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Apparent Suspension of Student Groups at Wisconsin for Pro-Hamas Chalking

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Apparent Suspension of Student Groups at Wisconsin for Pro-Hamas Chalking


From FIRE’s letter sent yesterday to the University of Wisconsin (you can see the citations here); I generally trust FIRE’s factual summaries, but if there is any error in the below, I’ll of course be very glad to correct it:

FIRE is deeply concerned that UW-Madison has suspended two registered student organizations—Anticolonial Scientists and Mecha de UW Madison—amid criticism of chalk messages some group members allegedly wrote at an off-campus event earlier this month. Some of the messages expressed support for terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas’s Al-Qassam Brigades, and advocated the use of violence against Israelis and Zionists in the Middle East.

The student groups are currently under interim suspensions, pending investigation, with UW stating that, because “[s]ome chalkings endorsed violence, supported terrorist organizations and/or contained antisemitic comments,” they could qualify as prohibited discriminatory harassment under the university’s RSO Code of Conduct. But that conclusion cannot constitutionally stand. The off-campus chalk messages constitute political speech wholly protected by the First Amendment, which requires UW, as a public institution, to respect the groups’ expressive and associational rights—even if some, many, or most people dislike their message.

There is, more specifically, no First Amendment exception that would remove protection from speech simply because it is deemed “anti-Semitic” or otherwise bigoted based on race or religion. Regardless of the viewpoint expressed, the rule is the same: Government officials cannot circumscribe expression on the basis that others find the ideas offensive or hateful.

This is particularly true at public colleges, where “conflict is not unknown,” and “dissent is expected and, accordingly, so is at least some disharmony.” The First Amendment instead “embraces such heated exchange[s] of views.”

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The Supreme Court has long recognized the public’s interest “in having free and unhindered debate on matters of public importance” as “the core value of the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment.” And there is simply no question that chalking support for any participants in the Israel/Hamas war—the reverberations of which have been felt globally for many months—constitutes expression on a matter of public concern, which is defined broadly as speech “relating to any matter of political, social, or other concern to the community.”

Nor is there evidence (despite UW’s suggestion) that the students’ political messages, written in chalk at a farmers’ market nearly a mile from campus, would approach the legal bars for either material support for terrorism or discriminatory harassment—even if those same words had been written on UW’s own sidewalks.

The Supreme Court defines discriminatory harassment in the educational context as only those statements which are unwelcome, discriminatory on the basis of protected status, and “so severe, pervasive, and objectively offensive that it can be said to deprive the victim[] of access to the educational opportunities or benefits provided by the school.” The U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights has likewise clarified that discriminatory harassment “must include something beyond the mere expression of views, words, symbols, or thoughts that some person finds offensive.”

Current events do not change this analysis. Earlier this month, OCR reiterated that “offensiveness of a particular expression as perceived by some students, standing alone, is not a legally sufficient basis to establish a hostile environment under Title VI,” and that “[n]othing in Title VI or regulations implementing it requires or authorizes a school to restrict any rights otherwise protected by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.” OCR’s letter also emphasized that campuses have options for addressing the impact of hostile speech that avoid offending the First Amendment, including by offering a variety of support services to affected students.

UW’s own discriminatory harassment policies and RSO rules reflect these appropriate limits on its ability to punish core political speech, with the RSO rules clearly stating they “will not be used to impose discipline for the lawful expression of ideas” and that “[t]he right of all students to seek knowledge, debate, and freely express their ideas is fully recognized by the University.” This is surely because, as you know, free expression is a “longstanding priority” at UW-Madison, which has a dedicated mission and a values statement focused on “Free Expression at UW-Madison.” That statement describes “the need for the free exchange of ideas through open dialogue, free inquiry, and healthy and robust debate,” as “inherent” to the university’s educational mission, “captured by our now-famous language about the importance of ‘that fearless sifting and winnowing by which alone truth can be found.’”

Student organizations play an important role in the healthy speech ecosystem that UW’s mission and values seek to foster. In turn, the First Amendment protects these groups’ expressive and associational rights, fostering their ability to organize around causes and to attempt to influence our institutions, communities, and country. Nor can universities subject the speech of students in RSOs to additional, viewpoint-based scrutiny.

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Instead, student groups’ speech rights are broad, and they extend to expressing philosophical support for the use of force or violence. As the Supreme Court has held: “What is a threat must be distinguished from what is constitutionally protected speech,” including “political hyperbole,” given our country’s “profound national commitment to the principle that debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust, and wide-open.”

Government actors may prohibit non-expressive conduct intended to provide material support, like property or services, to designated foreign terrorist organizations.   But the First Amendment’s protection of robust debate prohibits government actors from limiting mere expressive activity or rhetorical support for such groups. That is so even where the net effect of the advocacy is to sway public opinion.

Despite what may be good intentions, UW does its community no service by censoring these controversial messages. Like many universities, UW is a community of people with sharply divergent views on a wide variety of issues. To the extent the chalked messages have informed UW students, faculty, and staff members of the presence of individuals with these views on campus, this should be seen as an opportunity for those who disagree either to engage with them in good faith—or, if they wish, to avoid such engagement. Censoring them will do nothing to change their minds, and will deny all parties the opportunity to learn from one another.

The First Amendment, and UW’s longstanding commitment to its attendant norms, are most relevant on campus at precisely the moments like these, when social and political unrest triggers high emotions, deep divisions, and the temptation to turn to censorship. When a university departs from its core principles at these key moments and resorts to silencing views it deems odious, it sends the message that the university has subordinated both the rights of its students and its mission of liberal education to the political demands of the day.

We therefore urge you in the strongest possible terms, in this difficult season for campus discourse, to stand by the university’s legal and moral obligations to respect students’ core expressive freedoms. This requires promptly reinstating the Anticolonial Scientists and Mecha de UW Madison student organizations, and publicly disavowing any ongoing investigation into their clearly protected political speech.

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Given the urgent nature of this matter, we request a substantive response to our inquiry no later than close of business Thursday, May 23, 2024.

The legal analysis sounds quite right to me. Note that, even if the government could forbid chalking in various places (and it’s not clear whether it can), it can’t specially punish chalking that conveys particular views, including advocacy of foreign terrorist organizations and support for violence in foreign conflicts.



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Wisconsin

Vote: Who is Wisconsin High School Boys Basketball’s Top Guard of 2025-26?

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Vote: Who is Wisconsin High School Boys Basketball’s Top Guard of 2025-26?


With the action-packed Wisconsin high school boys basketball regular season completed and March Madness beginning, it’s time to take a look at some of the outstanding players and cast your vote for the best.

We began by looking at the most prolific individual scoring threats, talented 3-point shooters,strong rebounders, and top free-throw shooters so now it’s time to take a look at the high-caliber guards from throughout the state.

There are hundreds of high-caliber boys basketball players in Wisconsin, and these lists are not intended to be comprehensive.

Voting remains open until March 9 at 11:59 p.m. PT.

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(Players are listed in alphabetical order and all nominees are leaders from the 2025-26 season as compiled by Bound.com, and WIAA; the poll is below the list of athletes)

Castillo is averaging 25.4 points per game with 5.4 rebounds, 2.3 assists, and 1.1 steals for Greendale (18-6 overall record).

Collien is averaging 15 points per game with 4.1 rebounds and 2.0 assists for Oakfield (21-3 overall record).

Edwards is averaging 14.1 points per game with 7.1 rebounds and 6.6 assists for D.C. Everest (21-3 overall record).

Gray Jr. was averaging 24.3 points per game with 6.9 rebounds, 4.0 assists and 2.1 steals prior for West Allis Central (22-2 overall record).

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Hereford is averaging 36.4 points per game with 9.0 rebounds, 5.6 assists, and 4.1 steals for Beloit Memorial (22-2 overall record).

Johnson is averaging 27.3 points per game with 8.5 rebounds, 4.6 assists, and 3.6 steals for Milwaukee Juneau (22-1 overall record).

Jones is averaging 23.3 points per game with 5.0 rebounds, 3.3 assists, and 2.6 steals for Germantown (15-9 overall record).

Kern is averaging 16 points per game with 6.2 rebounds and 3.0 assists for New Berlin West (21-3 overall record).

Kilgore is averaging 14.6 points per game with 7.0 rebounds, 3.6 assists, and 3.0 steals for Kewaunee (24-0 overall record).

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Kohnen is averaging 16.3 points per game with 3.8 rebounds, 1.8 assists, and 1.3 steals for Slinger (20-4 overall record).

Knueppel is averaging 17.4 points per game with 7.4 rebounds, 3.9 assists, 1.9 blocks, and 1.4 steals for Wisconsin Lutheran (24-0 overall record).

Loose is averaging 18.2 points per game with 5.3 rebounds, 3.0 assists, and 2.3 steals for Port Washington (23-1 overall).

Manchester is averaging 35.8 points per game for Mount Horeb (19-5 overall record).

Platz is averaging 19.5 points per game with 7.2 rebounds and 2.3 assists, and 1.4 steals for Brookfield East (19-5 overall record).

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Prochnow is averaging 21.3 points per game with 11.1 assists, 4.8 assists, and 3.2 steals for Reedsville (21-3 overall record).

Resch is averaging 21.3 points per game with 3.3 assists and 2.0 steals for Arrowhead (18-6 overall record).

Schultz is averaging 27.4 points per game with 6.5 rebounds, 3.8 assists, and 2.0 steals for Plymouth (17-7 overall record).

Schwalbach is averaging 15 points per game with 4.7 assists and 3.3 rebounds, and 1.7 steals for Kaukauna (21-3 overall).

Sweeney is averaging 15.5 points per game for Appleton North (20-4 overall record).

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Vandenberg is averaging 13 points per game with 2.3 assists and 2.0 rebounds for Freedom (23-1 overall).

About Our Player Poll Voting
High School on SI voting polls are meant to be a fun, lighthearted way for fans to show support for their favorite athletes and teams. Our goal is to celebrate all of the players featured, regardless of the vote totals. Sometimes one athlete will receive a very large number of votes — even thousands — and that’s okay! The polls are open to everyone and are simply a way to build excitement and community around high school sports. Unless we specifically announce otherwise, there are no prizes or official awards for winning. The real purpose is to highlight the great performances of every athlete included in the poll.

— Jeff Hagenau | jeffreyhagenau@gmail.com



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Setting sail on iceboats across a frozen lake in Wisconsin

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Setting sail on iceboats across a frozen lake in Wisconsin




Setting sail on iceboats across a frozen lake in Wisconsin – CBS News

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Watch CBS News


CBS News’ Noel Brennan hits a frozen lake in Wisconsin to go ice sailing.

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Senate must pass bill so WI athletics can stay in the game | Opinion

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Senate must pass bill so WI athletics can stay in the game | Opinion



AB 1034 provides clarity around NIL policies, offers limited financial flexibility tied to existing athletic facility obligations, and ensures that Wisconsin Athletics can compete on equal footing.

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  • Wisconsin’s Assembly Bill 1034 aims to modernize state law to reflect new NCAA rules on athlete compensation.
  • The bill would relieve several state universities of $15 million in athletic facility debt to reinvest in athletic programs.
  • Proponents argue the legislation is necessary for Wisconsin universities to compete with peer institutions in other states.
  • Wisconsin athletics reportedly generate over $750 million in statewide economic impact annually.

Let me put my bias, or experience up front. I was a student athlete at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and was fortunate to have one of my sons graduate as a far better student athlete.

I am writing in support of Assembly Bill 1034, which modernizes Wisconsin law to reflect the realities of today’s college athletic landscape, not because of those past “glory days,” but because college athletics has changed more in the past three years than in the previous three decades.  

New national rules now see universities sharing millions of dollars annually with student-athletes through revenue sharing and name, image, and likeness (NIL) opportunities. Other states have responded quickly, updating their laws to ensure they can compete in this new environment.

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Making sure Wisconsin doesn’t fall behind

The State Assembly, with overwhelming bipartisan support, passed AB 1034, now it’s up to the Wisconsin State Senate to pass this legislation and send it quickly to Gov. Tony Evers to ensure Wisconsin doesn’t fall behind.

AB 1034 provides clarity around NIL policies, offers limited financial flexibility tied to existing athletic facility obligations, and ensures that Wisconsin Athletics can compete on equal footing with peer institutions across the country. In a measured way, the bill would relieve UW-Madison, UW-Milwaukee, and UW-Green Bay of $15 million of debt related to athletic facilities with the expressed purpose that those dollars would instead be used to invest in athletic programs.

This legislation is critical for two inter-connected reasons, competition and economic impact.

At a recent capitol hearing, UW-Madison Director of Athletics Chris McIntosh explained that 80 percent of the entire athletic department budget is generated by the football program. That revenue underwrites the competitive commitment to the other 11 men’s and 12 women’s varsity teams, supporting some 600 student athletes.

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The capacity for this to continue is threatened by $20 million in new annual name and likeness costs that impact all NCAA schools. An expense that will continue to rise.  In addition, peer institutions in the Big Ten and across the country are committing substantial additional resources to these NIL efforts. In short, without this debt support, the university and its athletes will not only lose an even playing field, they may lose the ability to get on the field.  

This threat from the changing nature of NCAA athletics also poses a threat to the economic impact from college athletics. A recent study found that nearly 2 million visitors came to campus events annually, generating more than $750M in statewide economic impact from Wisconsin athletics. Case in point, each home football game produces a $19M economic impact, with 5,600 jobs in the state tied directly or indirectly to the department’s activities.  

This bipartisan legislation is not about propping up a single sport. It’s about protecting broad based opportunities for all our student-athletes, some of whom we just watched win a gold medal for the U.S. women’s’ hockey team.

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Athletics are often noted as the front door to the university, but I would broaden that opening to the State of Wisconsin. Our public university system success strengthens enrollment, attracts the talent that drives our prosperity, and serves as a sustaining way forward for our economy.

Bill provides measured and responsible investment

As the former head of one of our state’s largest business groups, I have spent much of my career engaged in economic development. I know what generates “return on investment.” AB 1034 provides a measured and responsible investment that will generate a positive impact for Wisconsin taxpayers, citizens, and employers.

NCAA athletics has changed, and Wisconsin must change with it, or sit on the sidelines. So let’s encourage the Wisconsin State Senate to pass AB 1034 and put Wisconsin in position to compete on the field which provides a win for our student athletes and all of us who benefit from a world class university system.

Tim Sheehy is a UW-Madison graduate and former student athlete. Sheehy served as the president of the Metropolitan Milwaukee Association of Commerce for more than 30 years where he oversaw economic development and business attraction for the region.

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