk, formerly a close advisor, engaged in a bitter and escalating war of words this afternoon on social media following Musk’s sharp criticism on X of Trump’s giant budget reconciliation package self-dubbed the “Big, Beautiful Bill.”

“The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon’s Governmental Subsidies and Contracts. I was always surprised that Biden didn’t do it!” Trump posted on his own social media site in response to Musk’s criticisms and Musk’s suggestion he might consider backing the creation of a third political party.

Musk fired back, “Go ahead and make my day!” in a post on X, and followed up with another saying, “In light of the President’s statement about cancellation of my government contracts, @SpaceX will begin decommissioning its Dragon spacecraft immediately.”

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It’s unclear, on both sides, how much of the social media spat is bluster destined to blow over — not to mention the myriad contractual and legal complexities that would be involved in actually disentangling the US government from business with Musk in a number of areas.

But any decommissioning of SpaceX’s Crew Dragon spacecraft would immediately be felt by NASA, which uses the craft to ferry astronauts to and from the International Space Station.

Beyond that, any potential freezing of contracts for SpaceX equipment and operations also would have far-reaching impact on the DoD and IC. NSSL is the primary acquisition program for space launches by the Space Force and IC, namely the National Reconnaissance Office (NRO) that builds the nation’s spy satellites. And at the moment, SpaceX’s Falcon series are the Space Force’s go-to rockets for putting the most critical payloads into orbit.

Killing SpaceX’s DoD contracts wouldn’t quite ground the Space Force, but it likely would significantly slow things down. Back in 2020, the Space Force contracted SpaceX and the Lockheed Martin-Boeing joint venture United Launch Alliance (ULA) as the only two providers able to compete for NSSL missions under the Phase 2 program, covering launches from fiscal year 2022 to 2027.

For the earlier missions in that time frame, ULA was offering its Delta IV and Atlas 5 for launches of medium- and heavy-lift missions, but for later years the company intended to use its new Vulcan rocket — which unlike the Delta and Atlas is using US-made engines rather than Russian ones banned by Congress as of the end of 2022.

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However, ULA has had years of setbacks with Vulcan’s development. The rocket was technically certified by the Space Force for NSSL launches only in March. However, a senior Space Force officer on May 14 told the House Armed Services Committee that the company still has “open work” to finish before actually taking on NSSL missions.

“Risk reduction plans have been agreed to and signed between the Space Force and ULA to reduce known risks to flyable ‘Low-Medium’ prior to the first NSSL Vulcan launch,” said Maj. Gen. Stephen Purdy, acting assistant secretary of the Air Force for Space Acquisition and Integration.

The first Vulcan mission is USSF-106, slated to go up in July.

The Space Force recently switched two earlier planned missions to launch new GPS satellites from Vulcan to SpaceX’s Falcon 9 to help remediate a backlog caused by the delay in getting Vulcan certified. The latest of the two, the launch of GPS III Space Vehicle-08, successfully lifted off on May 30 with a record turn-around time of only three months.

The Space Force further has issued contracts for critical launches under the follow-on NSSL Phase 3 Lane 2 program, for launches between fiscal 2027 and 2032, to ULA, SpaceX and newcomer Blue Origin with its New Glenn rocket.

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Under the new awards, SpaceX is “anticipated” to undertake 28 NSSL Phase 3 Lane 2 missions, about 60 percent of the launches contracted from FY25-FY29, for a sum of around $5.9 billion, and ULA 19 missions, about 40 percent, Space Systems Command (SSC) announced April 4. Blue Origin, “is projected to be awarded seven Phase 3 Lane 2 missions starting in Order Year 2,” of FY26, SSC added.

The future NSSL program also envisions that a number of small- and medium-launch providers will compete for less critical missions going to lower orbits, under the Lane 1 acquisition track. Lane 1 launch providers face fewer requirements to be certified by the Space Force than those qualified to launch under NSSL Phase 3 Lane 2. So far, the Space Force has given SpaceX, ULA , Blue Origin, Rocket Lab and Stoke Space the thumbs up to participate.

But the bottom line is that SpaceX has been, and appeared up to now to be for the near future, the dominant US space launch provider. The company was responsible for 98 of the total 109 US military, civil and commercial launches in 2023 and 138 out of 145 US launches in 2024, according to Jonathan McDowell, an astrophysicist with the Harvard–Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics who maintains the world’s largest open-source database on space launches.

That’s before evening getting into the potentially thornier issue of military use of SpaceX’s Starlink satellite communications and the reported use of Starshield buses for the NRO’s new constellation of hundreds of satellites in low Earth orbit.

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Here’s What the New Virginia House Map Looks Like

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Here’s What the New Virginia House Map Looks Like

Virginians approved a new congressional map on Tuesday that would aggressively gerrymander the state in the Democrats’ favor, giving the party as many as four more U.S. House seats.

The new map draws eight safely Democratic districts and two competitive districts that lean Democratic, according to a New York Times analysis of 2024 presidential results. It leaves just one safe Republican seat, compared with the five seats the G.O.P. holds on the current map.

The proposed map was drawn by Democratic state legislators and approved by Gov. Abigail Spanberger, a Democrat. It eliminates three Republican-held seats in part by slicing the densely populated suburbs in Arlington and Fairfax Counties and reallocating their overwhelmingly Democratic voters into five congressional districts, some stretching more than a hundred miles into Republican areas.

Perhaps the most extreme new district is the Seventh, which begins at the Potomac River and stretches to the west and south in a manner that resembles a pair of lobster claws. Several well-known Virginia Democrats have already announced their candidacies and begun campaigning in the district.

Reid J. Epstein contributed reporting.

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Southern Poverty Law Center indicted on federal fraud charges

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Southern Poverty Law Center indicted on federal fraud charges

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche speaks as FBI Director Kash Patel listens during a news conference at the Justice Department on Tuesday in Washington.

Jacquelyn Martin/AP


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Jacquelyn Martin/AP

WASHINGTON — The Southern Poverty Law Center was indicted Tuesday on federal fraud charges alleging it improperly raised millions of dollars to pay informants to infiltrate the Ku Klux Klan and other extremist groups, acting Attorney General Todd Blanche said.

The Justice Department alleges the civil rights group defrauded donors by using their money to fund the very extremism it claimed to be fighting, with payments of at least $3 million between 2014 and 2023 to people affiliated with the Ku Klux Klan, the United Klans of America, the National Socialist Party of America and other extremist groups.

“The SPLC was not dismantling these groups. It was instead manufacturing the extremism it purports to oppose by paying sources to stoke racial hatred,” Blanche said.

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The civil rights group faces charges including wire fraud, bank fraud and conspiracy to commit money laundering in the case brought by the Justice Department in Alabama, where the organization is based.

The indictment came shortly after SPLC revealed the existence of a criminal investigation into its program to pay informants to infiltrate extremist groups and gather information on their activities. The group said the program was used to monitor threats of violence and the information was often shared with local and federal law enforcement.

SPLC CEO Bryan Fair said the organization “will vigorously defend ourselves, our staff, and our work.”

Blanche said the money was passed from the center through two different bank accounts before being loaded onto prepaid cards to give to the members of the extremist groups, which also included the National Socialist Movement and the Aryan Nations-affiliated Sadistic Souls Motorcycle Club. The group never disclosed to donors details of the informant program, he said.

“They’re required to under the laws associated with a nonprofit to have certain transparency and honesty in what they’re telling donors they’re going to spend money on and what their mission statement is and what they’re raising money doing,” he said.

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The indictment includes details on at least nine unnamed informants were paid by the SPLC through a secret program that prosecutors say began in the 1980s. Within the SPLC, they were known as field sources or “the Fs,” according to the indictment. One informant was paid more than $1 million between 2014 and 2023 while affiliated with the neo-Nazi National Alliance, the indictment said. Another was the Imperial Wizard of the United Klans of America.

The SPLC said the program was kept quiet to protect the safety of informants.

“When we began working with informants, we were living in the shadow of the height of the Civil Rights Movement, which had seen bombings at churches, state-sponsored violence against demonstrators, and the murders of activists that went unanswered by the justice system,” Fair said. “There is no question that what we learned from informants saved lives.”

The center has been targeted by Republicans

The SPLC, which is based in Montgomery, Alabama, was founded in 1971 and used civil litigation to fight white supremacist groups. The nonprofit has become a popular target among Republicans who see it as overly leftist and partisan.

The investigation could add to concerns that Trump’s Republican administration is using the Justice Department to go after conservative opponents and his critics. It follows a number of other investigations into Trump foes that have raised questions about whether the law enforcement agency has been turned into a political weapon.

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The SPLC has faced intense criticism from conservatives, who have accused it of unfairly maligning right-wing organizations as extremist groups because of their viewpoints. The center regularly condemns Trump’s rhetoric and policies around voting rights, immigration and other issues.

The center came under fresh scrutiny after the assassination last year of conservative activist Charlie Kirk brought renewed attention to its characterization of the group that Kirk founded and led. The center included a section on that group, Turning Point USA, in a report titled “The Year in Hate and Extremism 2024” that described the group as “A Case Study of the Hard Right in 2024.”

FBI Director Kash Patel said last year that the agency was severing its relationship with the center, which had long provided law enforcement with research on hate crime and domestic extremism. Patel said the center had been turned into a “partisan smear machine,” and he accused it of defaming “mainstream Americans” with its “hate map” that documents alleged anti-government and hate groups inside the United States.

House Republicans hosted a hearing centered on the SPLC in December, saying it coordinated efforts with President Joe Biden’s Democratic administration “to target Christian and conservative Americans and deprive them of their constitutional rights to free speech and free association.”

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Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger Stressed Pragmatism, But Politics Hound Her

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Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger Stressed Pragmatism, But Politics Hound Her

On the night of her resounding win in last fall’s election for Virginia governor, Abigail Spanberger told her supporters that they had sent a message to the world. “Virginia,” she said in the opening lines of her victory speech, “chose pragmatism over partisanship.”

But even then it was clear that the first big issue of her term would be as partisan as it gets: a proposed amendment by her fellow Democrats to allow them to gerrymander the state’s 11 congressional districts.

The push to redraw the Virginia map was another salvo in a barrage of redistricting spurred by President Trump in a bid to keep Republicans in control of the House in this year’s midterm elections.

Virginians vote on Tuesday on whether to adopt the proposed map, and if the “Yes” vote wins, Democrats could end up with as many as 10 seats, up from the six they hold now. The redistricting battles of the last year would end up in something of a draw, with gains for Democrats in California and Virginia offsetting gains for Republicans in Texas, Missouri and North Carolina — unless Florida lawmakers decide in the coming weeks to draw a new, more Republican-friendly map.

Historically, redrawing of congressional maps has been done each decade after the U.S. census. But with Republicans holding such a slim majority in the House, Mr. Trump began by pressing Texas to redraw its maps, touching off the wave of gerrymandering

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Virginia Democratic legislators rolled out their redistricting plan last October, setting in motion the state’s lengthy amendment process just as the campaign for governor was entering its final weeks. At the time, Ms. Spanberger expressed support for the plan, though she emphasized that its passage was up to the legislature and then to the voters.

But even if her formal role in the process was relatively minor — Ms. Spanberger signed the bill setting the date for the referendum — the politics of the effort has loomed over the first few months of her term. Her support for the amendment has drawn accusations of hypocrisy from the right and complaints from some on the left that she has not been outspoken enough in her advocacy.

“There’s always going to be somebody who wants me to do something differently,” the governor said in an interview on Saturday at a rally in support of the amendment outside a home in Northern Virginia. “I will always make someone unhappy, and I will always make someone happy.”

Ms. Spanberger, a former C.I.A. officer and three-term congresswoman, won a 15-point victory in 2025 after running on a campaign focused on pocketbook issues. Centrism has been her political brand since she was first elected to the House in 2018, flipping a district that had long leaned to the right.

Now Republicans campaigning against the amendment have made Ms. Spanberger a prime target, deriding her as “Governor Bait-and-Switch” and highlighting an interview in August 2025 in which she said she had “no plans to redistrict Virginia.”

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“This was the perfect opportunity for her to show that she is the middle-of-the-road suburban mom that she portrayed herself as,” said Glen Sturtevant, a Republican state senator. He dismissed the notion that this was an effort that had been thrust upon her, pointing out that she had signed the bill setting the date for the referendum. “She is certainly an active participant in this whole process,” he said.

Republicans have eagerly highlighted recent polls suggesting that Ms. Spanberger’s honeymoon is over, though because governors in Virginia cannot serve two consecutive terms, public approval is less of a pressure point than it might be elsewhere. Some of her political adversaries have tied the drop in her ratings to her involvement in the campaign for the amendment.

But a number of factors are at play in those sagging poll numbers. Some on the right are irked by her support of standard Democratic priorities like gun control measures and limits to cooperation with federal immigration agents.

But some of the most vociferous criticism of her from Republicans, up to and including the president, has been for a host of proposed taxes and tax hikes in the legislature — on everything from dog grooming to dry cleaning — that she in fact had nothing do with. Most of those taxes, which were floated by various lawmakers, never even came up for a vote.

But Ms. Spanberger did not publicly hit back against these attacks until recent days, a delay that some Democrats say was costly.

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“She let other people define her,” said Scott Surovell, the State Senate majority leader.

Mr. Surovell’s frustration echoed a growing discontent among Democrats about the governor’s recent moves. For all the Republican criticism of her, some operatives and lawmakers said, Ms. Spanberger has not been aggressive enough in pushing for Democratic priorities, redistricting among them.

This criticism broke out into the open in recent days, after the governor made scores of amendments to bills that had passed the General Assembly. Some lawmakers and Democratic allies accused her of unexpectedly diluting long-sought goals like expanded public sector unions and a legal retail marketplace for cannabis.

“Our party base is looking for us to stand up and fight and advocate and deliver,” said Mr. Surovell, who represents a solidly Democratic district in Northern Virginia. “It’s hard to deliver when you’re standing in the middle of the road.”

In the interview, Ms. Spanberger insisted that she supported the purpose of many of the bills but had to make amendments to ensure that her administration could implement them.

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And she said she had been explicit in her support of the redistricting effort, appearing in statewide TV ads encouraging people to vote “Yes” even as an anti-amendment campaign has sent out mailers suggesting that the governor opposes the effort.

But she said she had never been in a position to barnstorm the state as Gov. Gavin Newsom did in the months leading up to the redistricting referendum that passed in California. Mr. Newsom is a second-term governor in a much bluer state, she said, while she only recently took office and has been “in the crush of their legislative session,” with hundreds of bills to read and examine in a short period.

“Those who may not be focused on the governing and only on the politics, they’re going to want me to do politics 100 percent of the time,” she said. “And for people who care about the governing and not the politics, they’re going to want me to do governing 100 percent of the time.”

Her preference, as she has often made apparent, is for the governing over the politicking. But she acknowledged that it is all part of the job.

Asked if she lamented that the highest-profile issue of her term so far was such a polarizing matter, rather than the cost-of-living policies she emphasized on the campaign trail, she said: “Any person in elected office wants to talk about the thing they want to talk about all the time, and that’s it. So I won’t say ‘No’ to that question.”

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