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Afghan CIA fighters, like National Guard attack suspect, face stark reality in U.S.
Pictures of National Guard members Andrew Wolfe and Sarah Beckstrom, who were shot on Nov. 26 in Washington, D.C., are displayed next to a picture of the suspect in the shooting, Afghan national Rahmanullah Lakanwal, on the day of a news conference in Washington, D.C., on Nov. 27.
Nathan Howard/REUTERS
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Nathan Howard/REUTERS
They survived some of the Afghanistan War’s most grueling and treacherous missions, regularly battling the Taliban in nighttime raids and urban gun battles. But once evacuated to the U.S., many Afghan fighters who served in “Zero Units” led by the CIA found themselves spiraling into despair because of what they saw as bureaucratic neglect and abandonment by the U.S. government, a former CIA operative and a former Afghan fighter involved in the units told NPR.
Among their ranks was Rahmanullah Lakanwal, the man charged with killing one National Guard soldier and seriously injuring a second after opening fire on them in Washington, DC on Thanksgiving Eve.
The sense of betrayal and frustration cut so deep, some Afghan soldiers living in the U.S. began threatening self-harm.
“Unfortunately, four people took their lives,” said Davud, who served as a combat translator in a Zero Unit for more than a decade.

Davud, who lives now on the West Coast, agreed to be interviewed about the struggles of his fellow soldiers only if NPR identified him by his first name and concealed his identity. He said he fears for the safety of his family still living under Taliban rule in Afghanistan.
Despite their service to the U.S., many Zero Unit fighters have struggled to gain asylum or permanent residency in the U.S., according to Davud. He condemned Lakanwal’s alleged actions, but spoke of the overwhelming mental health and emotional challenges fighters face living in exile.
While fighting under CIA leadership, thousands of soldiers like Davud and Lakanwal faced some of the most harrowing battles of the 20-year Afghanistan war, often carrying out two or even three combat missions a night. Their tactics were often brutal, and groups like Human Rights Watch accused them of engaging in torture and illegal killings.
“I almost got killed by a grenade,” Davud told NPR, describing one firefight when an American CIA agent saved his life. “He grabbed me from my body armor and pulled me back.”
In this Aug. 22, 2021, file photo provided by the U.S. Air Force, Afghan passengers board a U.S. Air Force C-17 Globemaster III during the Afghanistan evacuation at Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan.
MSgt. Donald R. Allen/U.S. Air Force via AP
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MSgt. Donald R. Allen/U.S. Air Force via AP
After being evacuated to the U.S. in 2021, when the Taliban swept into Kabul, many Zero Unit soldiers came to feel they had been abandoned by CIA officials. Despite years of service — which Davud described as “a brotherhood” — he now believes the agency failed to help his comrades navigate America’s complex immigration system.
“It’s that feeling of like you did something that nobody is appreciating,” he said. “That promise that was given to you by your employer was a fake promise.”
NPR sent detailed questions to the CIA and to the U.S. Immigration and Citizenship and Immigration Services, asking for comment. Both agencies declined to comment on the record for this story.
But many aspects of Davud’s account of growing tension and frustration among Zero Unit fighters living in the U.S. were confirmed by Geeta Bakshi, a former CIA agent who spent four years in Afghanistan.
“These guys were the tip of the spear,” Bakshi said, describing the CIA’s Afghan Zero Unit program in an interview with NPR. “They were out on the front, so that American personnel didn’t have to be. They were the ones facing the maximum danger on the battlefield.”
Bakshi now leads a refugee resettlement program, called FAMIL, that focuses on helping Zero Unit soldiers rebuild their lives inside the U.S. She says her organization grew alarmed about rising rates of self-harm among former Afghan soldiers beginning in 2023.
“Individuals from the Zero Units unfortunately suffered deaths by self-harm,” Bakshi told NPR. “We raised this issue with the Biden administration and it was one that we were very concerned about. Again, we saw a direct connection to prolonged immigration delays.”
Bakshi and Davud described struggling to help a growing number of Afghan soldiers in the U.S. who were spiraling into depression. Davud described one instance where a friend felt increasingly hopeless because his immigration status made it difficult for him to work.

“He was like, ‘I’m going to go kill myself,’ that’s how bad it was,” Davud said. “I was very worried for him, but we helped him.” That meant offering friendship, counseling, and support.
Bakshi described a separate incident where a Zero Unit fighter appeared to be unraveling because of repeated bureaucratic snafus by U.S. officials reviewing his immigration paperwork. “He was told, ‘We don’t have you in the system.’ This was a man who was in severe distress. What happened in his case is there was an error in the spelling of his name.”
That individual eventually received a Green Card, Bakshi said, adding that with proper support many Afghan soldiers are adapting well to life in America. In rare cases where Zero Unit soldiers ended their lives, the community has held memorials.
“We usually do a religious funeral for them, on their behalf, saying a prayer,” Davud said.
Lakanwal, the Zero Unit fighter accused of fatally shooting one National Guard soldier and seriously wounding another, also struggled with his immigration status. He only received asylum protection from the Trump administration in April of this year, nearly four years after coming to the U.S.
Like others who fought alongside the CIA in Afghanistan, Lakanwal appeared to be experiencing a personal crisis which began at least as early as January 2024, according to a refugee resettlement volunteer who worked with the Lakanwal family in Bellingham, Wash. Emails shared with NPR show he, too, struggled to find stable employment.

“My biggest concern was that he would harm himself,” the volunteer told NPR. “I worried he would be suicidal because he was so withdrawn.”
The volunteer spoke with NPR on condition of anonymity because they said they feared for their safety, as well as the safety of others in their volunteer community, because of possible retaliation for having worked with the Lakanwals and other Afghan refugees.
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem has said that U.S. officials believe Lakanwal was “radicalized” while living in the United States, but the volunteer said they saw no signs of radicalization. Noem offered no evidence that Lakanwal was radicalized.
Davud, the Zero Unit fighter, said he didn’t know Lakanwal personally. He voiced sorrow that his community of Afghan soldiers wasn’t able to help him in time.
“We had worse cases [of emotional distress] than Lakanwal but we found solutions for them,” he said.
Lakanwal has pleaded not guilty to first degree murder and other charges. In the wake of the attack in Washington, D.C., the Trump administration has frozen all Afghan asylum cases and officials say the legal status of refugees from Afghanistan living in the U.S. is being reexamined.
People pay their respects to the fallen National Guardsman outside Farragut West Metro Station in Washington, DC, on November 28, 2025.
Andrew Thomas/NurPhoto via Reuters
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Andrew Thomas/NurPhoto via Reuters
CIA director John Ratcliffe suggested in a statement that Lakanwal and his fellow soldiers weren’t properly vetted “This individual — and so many others — should have never been allowed to come here,” Ratcliffe said.
FBI director Kash Patel also said the Biden administration failed to properly vet “in any way, shape or form this individual and countless others.”
That account was disputed by Davud., and Biden administration officials who said the Afghans underwent rigorous vetting.
“What they said about Mr. Lakanwal wasn’t vetted? We were all vetted,” he said, describing years of scrutiny, including polygraph tests and detailed interviews by the CIA and other federal agencies, in Afghanistan and in the United States.
“We worked with them for twenty years,” Davud said. “I was really shocked by the CIA director’s comment. I felt so betrayed.”
If you or someone you know is struggling with thoughts of suicide, you can dial or text 988 and be connected to help.
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Map: 5.1-Magnitude Earthquake Strikes off the Coast of California
Note: Map shows the area with a shake intensity of 3 or greater, which U.S.G.S. defines as “weak,” though the earthquake may be felt outside the areas shown. The New York Times
A moderately strong, 5.1-magnitude earthquake struck in the North Pacific Ocean on Wednesday, according to the United States Geological Survey.
The temblor happened at 5:45 a.m. Pacific time about 40 miles west of Petrolia, Calif., data from the agency shows.
As seismologists review available data, they may revise the earthquake’s reported magnitude. Additional information collected about the earthquake may also prompt U.S.G.S. scientists to update the shake-severity map.
Subsequent quakes have been reported in the same area. Such temblors are typically aftershocks caused by minor adjustments along the portion of a fault that slipped at the time of the initial earthquake.
Aftershocks detected
Quakes and aftershocks within 100 miles
Aftershocks can occur days, weeks or even years after the first earthquake. These events can be of equal or larger magnitude to the initial earthquake, and they can continue to affect already damaged locations.
The New York Times
When quakes and aftershocks occurred
Sources: United States Geological Survey (epicenter, aftershocks, shake intensity); LandScan via Oak Ridge National Laboratory (population density) | Notes: Shaking categories are based on the Modified Mercalli Intensity scale. When aftershock data is available, the corresponding maps and charts include earthquakes within 100 miles and seven days of the initial quake. All times above are Pacific time. Shake data is as of Wednesday, June 3 at 6:03 a.m. Pacific time. Aftershocks data is as of Wednesday, June 3 at 8:01 a.m. Pacific time.
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California’s primary for governor is undecided as candidates vie to be in the top two
Xavier Becerra, Democratic gubernatorial candidate for California, and Steve Hilton, Republican gubernatorial candidate for California, shake hands while arriving for a gubernatorial debate at KRON Studios in San Francisco in April.
Jason Henry/Getty Images North America
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Jason Henry/Getty Images North America
SAN FRANCISCO — The primary election for California governor is too close to call, with vote counting continuing Wednesday. Democrat Xavier Becerra and Republican business executive Steve Hilton lead the field with Democrat Tom Steyer in third place.
In California’s unusual primary system, all candidates, regardless of party, appear on a single ballot open to any registered voter. The top two candidates then move on to the general election, even if they’re from the same party. This year, voters had 60 names for governor to choose from.
The winner will lead the country’s most populous state, where leaders often take on national political prominence. Incumbent Gov. Gavin Newsom is at his two-term limit and could be a Democratic contender for president.
Becerra, former Health and Human Services secretary under President Joe Biden, pitched himself to voters as an experienced political leader who isn’t afraid of President Trump, but his lead caps one of the most surprising and dramatic comebacks in recent state political history. As recently as April, polls were showing Becerra — also a former member of Congress and California attorney general — languishing in single digits in a crowded field.
In his remarks at his watch party in Los Angeles, Becerra noted his underdog status.
“Here in Hollywood’s hometown, we love a good underdog success story,” he said, drawing parallels between his campaign and his immigrant parents’ success story in California. “Guess what? The underdog stayed in the fight. Like my parents, I never gave up. Never stopped putting one foot in front of the other. Never stopped believing in the beacon-like goodness of California. And thankfully, neither did you.”
Hilton is a former Fox News commentator who also served as a political adviser to former British Prime Minister David Cameron. He was endorsed by President Trump in April, helping him to pull ahead of Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco, the other major Republican in the race. Hilton has campaigned on the idea that California needs change after 16 years under total Democratic control.
The race is narrowing down after a tumultuous campaign
At his watch party in Huntington Beach, the British-born candidate — who became an American citizen five years ago — said it was the “honor of his lifetime” to receive over 1 million votes so far.
“Change is coming to California and it’s long overdue,” Hilton said. “We’re not there yet, but it’s looking good. It looks very much as if Californians really will have the chance to vote for change in November and take our state in a new direction.”
Democratic billionaire activist Steyer spent more than $213 million of his own money to boost his candidacy and push a progressive, populist message. While he was trailing Becerra and Hilton on Tuesday night, he said at his watch party in San Francisco that he remains confident he can close the gap in the days ahead.
“Together, we’ve scared the hell out of the corporate interests used to getting their way,” Steyer said. “It might take some time to figure out where this is going. We’re going to wait until every ballot is counted. We’re gonna give democracy a time to work. And we know we finished really strong.”
The early results are not certain to hold, in part because of unusual voting patterns in this primary election: Ballot-tracking data heading into Tuesday evening showed that Republicans were more likely to vote early by mail, while Democratic voters in this deep-blue state held onto their mail-in ballots or chose to vote in person. That’s the reverse of recent elections, which saw more Democrats voting by mail and Republicans tending to vote in person on Election Day.
The uncertainty on election night capped a race that remained crowded and unsettled to the end. To some extent, the race was defined by who wasn’t running.
Some of the state’s most high-profile Democrats — former Vice President Kamala Harris, U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla and California Attorney General Rob Bonta — all passed on a potential bid to succeed Newsom.
The race was disrupted in April when then-U.S. Rep. Eric Swalwell’s campaign for governor imploded amid allegations of sexual assault and harassment. Swalwell resigned from Congress shortly after the accusations surfaced and has denied assault allegations.
Swalwell had been gaining in polls and racking up high-profile endorsements, and his exit seemed to primarily benefit Becerra, who had been stuck in single digits in many polls. Ultimately, it quieted fears among Democrats who worried that the messy Democratic field could result in Bianco and Hilton winning the top spots in the June primary.
Marisa Lagos covers California politics at KQED and co-hosts the Political Breakdown show and podcast.
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Supreme Court reinstates Republican-favored Alabama congressional districts
The U.S. Supreme Court
Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
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Tasos Katopodis/Getty Images
The Supreme Court on Tuesday cleared the way for Alabama to use a congressional district map favored by Republicans.
The court, in an unsigned order, overturned a three-judge district court panel that found that the map is “tainted by intentional race-based discrimination.” The court’s three liberals publicly dissented.
The ruling means that Alabama’s 2026 midterm elections will feature six Republican-leaning districts and one Democratic-leaning one, as opposed to a map with only five safe Republican seats. Democrat Shomari Figures, who represents Alabama’s Second District, will likely lose his seat as a result of the high court’s ruling.
The story of Alabama’s congressional map is long and tortured. It began in 2021, when the state implemented a new map to account for population changes in the census. The map featured only one majority-black district out of seven, even though the state is more than one-quarter Black.
Voters immediately sued, claiming the map illegally diluted minority votes in violation of the Voting Rights Act and the Constitution. Lower court judges agreed, ruling that the state must draw a map with two districts where Black voters have a realistic chance of electing their candidate of choice. The Supreme Court more than once has ordered Alabama to draw a compliant map.
But the state has refused and instead continued to litigate the case. On Tuesday, that tactic paid off.
What changed? In April, the Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority all but gutted what remains of the Voting Rights Act, ruling that states cannot purposefully draw districts that are majority-minority.
Alabama then asked the high court to reinstate the state’s old map, under the theory that this new ruling meant that it was permissible to use a map with only one majority-Black district. In an unsigned, unexplained order in May, the high court essentially reversed its previous opinions, and allowed Alabama to use the old map for the upcoming midterm elections.
This set off a flurry of activity in Alabama. By the time the Supreme Court issued its May order, absentee balloting had already begun, using the court-drawn map. So Republican Governor Kay Ivey cancelled elections and scheduled a special primary for August for the affected congressional races.
The case, however, was not over.
In its ruling, the Supreme Court had ordered a lower court panel to continue evaluating Alabama’s map in light of its recent Voting Rights Act decision. And just 15 days after that order, the panel, composed of three Republican judges—two of them Trump appointees—concluded unanimously that even under the Supreme Court’s new standards, the plan for a single black district was “intentionally discriminatory.”
So, once again, Alabama returned to the Supreme Court, arguing that the map was partisan, not racially discriminatory. In short, that the Republican legislature simply drew the map to elect more Republicans. And that under the Supreme Court’s new interpretation of the Voting Rights Act, the GOP map should be allowed to stand.
The court’s conservative agreed, writing that the lower court “did not heed the presumption of legislative good faith.”
The court’s three liberals publicly dissented, castigating the conservative majority for failing to abide by its 2006 decision in the case of Purcell v. Gonzalez. That decision declared that courts should not change election rules too close to an election.
Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in her dissent, said the court “debases the democratic process” and “corrodes the rule of law by rewarding Alabama’s gamesmanship and outright defiance of court orders.”
Tuesday’s decision is the latest in a series of Supreme Court rulings that could well reshape the 2026 midterm elections, making it much harder for Democrats to prevail.
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