Connect with us

Ohio

Midwestern cities fear fallout of Trump revoking Haitian residents’ status

Published

on

Midwestern cities fear fallout of Trump revoking Haitian residents’ status


Like so many midwestern manufacturing-centric communities, Lima, Ohio, has dealt with slow-motion decline for decades. Famed for producing oil in the late 1800s and the Abrams army tank, its population has been on the wane since the 1970s.

But in recent years, the city has experienced a small turnaround.

A Procter & Gamble chemical plant east of the city has recently undergone a $500m expansion, adding more than 100 new jobs. Part of the chemical giant’s expansion has seen it donate tens of thousands of dollars in college scholarships to local students and millions of dollars to local road projects.

One 2024 real estate report suggested Lima was one of the hottest property markets in the country for young people.

Advertisement

That’s despite states such as Ohio, Michigan and Indiana, once the heart of industrial America, finding themselves fighting a shrinking homegrown population.

Immigrants from Haiti such as Amos Mercelin, who is one of several thousand people from the devastated Caribbean country now living in the Lima area, have stepped in to fill the labor shortage.

“I worked first at a plastics factory, then I did 12-hour shifts at a Fedex [warehouse]. Now I work with a healthcare organization,” he says.

“It was hard, but I knew these were just first steps.” Many Haitians, he says, work at food production plants scattered around the area, where cold temperatures and harsh physical conditions are a part of the job.

But come August, when temporary protected status (TPS) for more than half a million Haitians is set to end following an announcement by the Department of Homeland Security on 20 February, that growth could be jeopardized. For Mercelin, thousands of other Haitians and the businesses that depend on them, that could be catastrophic.

Advertisement

Cities such as Lima and Haitians such as Mercelin aren’t alone.

In a part of the country hit hard in the aftermath of the Great Recession, about 1,000 Haitians are believed to live in the Findlay area, a city 30 miles north-east of Lima, where one automotive company reportedly relies on immigrants for half its workforce.

Ninety miles to the south, in Springfield, about 15,000 Haitians have contributed to the city’s housing and financial revival. While the city’s property tax revenue was less than $800m in 2018, in 2023, it reached $1bn for the first time. Last year, it grew again, by 40%. While the property tax revenue increase has in part been fueled by rising property valuations, it also coincides with the growth in the number of tax-paying Haitians.

The Trump administration’s move to end TPS has led to worry among city officials in Springfield.

“They have strengthened our local economy by filling key roles in manufacturing and healthcare, even as their rapid arrival has strained public services and housing,” Springfield’s mayor, Rob Rue, a Republican, said in a statement.

Advertisement

“I firmly believe in protecting our borders and reforming our immigration policies. Hasty changes and swift deportation will cause hardworking immigrants to be lost, negatively impacting our economy.”

In Lima, where Haitians have been blamed by some for rising rents and housing shortages, some are expressing similar concerns.

“I’m worried for our workforces if there should be a mass exodus [of Haitian immigrants] because some of our plants and factories need them,” says Carla Thompson, a city council representative.

“People are making money from renting to them, providing services, employing them. All of that is going to go away and those were jobs that our plants and factories needed filled. If we go back to the same population that we had, how do those jobs get filled in the future?”

Advertisement

Voicemails and emails sent to several businesses in Lima, Springfield and Dayton – areas with broadly high levels of support for Donald Trump – known to employ Haitian immigrants were not responded to or comment was declined on whether they would be affected by the end of TPS for Haitians.

skip past newsletter promotion
Advertisement

A representative of a Springfield-based company that employed Haitian workers and whose owner faced death threats last fall at the height of the Trump-induced anti-immigrant controversy said its leadership had stopped taking media requests.

For Thompson in Lima, it’s not only businesses that could lose out if Haitians are forced to leave the country in August.

“I know the landlords have been loving it because I haven’t heard any complaints about [Haitians] not paying rent,” she says.

While larger midwestern cities such as Columbus, Indianapolis and Pittsburgh have mostly weathered the long-term regional population decline and the 2008 Great Recession that followed, smaller cities such as Lima, Springfield and Dayton have struggled.

Residents say that’s why the influx of immigrant communities in recent years seeking a low cost of living and plentiful job opportunities have played such an important economic role.

Advertisement

Thompson says she got word from the mayor of Findlay that crime in areas that Haitians had moved to had fallen. But she believes there is a racist undertone to the plan to end the TPS program for Haitians, which the Department for Homeland Security claims “has been exploited and abused” for decades.

“The backlash against this group has been ridiculous and there’s no way in my mind that it’s not connected to the fact that they are brown-skinned,” she says.

“Racism has been an issue. Some people are probably excited that TPS is being stopped.”

For Mercelin, who has been in Lima for a year, the prospect of the end of TPS is disastrous.

“Some Haitians are talking about applying for asylum to help them stay here, but I can’t,” he says. “I have a daughter in Haiti and if I apply for asylum, it means I can’t go back there for something like seven years.

Advertisement

“That’s something I just cannot do.”



Source link

Ohio

Ex-Ohio State president Ted Carter’s girlfriend would sneak through campus garage to get to his office, report reveals

Published

on

Ex-Ohio State president Ted Carter’s girlfriend would sneak through campus garage to get to his office, report reveals


Disgraced ex-Ohio State President Ted Carter repeatedly snuck his alleged failing podcaster lover through a campus garage for secret visits to his office as he funneled university resources into her business ventures, a shocking new report claims.

The report into the circumstances behind Carter’s abrupt exit from his cushy $1.5 million-a-year role last month detailed his secret office rendezvous with Krisanthe Vlachos, host of “The Callout Podcast,” and at least five trips he took with her.

The duo jetted off to Richmond, Virginia; Orlando, Florida; Kansas City, Missouri; Colorado Springs, Colorado; and Las Vegas – with the married 66-year-old allegedly cooking up a fake business excuse for one trip, the report released Tuesday by the college found.

Ex-Ohio State President Ted Carter speaking at a university board meeting, August 20, 2025. Adam Cairns/Columbus Dispatch / USA TODAY NETWORK via Imagn Images

One social media post showed the pair at a Colorado Springs conference in January, with the ex-prez smiling next to Vlachos, who is clad in an all-black leather getup. 

Advertisement

Carter – married to Lynda Carter for nearly 45 years – admitted giving Vlachos “inappropriate access” to university leadership and public resources to boost her private business when he voluntarily resigned.

The probe found he tapped at least 14 staffers to help his purported paramour, who hosted a veteran-focused podcast, including efforts to score her a university job, campus space, support staff, and financial backing from the school and outside agencies like JobsOhio for different business ventures.

Carter is alleged to have had an inappropriate relationship with Krisanthe Vlachos, host of “The Callout Podcast.”
The WOSU Public Media building, which is part of Ohio State University. Google Maps

“Carter’s actions betrayed Ohio State’s shared values and violated university policy,” the 47-page report said, adding his “wide-ranging” efforts dragged on for almost two years.

“Carter had a close personal and business relationship with Vlachos and he allowed that relationship to improperly influence his actions and impair his judgement.”

JobsOhio shelled out $60,000 to the prexy’s reported flame to produce four podcast episodes about veteran issues – though only one was completed, the agency said last month. 

Advertisement
Carter with his wife Lynda and children, celebrating their daughter Brittany’s birthday, July 29, 2017. Nebraska.edu
Vlachos interviewing Carter on “The Callout Podcast.” The Callout Podcast

The company, which said its decision to invest was driven by Carter’s recommendation, is now trying to “clawback” the funds after all of Vlacho’s poorly performing podcast episodes were hastily removed from YouTube and other streamers when the scandal erupted.

Carter – who served as a Top Gun pilot and instructor during 38 years in the Navy – admitted in one episode he was a “frequent flyer” on the floundering show, appearing as a guest at least nine times since 2024. 

JobsOhio also dished out $10,000 to sponsor a January 2025 event for vets and military families at Ohio State, calling it an “opportunity that Ms. Vlachos brought our attention.”

The agency’s handouts for Vlachos came to an end after she requested a $2.9 million investment in her proposed mobile app, which aimed to help Ohio veterans get jobs. 

An Ohio State spokesman previously confirmed officials were investigating an LLC registered to Vlachos at a university-owned building, in connection with the ex-leader’s departure.

Advertisement

Carter and Vlachos have not responded publicly to the relationship allegations.

With Post wires.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Ohio

New bill seeks to make Loveland Frogman Ohio’s state cryptid

Published

on

New bill seeks to make Loveland Frogman Ohio’s state cryptid


COLUMBUS, Ohio — Step aside, Bigfoot.

A new bill introduced to the Ohio House on April 13 wants to make the Loveland Frogman Ohio’s official state cryptid.

This very real bill is being sponsored by Ohio Representative Tristan Rader, who represents district 13 in Cleveland, and Representative Jean Schmidt, who represents district 62 in Loveland.

“This bill is about showcasing our communities,” said Rader in a press release. “The Loveland Frog is uniquely Ohio. It reflects the stories we tell, the places we’re proud of and the creativity that makes our state worth celebrating.”

Advertisement

The bill makes note that Loveland’s beloved legend has inspired books, documentaries, local festivals, artwork, merchandise and local tourism — all contributing to the local economy.

The Loveland Frogman is, as described by House Bill 821, “a frog-like, bipedal creature standing approximately four feet fall.”

The legend also inspired a found footage horror movie released in 2023.

But what is the Loveland Frogman?

The legend of the Loveland Frogman started with the story that, on two different nights in March of 1972, two different police officers spotted the Frogman.

The creature went unseen for decades, until in 2016, when a couple playing Pokemon Go said they spotted something weird between Loveland Madeira Road and Lake Isabella.

Advertisement

“We saw a huge frog near the water,” Sam Jacobs wrote in an email. “Not in the game, this was an actual giant frog.”

Jacobs said he stopped playing Pokemon Go so he could document what he was seeing, snapping some photos and shooting a short video.

“Then the thing stood up and walked on its hind legs. I realize this sounds crazy, but I swear on my grandmother’s grave this is the truth,” he wrote. “The frog stood about 4 feet tall.”

When they returned to Jacobs’ girlfriend’s home, her parents told them about the legend of the Frogman.

So was it the legendary Frogman? Or just a big frog? Jacobs wasn’t sure.

Advertisement

Around a day after WCPO’s story about Jacobs was published, we got a phone call from a man who claimed to be one of the original police officers who first saw the cryptid.

Mark Mathews told us the creature was not a frog at all.

Mathews explained that the first officer to encounter the purported Frogman, Ray Shockey, called him one night in the March of 1972 after spotting something strange on Riverside Drive/Kemper Road near the Totes boot factory and the Little Miami River.

“Naturally, I didn’t believe him … but I could somehow tell from his demeanor that he did see something,” Mathews said.

Later that month, Mathews was driving on Kemper Road near the boot factory when he saw something run across the road. However, it wasn’t walking upright and didn’t climb over the guardrail as the urban legend of the Frogman goes. The creature crawled under the guardrail. Matthews said he “had no clue what it was.”

Advertisement

“I know no one would believe me, so I shot it,” he said.

Mathews recovered the creature’s body and put it in his trunk to show Shockey. He said Shockey said it was the creature he had seen, too.

It was a large iguana about 3 or 3.5 feet long, Mathews said. The animal was missing its tail, which is why he didn’t immediately recognize it.

Mathews said he figured the iguana had been someone’s pet and then either got loose or was released when it grew too large. He also theorized that the cold-blooded animal had been living near the pipes that released water that was used for cooling the ovens in the boot factory as a way to stay warm in the cold March weather.

“It’s a big hoax,” he said. “There’s a logical explanation for everything.”

Advertisement

Replay: WCPO 9 News at Noon





Source link

Continue Reading

Ohio

Ohio Secretary of State Democratic primary pits outsider vs. insider – Signal Ohio

Published

on

Ohio Secretary of State Democratic primary pits outsider vs. insider – Signal Ohio


Ohio Democrats had a tough time recruiting candidates for the 2026 midterms after years of election losses. 

But they’ve still ended up with a primary contest for Ohio Secretary of State that bears the hallmarks of a competitive race, pitting a first-time candidate against one of the state’s more accomplished Democrats. 

After launching his campaign early, Cincinnati cancer doctor Hambley has gained traction with state party insiders. He’s done so through a mix of active campaigning and strong fundraising – visiting 78 counties and, according to him, raising nearly $1 million, a figure that includes a nearly $200,000 personal loan. Former Gov. Ted Celeste endorsed Hambley last week, becoming the latest current or former elected Democrat to do so, and the state party opted last month to remain neutral in the race.

“Everyone here knows that we need a change,” Hambley said at a voter forum packed with liberal activists in Columbus earlier this month.

Advertisement

State Rep. Allison Russo, an Upper Arlington Democrat who previously led the Ohio House Democrats, meanwhile, says she’s made up for lost time after entering the race eight months after Hambley.

She’s racked up organized labor endorsements and is touting her experience fighting with Republicans in Columbus. 

“We are not at a moment in time for an office of this significance in the statewide ticket where we can afford to have someone who’s on a learning curve,” Russo said in an interview. 

The contest has become a test of competing arguments within the party: whether Democrats are better served by a political outsider or an experienced officeholder. Voters will decide in the May 5 primary.

A similar insider-outsider dynamic also exists in the Republican primary between state Treasurer Robert Sprague and Marcell Strbich, a retired U.S. Army intelligence officer, although the Ohio Republican Party has backed Sprague in that race, greatly increasing his chances of winning. 

Advertisement

The Ohio Secretary of State is a key battleground for both parties, since it serves as the state’s chief elections officer. The role has become more politicized in recent years as President Donald Trump has sought to impose new restrictions on mail voting, which he claims is susceptible to fraud, even though documented cases of voter fraud are exceedingly rare.

The office’s duties include overseeing election administration, issuing guidance to county boards and writing ballot language for statewide issues, an increasingly important political battleground in Ohio, and serving on the Ohio Redistricting Commission.

The office also manages the state’s campaign finance system and business filings.

Hambley builds grassroots campaign

Hambley launched his campaign in January 2025, just months after Democrats were left decimated and demoralized by the November presidential election. A cancer doctor who works for the University of Cincinnati health system, he attracted little attention outside of Cincinnati. In his campaign launch statement, he cited in part the redistricting reform amendment that voters rejected in the November 2024 election as inspiring him to run.

Hambley was involved with that political fight, running a network of Southwest Ohio health workers who promoted the amendment. He got his first introduction to politics a decade before that, organizing opposition in Cleveland to Trump’s “Muslim ban” ahead of the city’s hosting of the 2016 Republican National Convention.

Advertisement

As other Democrats deliberated over whether to run, Hambley developed his campaign by working off the list of hundreds of thousands of voters who signed the petitions for the 2024 amendment. He’s also amassed support by holding hundreds of small events around the state – 360, by his count. Hambley’s message includes emphasizing his background growing up on a small farm and the trusted role doctors play in society. He’s campaigned around the state in a Jeep, like another Democratic physician seeking statewide office, Dr. Amy Acton, the party’s presumptive nominee for governor. 

“I absolutely believe, with a caregiver background running on care and empathy, especially this year, especially against these opponents, is the right way,” Hambley said during an April 11 voter forum in Columbus.

Russo makes a case for experience

Russo, who also works as a health care researcher, launched her campaign in August after being privately linked to a possible run for lieutenant governor. 

Advertisement

She won her current seat in November 2018 in her first run for elected office, and was one of several women candidates to flip previously Republican-held suburban seats. Since then, she’s built relationships with Democrats around the state, in part through an unsuccessful special election campaign in 2021. At a November 2024 election night event that otherwise was extraordinarily bleak for state Democrats, she touted how Democrats flipped two additional Republican-held seats in Franklin County, ending Republicans’ ability to pass referendum-proof legislation. 

From the beginning, Russo has emphasized her experience dealing with Republicans in Columbus. 

“Having been in the arena, having been in some of the toughest fights in terms of attacks on direct democracy, attacks on voting, attacks on our redistricting process and navigating through a very broken redistricting process, that experience I think is critical,” Russo said in an interview.

Russo’s experience should give her an advantage in fundraising, given the opportunity she’s had to network as a Democratic legislative leader and a former candidate in a 2021 congressional race.

But in a state disclosure filed in January, Hambley said he had $546,000 in cash on hand, more than double what Russo reported at the time. He’s started putting his campaign cash to work – launching TV ads that subtly criticize Russo for accepting corporate political action committee money as a Democratic legislative leader. 

Advertisement

“We’re going to be ramping up in the next couple weeks,” he said in an interview.

Russo declined to share her fundraising numbers, saying she’ll do so when she files her disclosure later this month. Even though Hambley got an eight-month head start on the race, Russo said she’s visited 76 counties, just under Hambley’s 78.

She said her advertising plan involves leaning on social media, and likened buying TV ads during a primary election to “lighting money on fire.” She dismissed the idea that the race is competitive, saying her internal polling shows her with a significant lead. She said it also shows there are many undecided voters, but she thinks they’ll gravitate toward the more experienced candidate.

“I think all of this leads me right into the general election. And that is where my eye is focused. It is winning this general election in November,” Russo said.

Few policy differences 

The two candidates don’t have much difference on policy. Both say they want to expand voting rights while opposing Donald Trump’s attempts to restrict mail voting. Their main points of difference largely come down to their professional backgrounds.

Advertisement

But Hambley has leaned into two lines of attack, which both reflect Russo’s practical experience in politics. 

First, Hambley has attacked Russo over her 2023 vote with Republicans to approve the current state legislative maps. The vote, which followed a lengthy court battle that Republicans ultimately won, locked in maps for the rest of the decade that will favor the GOP to win between three-fifths and two-thirds of Ohio’s House seats, to the disappointment of activists who view the maps as gerrymandered in favor of Republicans. 

“Voting for gerrymandered maps is disqualified if you want to be Secretary of State,” Hambley said at the Columbus voter forum.

Second, Hambley has attacked Russo for accepting money from corporate PACs during her tenure as state House minority leader. He also attacked her for getting endorsed by the Ohio Chamber of Commerce, which Hambley called a “MAGA group” in a social media video. 

In response, Russo said she supports campaign-finance reform. But, she said her job as a Democratic legislative leader was to help elect Democrats.

Advertisement

“I want real solutions. Not a bumper-sticker slogan that makes us all feel good,” Russo said.

In an interview, Russo also said some of Hambley’s stances could hurt him in a general election. 

Hambley has pledged to campaign in 2027 for a new redistricting reform amendment – which would continue the politicization of the office by current Secretary of State Frank LaRose. In 2024, he endorsed and campaigned for President Donald Trump, after previously arguing that secretaries of state should avoid political campaigning to prevent a perception of bias.

“My primary opponent misunderstands what the job actually is and misunderstands what the role of [secretary of state] should be,” Russo said.

For his part, Hambley has argued Democrats need to confront difficult truths. 

Advertisement

“People don’t like us. People don’t like the average Democrat in Ohio,” Hambley said during a March 5 candidate forum in Erie County. “It is a huge problem for us.





Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement

Trending