This past week, Republicans amplified a barrage of strange and racist claims about Haitian immigrants, including falsely suggesting that they’re consuming people’s house pets.
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America’s long history of anti-Haitian racism, explained
The unfounded attacks came from official party social media accounts, lawmakers, and from both members of the GOP’s presidential ticket. Vice presidential candidate JD Vance said Monday that “Haitian illegal immigrants” are “causing chaos,” while former President Donald Trump emphatically, and falsely, claimed during his Tuesday debate with Vice President Kamala Harris that, “they’re eating the pets of the people that live there, and this is what’s happening in our country.”
The comments echo well-worn tropes, and past attempts to tie Haitian immigrants to everything from the spread of illness to upticks in crime.
Republicans have elevated these messages as they seek to make immigration a flashpoint in the November election, capitalizing on voters’ dissatisfaction with current trends. The attacks also come as rampant political instability and gang violence in Haiti has displaced thousands of people — and as the Biden administration has approved temporary protections and humanitarian parole for some new arrivals.
The stereotypes the GOP is harping on, however, have been around for much longer.
In fact, as experts tell Vox, these types of ugly attacks are the byproduct of centuries of anti-Black racism and xenophobic sentiment, which have been used over and over to justify restrictive immigration policies that single out Haitian people. The decision to resurface them in 2024 is, once again, creating a palpably dangerous environment, and adding to this legacy.
“It’s a part of a very old historic pattern,” Regine Jackson, a sociologist and the Dean of Humanities at Morehouse College, told Vox. “It’s the idea that they could do something so inhuman, so un-American. That’s the message underneath, that these people will never be like us.”
Anti-Haitian racism has deep roots
Attacks on Haitian immigrants tap into the longstanding US framing of Haiti as a threat.
“Racism and xenophobia against Haitians among white Americans can be traced all the way back to the Haitian Revolution when Haitians … [overthrew] the system of slavery and [established] the world’s first Black republic,” Carl Lindskoog, the author of a book on the US’s detention of Haitian immigrants, told Vox. “Since then, Haitians have been seen by many white Americans as a threat to white rule and have been treated as such.”
In 1804, Haitians successfully overthrew colonial rule and enslavement by France. Concerned that Haitians’ victory would inspire enslaved people in America to pursue a similar revolution, the US did not recognize Haiti’s independence for nearly six decades.
Following the revolution, France used military force to demand financial restitution for loss of the colony, forcing Haiti to borrow money to cover its demands. The US and France provided those loans — and used them to continue exerting control over Haiti’s finances for years. In total, a New York Times investigation found that reparations to France cost Haiti’s economy $21 billion and directly contributed to poverty and financial problems that still plague the country to this day.
The US also occupied Haiti by force from 1915 to 1934, more than a century after its successful revolution, under the flimsy justification that it was there to ensure political stability following the assassination of multiple Haitian presidents. In reality, it mounted the occupation to prevent France or Germany from gaining ground in the region, which was viewed as strategically valuable. During this time, the US set up a system of forced labor, and sold Haitian land to American corporations.
The takeover also sent a demeaning message: that Haiti wasn’t capable of handling its own affairs.
“A lot of scholars have talked about … rhetoric that’s used to justify invasion around civilizing a society,” says Jamella Gow, a sociologist at Bowdoin University. “This notion of Haitians as backwards, criminal and dangerous started way back then.” The association of Haiti with voodoo practices, something self-help author Marianne Williamson, who ran in the Democratic presidential primary in 2020 and 2024, evoked this week, is another tactic that’s been used to suggest that they’re a “mysterious … migrant other,” says Gow.
In the decades since, the US’s treatment of Haitian immigrants has built on and reinforced these ideas. That was evident in the 1970s, when a wave of Haitian migrants sought asylum in the US as they tried to escape political persecution from US-backed dictator Jean Claude Duvalier. Many of these arrivals were detained and denied asylum, though they met the qualifications for it.
These practices set a precedent for the detention of asylum-seekers, a punitive approach the US still employs now. In a 1980 Haitian Refugee Center v. Civiletti case, the Fifth Circuit ruled that the US government had singled Haitians out and practiced blatant racism in its immigration policies. Despite this decision, then-President Jimmy Carter and his successors managed to find loopholes to keep up this approach. In the years that followed, while a surge of Cuban and Haitian migrants came to the US around the same time, Haitian people were far more likely to stay in detention compared to their Cuban counterparts.
The stigmatization of Haitian immigrants continued, too, in subsequent decades, including efforts to associate Haitians with illnesses, such as HIV. In the early 1980s, when no scientific name had been given to HIV/AIDS, the press and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention deemed it the 4H disease — which stood for “Haitians, Homosexuals, Hemophiliacs, and Heroin users,” in part because some of the early cases of the illness included Haitian people.
A fear of HIV — and the framing of Haitian immigrants as carriers of disease — was among the reasons that led the US to detain Haitian asylum seekers at Guantanamo Bay during the 1990s. (Thousands were detained and deported, while some who were HIV-positive were threatened with indefinite detention.) That’s part of a long history of the US government deeming immigrants health hazards in order to stymie their entry into the country — a practice that was again embraced during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Both the Trump and Biden administrations used a federal authority known as Title 42 to turn away migrants due to public health concerns during and following pandemic. Haitians were one of the largest groups turned away at the southern border on these grounds, Lindsvoog said.
Other attacks on Haitians were also evident in both administrations, such as when Trump himself referred to Haiti as a “shithole” country, and when border patrol officers were captured riding on horses and using their reins to confront Haitian immigrants under Biden.
These types of attacks have real consequences
In the town of Springfield, Ohio, the latest GOP invective is already doing real-world harm.
On Tuesday, Trump gave the conspiracy its largest platform yet, and since then, the claims about the immigrants, which have been repeatedly debunked, have only spread.
In the wake of all this, Haitian immigrants in Springfield — the town in which the GOP claims the pet eating is taking place — have experienced property damage and are keeping their children home from school out of concerns for safety, the Haitian Times reports.
Springfield’s city hall was also evacuated on Thursday in response to a bomb threat, and two elementary schools were evacuated on Friday due to concerns about public safety. The municipality’s mayor has said he believes both incidents are tied to the claims that have been made about Haitian migrants.
Springfield, a town of roughly 60,000 people in the southwestern part of the state, has found itself in Republican crosshairs due to the changes it’s seen since 2020. About 15,000 Haitian people have moved to Springfield for jobs following a manufacturing boom there, and while the growth in population has helped rejuvenate the town, it’s also put pressure on social services in the form of longer wait times at medical clinics and more competition for affordable housing, fueling some animosity toward the newcomers.
That anger only intensified in 2023, following a school bus accident that killed 11-year-old Aiden Clark, since the driver of the car involved was a Haitian immigrant. Republicans and right-wing figures have since invoked Clark’s death to highlight the threat immigrants pose — something his parents have begged them to stop doing.
This hostility toward Haitian immigrants has resulted in neo-Nazis and Republican lawmakers spreading lies about immigrants eating not just pets, but also ducks from the local parks. There is no evidence of this, Springfield officials have said. One instance of a woman — neither an immigrant nor of Haitian descent — eating a cat took place in Canton, Ohio, which is many miles away.
Tropes about people eating pets aren’t new, and have long been used to demonize immigrant communities in the US, including Asian immigrants. Such stereotypes allow Republicans to paint immigrants, including Haitian people, as “forever foreigners” in a bid to ostracize them. The focus on pets, in particular, is designed to undercut immigrants’ humanity, and to suggest that they could harm something people hold dear, says Jackson.
”This kind of language, this kind of disinformation, is dangerous because there will be people that believe it, no matter how ludicrous and stupid it is, and they might act on that kind of information and act on it in a way where somebody could get hurt. So it needs to stop,” White House spokesperson John Kirby said at a press briefing Tuesday.
Vance downplayed these concerns after Tuesday’s presidential debate when he was asked about his comments by NBC’s Yamiche Alcindor. “What do I think is a bigger problem? Insulting 20,000 people or the fact that my constituents can’t live a good life because Kamala Harris opened the border?” Vance said.
As US history — and the threats Springfield faced this week — makes clear, however, these racist ideas can have a direct influence on policies, and lead to immediate, and dire, consequences.
Wealthy UK and French taxpayers still want to relocate to Italy despite Rome’s recent decision to double its flat tax on the foreign income of rich expats to €200,000 a year.
With the looming abolition of Britain’s historic “non-dom” tax regime, advisers claim Italy remains a highly attractive alternative.
“People move not just because of tax, but because they might like the Italian Riviera, the Italian Alps, the architecture, culture, people,” said Miles Dean, head of international tax at accountancy firm Andersen, who claimed non-doms were looking to leave the UK “in huge numbers”.
Several consultants in the Eurozone’s third-largest economy say they are receiving a steady stream of inquiries from France, where an unstable political climate has fuelled concerns over higher taxes on the wealthy.
In August, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s rightwing government unexpectedly doubled Italy’s annual levy on overseas income for new tax residents to €200,000 a year.
The move followed grumbles among Italians about the fairness of a flat tax rate set in 2016 as part of a post-Brexit push to lure wealthy people away from the UK. The scheme is estimated to have attracted 2,730 multimillionaires, including oligarchs, private equity investors and even sportspeople, most of whom have set up residence in Milan.
However, Meloni said her government had “considered it right” to update a tax incentive that had seemed “extremely generous”, as the original €100,000 flat tax had not increased since the scheme’s inception.
“The increase from €100,000 to €200,000 does not make a huge difference for multimillionaires that have large foreign incomes,” said Marco Cerrato, partner at tax firm Maisto e Associati in Milan. “Individuals that we have been advising and that have planned to transfer to Italy after 2025 have not changed their plans.”
Maurizio Fresca, an international tax consultant at Italian law firm Chiomenti, said his clients were not so much concerned about the higher tax but about “the politics” behind Rome’s decision, and what that might suggest about the scheme’s long-term durability.
“When high net worth individuals want to relocate to another country, €100,000 a year is not something that holds them back,” Fresca said. “They want to be reassured that this regime will be in force in the future.”
Fresca said Meloni’s government had increased the tax amount to defuse growing public discontent about generous incentives for wealthy foreigners.
“The Italian government wants to avoid a political discussion about the fairness of the lump sum,” Fresca said, adding that €100,000 was seen as “cheap” after several years of high inflation.
Consultants also said Rome had handled the change deftly.
The new rate will only apply to newcomers establishing tax residency in Italy after the change was approved, while existing participants are grandfathered in at the old rate. No other detail has been altered, which had served to reinforce a sense of the scheme’s stability.
Jacopo Zamboni, executive director for private clients at Henley & Partners, which helps wealthy people obtain investment visas and foreign citizenships, said the tax rise was “not perceived as legal uncertainty”.
“Clients see it as an adaptation of the price to the current circumstances,” he said.
Zamboni said inquiries about Italy from British and French residents were up 10 per cent in August this year compared with August 2023.
The increase in the flat tax is expected to discourage some people without sufficient foreign assets or income from making an Italian move. But Cerrato said that could help to avoid a situation in which the incentive scheme is abolished due to “an excessive influx of wealthy foreigners that impact the housing market”.
The participants pay the flat tax on all overseas income and assets for up to 15 years, while shielding them from tax claims elsewhere through double tax treaties.
Many potential beneficiaries were initially wary, given Italy’s reputation for quick changes of government and rapid shifts in policy. But the incentives have proved surprisingly durable. So far they have survived five governments.
The abolition of the non-dom regime in the UK, alongside plans by the new Labour government to raise taxes, has led some current UK residents to consider moving elsewhere.
In France, an inconclusive parliamentary election in July had prompted a flood of calls from wealthy French residents to their advisers seeking options to shift their assets, were a leftwing alliance to take power and reintroduce wealth taxes.
A conservative, Michel Barnier, has instead been appointed prime minister since, although uncertainty over whether the government will hold has added to incentives for people to look for alternatives.
Italy is one of several popular destinations, which also include traditional tax havens Monaco and Switzerland, as well as Dubai, Greece, Cyprus and Malta.
Tax is not the only factor that drives people’s decision making, advisers say. “A lot of these things come down to lifestyle, connectivity,” Dean said. “There is no one size fits all.”
Additional reporting by Sarah White in Paris
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The head of South Korea’s stock exchange, Jeong Eun-bo, has defended his country’s stalling corporate reform drive amid disappointment among local and foreign investors that Seoul is failing to replicate Tokyo’s success in boosting historically low valuations.
South Korean regulators and political leaders have spent much of this year promoting their “Corporate Value-up” initiative, which includes a new index highlighting companies that have improved capital efficiency, as well as tax incentives for businesses that prioritise shareholder returns.
But just 1 per cent of South Korea’s 2,600 listed companies have signed up or committed to signing up to the programme since it was announced in February, with leading industrial groups including Samsung and chips-to-batteries conglomerate SK Group yet to announce plans to participate.
“The Corporate Value-up programme was a politically designed stop-gap measure designed to appease local retail investors ahead of parliamentary elections earlier this year, but it ended up as a total failure,” said Park Ju-geun, head of Seoul-based corporate research group Leaders Index.
But Jeong, chief executive of Korea Exchange, which operates the Kospi and Kosdaq indices, told the Financial Times that momentum would build behind the initiative as the country’s biggest conglomerates joined.
Carmaker Hyundai Motor said last month it would set new total shareholder return and share buyback targets as it announced its participation, while electronics group LG and steel-to-battery materials conglomerate Posco are also expected to announce plans to join.
“Korea has a strong naming and shaming culture,” said Jeong. “If leading companies join the Corporate Value-up programme, others are bound to follow suit.” He added that Samsung, South Korea’s largest industrial group, had privately communicated to him their intention to sign up for the voluntary programme by the end of this year.
But he also argued that the role Tokyo’s corporate governance drive played in powering the Nikkei 225 index to historic highs this year had been “exaggerated”. The revival of the Tokyo bourse was attributable principally to a recovery in Japan’s underlying industrial competitiveness, he said.
Blaming a lack of innovation at South Korea’s main industrial groups for their low valuations, he said companies such as Samsung needed to address what he described as “rational” investor concerns about their intrinsic value. Shares in Samsung Electronics hit a 52-week low on Wednesday.
“Our stock prices have not risen enough compared with other major countries, but this is a matter of our industries’ growth potential,” said Jeong. “The key is how each company invests and innovates, and there is not much the Korean authorities can do about this.”
Defying expectations that South Korea would benefit from western money flowing out of China and the diminishing opportunities to invest in undervalued companies in Japan, there was a net outflow of $5.5bn from the South Korean stock market in the first half of 2024, with South Korean holdings in US stocks increasing 26.2 per cent over the same period.
About two-thirds of companies listed on the Kospi benchmark trade at a price-to-book ratio of less than one, meaning the market values them below the stated worth of their net assets. Many analysts blame a legal and regulatory framework designed to protect the founding families of industrial groups at the expense of minority shareholders.
With more South Korean retail investors getting involved in the stock market since the coronavirus pandemic, the “Korea discount” of chronic undervaluations has become more of a political issue. The national pension fund — the largest buyer of South Korean stocks — is also being hit, at a time when it is projected to run out of money in the 2050s because of a shrinking population.
Jeong said Corporate Value-up would help improve valuations by helping investors access better information about company plans to improve capital efficiency and shareholder returns. He added that South Korean authorities were providing stronger tax incentives than those on offer in Japan.
But Park of Leaders Index said for serious progress to be made, South Korea needed to impose on board members a legal duty to uphold the interests of shareholders.
“South Korean corporate governance is still not transparent, and minority shareholders are still routinely mistreated,” he said. “Without a fiduciary duty to shareholders, the authorities cannot credibly argue they have done everything they can.”
Thousands of Vaux’s Swifts gather overhead as they prepare to roost for the night at Chapaman Elementary in Portland, Oregon. During the month of September, migrating swifts often use chimneys as roosts and are likely to return to the same roost year after year.
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The Vaux’s Swift is a tiny bird – some people call it “a cigar with wings.” But every fall these little birds make a big trip, from summer breeding grounds in the Pacific Northwest down to their winter home in Central and South America. Along the way, many of them roost as a big flock in chimneys up and down the west coast. And their murmurations in the air – and simultaneously dive together into chimneys – are so spectacular that they draw crowds.
There have been watch parties in Los Angeles, and Eugene – and in Portland the past couple weeks, crowds turned out night after night to see these little birds go to bed. It’s part of an annual tradition known locally as “Swift Watch.”
A bird that doesn’t perch
Spectators see the first sighting of Vaux’s swifts for the evening at Chapman Elementary in Portland, Oregon on September 8, 2024.
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Vaux’s swifts are about the size of a sparrow, but their closest relatives are actually hummingbirds.
“They’re so aerodynamic, and they have these swept-back wings — kind of like these fancy military jets,” says Joe Leibezeit, the assistant conservation director at Bird Alliance of Oregon.
These sleek birds do everything on the wing — eating, drinking, even mating. And, says Liebezeit, they’ve adapted to staying in the air. They’re not known to walk, hop or perch on a branch. “They’re a different kind of bird than a perching bird,” explains Liebezeit. “They don’t have the same muscle structure to do what a songbird does, to securely land on the branch and grab onto it.”
The only time they stop flying is at night when they roost. During the summer, swifts sleep in their own nests in small, residential chimneys, or the occasional hollow tree. But during the fall migration they form flocks of thousands, and huddle up in bigger smokestacks to share body heat.
Crowds gather to see migrating Vaux’s swifts roosting in the chimney at Chapman Elementary in Portland, Oregon.
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Georgiana Cassell’s Vaux’s Swifts memorabilia in Portland, Oregon.
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While their sharp little toes aren’t great for wrapping around a branch, they’re perfect for clinging to the rough stone of a chimney. And they have even developed little barbs on their short, stubby tails to help. “Kind of like a tripod,” laughs Liebezeit.
Chain of chimneys
Historically as they migrated, Vaux’s Swifts would roost in hollow trees. But Larry Schwitters – a retired science teacher who runs a website called Vaux Happening – says they have come to prefer chimneys, because the masonry soaks up the heat of the day.
“The swifts are not good at insulating themselves,” explains Schwitters. “So they press themselves against the bricks that are releasing heat. And it can be as much as 25 degrees warmer inside a chimney.”
On the Vaux Happening website, Schwitters gathers swift counts from bird groups and citizen scientists up and down the west coast. All together, it’s tens of thousands of birds, roosting at about a dozen major sites, about a day’s flight apart.
The Bird Alliance of Oregon has a volunteer information table at Chapman Elementary for visitors coming to watch Vaux’s swifts roosting in Portland, Oregon.
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Hester Van Heemstra watches Vaux’s swifts swirl in the sky at Chapman Elementary in Portland, Oregon.
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Once the swifts get to a site, they’ll stay and feed for a day or two before moving on to the next one, says Joe Liebezeit.
“They’re gathering energy, they’re gathering fat stores on their body because they have to migrate hundreds of miles to the next stopover point.”
Although humans have provided these cozy brick hotels for the swifts, it hasn’t always been a seamless relationship. Some of the old smokestacks have been torn down because of development. Some old chimneys have been capped, because people don’t want to deal with the birds (or their poop). And newer chimneys have metal liners, which the birds can’t cling to.
Flocks of birds, flocks of people
The birds’ murmuration in the air, and simultaneous dive into the chimney, attracts onlookers every year in Portland, Oregon.
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In Portland, a chimney at Chapman Elementary School has hosted a flock of swifts since the 1980s. The Portland swift count tends to peak in mid-September – this year, the first birds were counted August 26th, and the most birds were counted September 2nd (over 5,000).
When it’s swift time, Portlanders grab picnic blankets and lawn chairs, and stake out swift-watching sites on the lawn surrounding the school. Groups share takeout and potluck picnics, while kids slide down the hill on sheets of cardboard.
The tradition is known in Portland as “Swift Watch,” and people turn out for days on end with friends, food, and pets to cheer on the birds.
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“This is a very Portland thing, that there’s hundreds of people gathered on a school lawn to watch birds fly into a chimney,” jokes Jeremy Lui, as he settles in to watch. (That night Bird Alliance of Oregon counted 1,500 people there.)
About an hour before sunset, the birds begin to gather in the sky, and the crowd gasps and claps as the formation swirls around.
Suzi Asmus, who is out celebrating her birthday, says “I love when everybody starts oohing and aahing together – it just feels like a community event.”
Asmus is one of five people out celebrating a birthday on this particular September night. But really, everyone seems to be having a party. People are running into friends, sharing pizza with strangers, complimenting dogs and babies.
Georgiana Cassell drove down from Seattle with friends to watch Vaux’s Swifts roosting at Chapman Elementary in Portland, Oregon.
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Kids slide down a grassy hill on scraps of cardboard while waiting for the Vaux’s Swifts to gather at sunset in Portland, Oregon.
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“The vibes, the family-centricness of it all is really sweet,” says Dylan Winkler. “That people just come and sit on a hill for hours to watch birds is so wholesome.”
But this wholesome night is not without its drama. At one point, a juvenile Cooper’s Hawk flies up to perch on the chimney, aiming to pick off a meal from the flock. The crowd collectively boos as the hawk grabs his prey. Cameron Trost, a volunteer with Bird Alliance of Oregon, isn’t one of them. He says the hawk “is indigenous to the area, so we support his efforts.”
A short time after sunset, the flock’s circles start dipping closer and closer to the chimney, their loose swirl starts to funnel, and the excitement of the crowd picks up. The amount of time it takes for the swifts to actually enter the chimney can vary – depending on the size of the flock, whether they’re interrupted by a hawk, and if they do it all in one pass. But on this night, the flock of about two thousand birds pours into the chimney continuously in the space of about a minute. It’s like a magic trick. And the crowd cheers.
At sunset, Portlanders watch migrating Vaux’s swifts as they prepare to roost in the Chapman Elementary chimney in Portland, Oregon.
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According to Vaux Happening, tens of thousands of birds roost at about a dozen major sites up and down the west coast, about a day’s flight apart.
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“It’s a great connection between people all gathered together on a lawn,” says Joe Liebezeit, “and then this flock of birds that are all kind of in synchronicity, flying in a murmuration… And it’s a cool connection between two species.”
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