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She was a one-woman protest in Michigan’s Trump country, but not alone

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She was a one-woman protest in Michigan’s Trump country, but not alone


On a warm June day, as crowds of thousands gathered in Detroit and Grand Rapids to protest the policies of President Donald Trump, a lone woman marched up and down the few blocks that make up her city’s downtown.

Sign in hand, 70-year-old Cindy Hull was a one-woman No Kings Day protest in Croswell, a roughly 2,000-person city seated in the longtime, deeply red Sanilac County in the Thumb of a state that Trump won in 2024.

Half a year later, about 90 protesters gathered on a freezing day in Howell, a nearly 10,000-person city in the Republican stronghold of Livingston County.

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Anti-Trump protests in a red county can be both subtly and distinctly different than those in liberal haunts, smaller in size but seemingly subject to more obvious — and, in at least one case, dangerous — objection.

Yet increasingly across the country, they appear to be taking place.

Researchers from the Crowd Counting Consortium, a joint project by Harvard and the University of Connecticut that collects data on crowd sizes, have found a sustained reach into Trump country that wasn’t seen during his first term.

Protests, on average, were held in counties that went to Trump across the majority of months the consortium analyzed on the topic, confirmed consortium co-founder and University of Connecticut political science professor Jeremy Pressman.

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“Nationally, there are more protests, they are more spread out, and more people are turning out,” he said.

For some protesters, demonstrating near home simply makes them feel safer.

For others, protesting in red areas feels more important than marching in bigger protests in more liberal areas.

“They need to hear it more than anybody,” Hull said of those in her red county.

A changing model for protests

Data shows there has been some movement away from a model of going to Washington, DC, or other big cities for protests, said Pressman of the Crowd Counting Consortium.

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Since the Women’s March in 2017, the consortium has collected reports on crowd sizes from sources that include news groups and social media posts. They then make it available to the public, listing both the high and low estimates for a crowd’s size.

It’s not exact work. If sources use general terms, like “dozens” or “hundreds,” to describe a crowd, the team takes a conservative approach, translating that into “24” or “200” in their listing, Pressman said. They’ve also improved their method over time, meaning exact comparisons can’t always be made between earlier recordings and the present day.

But the consortium has deduced that protests have moved into previously unreached counties.

Hull’s protest wasn’t included in the 2025 data, but neither were any prior anti-Trump protests in her county. Trump won there by a margin of more than 45 percentage points in 2024.

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And John Llewellyn, chair of the Newaygo County Republican Party and a former state representative, said he hasn’t seen such protests in his area since the end of the Vietnam War.

Newaygo County, another longtime Republican stronghold, also voted for Trump by a margin of more than 40 percentage points in 2024.

Still, Llewellyn wasn’t surprised to see the gatherings.

He said the participants are solid Democrats who everyone knows, an idea with which organizers for Indivisible Newaygo County disagreed.

Not just one-offs

Protests aren’t just reaching Trump country but sticking around, according to the data.

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Hull hasn’t marched solo in Sanilac County again, opting to travel elsewhere because she had a ride, but the swath of land in front of the historic Livingston County Courthouse saw multiple protests in 2025, and Indivisible Newaygo also reported multiple demonstrations.  

Trump’s first term saw protests reach deep into Trump country at select times, but the instances were one-offs instead of a holding trend, the consortium found. In 2025, that reach, indeed, became a trend.

Additionally, the size of the crowds increased.

As of August 2025, counties where Trump won by at least 5 percentage points in the 2024 election had seen more protesters come out as compared with 2017, according to data from the consortium.

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The average grew from two to seven protesters per 10,000 residents.

Lonely in a red community

Hull was disturbed that immigration arrests in her area didn’t result in protests. She wants her neighbors to know there are people in the community who will stick up for them.

She carried a sign that day in June that read, “Hands Off,” with a list including immigrants, free speech, SNAP and LGBTQ+ individuals. A photo of her and the sign wound up in the Sanilac County News.

Organizing group Indivisible Newaygo County also held protests in their red county as opposed to heading to the bigger, bluer Grand Rapids, said Michelle Petz, part of the group’s planning team.

“We need to show up in this county, so people don’t feel alone,” she said. “For too long, it has felt like there is just one party here, and it is red, and that is not the case. And so, this is a bringing together of community and like-minded people that are very distressed about what is going on.”

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Sara Lane, chair of the Alpena County Democratic Party, reported seeing about 300 people come out for their June and October 2025 gatherings in the county that went to Trump by a margin of 29. Some counterprotesters came out, too.

Lane doesn’t see her work as coaxing over Republicans, but if staunch Republicans want to see another side, her group is there.

“I can show you something different than you’ve been exposed to before,” she said. “If you go through all that and you stay through that and you stay where you are … that’s OK.”

Rebecca Hilla, 46, of Hartland, felt safer going to protests in Howell with her son than going elsewhere. It’s not that there’d be more danger in a big city given the political vitriol everywhere, but she felt comfort being surrounded by those already willing to put a target on their backs in a red community. Livingston County went to Trump with a margin of 24 percentage points.

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“They’re out there to protect everybody’s kids,” Hilla said of the protesters there.

Smaller, local rallies matter to residents, said Kate Naden, the organizer of an October 2025 No Kings Day rally in Macomb County’s Romeo.

A key swing county, Macomb gave Trump a win by a margin of 14 percentage points over Harris in 2024 and served as the venue when Trump marked his first 100 days in office.

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There were still more than 300 people present as Naden’s October rally wound down, and elsewhere in the county, in Sterling Heights, thousands gathered the same day.

Through the eyes of Republicans

Speaking shortly after those Macomb County rallies in October — which saw two men on opposing sides seek out a possible friendship — the chair of the Macomb County GOP expressed a belief that protesters were bused into the area by the Democratic Party. He also raised concerns about protesters being paid.

“I don’t know that anybody is participating from our county,” Gus Ghanam said. “If they are, I’d be shocked; our county’s doing very well.”

No protesters reported to the Free Press getting payments or being bused in.

Llewellyn of the Newaygo County Republican Party said both that trying to rally people is what political parties do and that “people like to do trendy stuff.”

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And while protests aren’t new to Howell, which saw both Ku Klux Klan rallies and pushback in the ‘90s, an acceleration in protests isn’t shocking, said longtime resident and Livingston County Republican Party Chair Deb Drick.

Trump is aggressive, and every action has an equal and opposite reaction, she said.

She thinks protesters are aiming to convince swing voters and the independents in her county to join their cause, but she thinks their message isn’t helping them.

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“Half those signs are just silly,” she said. “When you’re protesting a woman’s death, saying ‘(Expletive) Trump’ is not the way to do it. That’s not the message that you’re trying to get across. It could be ‘ICE needs training’ or ‘ICE needs to back off.’  … Every single time a Democrat loses their mind and flies off the handle, they send another independent or swing voter my way, so have at it, people.”

A change of heart?

Neither Drick, in Livingston County, nor Monroe County Republican Party Chairman Todd Gillman believes that the protests in their area are indicative of locals being swayed away from their support of the Republican Party or Trump.  

Trump won Monroe handily in the last three elections, but Gillman said it used to be more purple than it is now.

“I don’t think it’s a representative of Monroe, I think it’s a representative of a small part of Monroe,” Gillman said of the anti-Trump protests.

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It’s the beauty of being an American that people can peacefully protest whatever they want, he said. Good or bad, Trump elicits a lot of emotion.

Thy neighbor

Stepping back slightly from the curb shortly after a silver truck swerved toward the crowd of protesters in the median in Howell, Rachel Bennett, 31, apologized for being a bit distracted. She was still shaken up.

Bennett loves her city. She thinks it’s a beautiful place with a close-knit community.

“But Howell can be so nasty, I think it’s really important I’m here,” she said outside the historic Livingston County Courthouse that day in January.

She knows Republicans, knows that they are not evil and wants to try to reach those on the fence.

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Protesters in red counties shared similar mixed reviews of living there. Many said they loved their neighbors, but some said they disliked raising a family amid toxic politics. Several said they had friends who were Republican, but some also said they didn’t talk politics with those friends.

Hull was surprised to get so many thumbs up when she did her solo protest in Sanilac County. Of course, some “yahoos” sent black tailpipe smoke her way, and the husband of a fellow churchgoer got “blustery” over not needing a handout himself, she said.

In Howell, the level of friction wasn’t as obvious standing back near the 19th-century courthouse, but, from the median, drivers in about every third car could be seen flashing obscene gestures, giving a thumbs down or otherwise showing their displeasure. A man parked in front of the island and walked around filming the crowd; some protesters blocked his path and called him names. 

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A week later, Bennett was still shaken by the truck that swerved at her and was fighting feelings of defeat. The day it happened, however, she sought to give the driver the benefit of the doubt. She thought back to times she’d had to watch her language while protesting in her own community.   

“It was probably heat of the moment,” she said. “I hope he’s regretting it.”



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“Trustworthy” AI consortium focused on ethics, security launches in West Michigan

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“Trustworthy” AI consortium focused on ethics, security launches in West Michigan


Artificial intelligence is rapidly reshaping everything from classroom conversations to social media, and leaders at Grand Valley State University (GVSU) say West Michigan is positioning itself to help determine how the technology is used, responsibly.

The university’s College of Computing is launching the West Michigan Trustworthy Artificial Intelligence (AI) Consortium, aimed at helping businesses, researchers and the community better understand how to use artificial intelligence.

Right in the heart of Grand Rapids, along the Medical Mile, the consortium will meet at the Daniel and Pamella DeVos Center for Interprofessional Health (DCIH) every week, with quarterly meetings open to the general public.

The effort is aimed at helping West Michigan industries adopt AI that fits their specific needs, while problem-solving for security, bias, privacy, and ethical concerns.

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Right in the heart of Grand Rapids, along Medical Mile, the consortium will meet at the Daniel and Pamella DeVos Center for Interprofessional Health (DCIH) every week, with quarterly meetings open to the general public. (Abigail Taylor/WWMT)

Marouane Kessentini, Ph.D, Dean of the GVSU College of Computing told News Channel 3 that a wide range of companies in the region are bringing forward questions of where, and how, to ethically integrate artificial intelligence into their practices.

“Here in West Michigan, we have a high concentration of many industries, health, manufacturing, and of course high-tech companies,” said Kessentini. “The first questions are about security, privacy, ethics and bias. It’s not just about deploying tools. It’s about deploying them responsibly.”

Kessentini said the consortium will focus on training, research and community education, with a heavy emphasis on data privacy, cybersecurity and misinformation.

“There are many examples where AI systems were trained on data that wasn’t diverse,” he said. “That can lead to inaccurate results. That’s why testing and training are critical.”

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The consortium will bring together faculty researchers, students, and industry leaders, with weekly meetings planned to develop guidance for using AI at scale.

The goal is to help companies validate AI outputs, clean and manage data, and identify bias before systems are put into real-world use, especially in high-risk industries like healthcare and manufacturing.

Some projects will involve software design, others will focus on creating public data sets that are reliably sourced, but anonymized for safe use, and many more are yet to be ideated.

Some projects will involve software design, others will focus on creating public data sets that are reliably sourced, but anonymized for safe use, and many more are yet to be ideated. (Abigail Taylor/WWMT)

Some projects will involve software design, others will focus on creating public data sets that are reliably sourced, but anonymized for safe use, and many more are yet to be ideated. (Abigail Taylor/WWMT)

The initiative is backed by $1,031,000 in federal support, through the Community Project Funding (CPF) process, resources that U.S. Representative Hillary Scholten (D-MI-03) said she advocated for among members of congress in Washington.

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“West Michigan should be leading the way in how artificial intelligence is developed and used, and that starts with investing in people and institutions we trust,” said Rep. Scholten. “This funding will help GVSU bring together educators, industry, and public partners to build AI systems that are ethical, secure, and transparent while preparing students for good-paying jobs and strengthening our region’s economy. I’m proud to support this work and to continue delivering federal investments that ensure West Michigan remains at the forefront of responsible innovation.”

It’s important that AI is useful, but also safe…

GVSU also launched an online certificate portal that is open for community members interested in learning about ethical AI use, for free.

Kessentini said the training is for the general public to learn how to navigate the technology, including the risks and limitations.

“It’s important that AI is useful, but also safe,” said Edgar Cruz, master’s student with a badge in cybersecurity.

Cruz is currently researching how AI systems can be attacked or manipulated with poisoned data, specifically as it relates to vehicle-to-vehicle communication, where AI helps self-driving cars exchange information like speed and position.

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“We want to ensure that the system is robust and safe,” he said. “Because obviously people are involved.”

Kessentini said the consortium is designed to be a public resource, not just an academic project.

Quarterly community meetings will be open to the public, and training materials are available online through the College of Computing website.

“This is innovation with purpose,” he said. “We want to start here in Grand Rapids, but we want to make a global impact.”



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New Michigan O-line coach Jim Harding has one goal for spring practice

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New Michigan O-line coach Jim Harding has one goal for spring practice


Jim Harding, Michigan’s new offensive line coach, has one goal coming out of spring practice: he wants to have a set starting five plus a solid sixth lineman for good measure.

Michigan begins spring practice March 17 and concludes with the spring game on April 18.

Harding, appearing on the Michigan in-house podcast, “In the Trenches” hosted by Jon Jansen, joined new Michigan head coach Kyle Whittingham’s staff from Utah, where Whittingham was head coach the last 21 years. Harding spoke about a number of topics, including returning to the Midwest — he grew up in Maumee, Ohio, and his wife is from Farmington Hills — and his love for the Detroit Tigers, but most important was his discussion about building the Wolverines’ offensive line.

“I’d like to establish the starting five where you feel good that when you go into fall camp,” Harding said on the podcast that posted Wednesday. “Those are the guys that are working together immediately from Day 1.”

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Harding said he uses a sixth lineman — he terms that player the “rhino” — quite a bit and would like to have at least two ready to go. The Wolverines also need depth at center considering only Jake Guarnera has snapped in a game.

“And then just having that physicality, nastiness of the offensive line,” Harding said. “Just kind of develop that.”

Since arriving earlier this year at Michigan, Harding said he’s been impressed by the linemen and their desire to work hard on conditioning and developing their craft by asking questions and wanting feedback. They have gone to dinner as a group to get to know each other away from the facility, and Harding has enjoyed the process.

“The things that you can’t measure right now is our physicality or our toughness, things like that,” Harding said. “I’m confident that it won’t be an issue, but that’s kind of the next step once we get pads on, (finding out) who are kind of the Alpha dogs in the room that are going to set the tone for the unit, and then, obviously, the offense. But really pleased with what I’ve seen so far.”

Harding shared offensive coordinator Jason Beck’s approach to installing the offense.

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“The way (Beck) runs it, everything’s on the table Day 1 in practice,” Harding said on the podcast. “So we’ll get a script with, if you count red zone, probably 60 or so plays, and any play can be called. It’s really unique, and I’d never done it this way, but Coach Beck, actually calls it like he does in the game. There are no scripts, and so we’ll just move the ball down the field, and if it’s a third play and it’s third and 3, well he’s going to call a third-and-3 call.

“So you really have to have the kids prepared for all 60 of those. And then the next day there’ll be maybe different formations and things like that once we get the concepts down in the O-line room for the run game. Now it’s just a matter of dressing up different things. It’s a lot of stuff early on, because every run scheme we have could be called on that first day, every pass protection we have could be called on that first day. So it’s a front-loaded installation.”

achengelis@detroitnews.com

@chengelis



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Bills to end concealed carry permit requirement introduced in Michigan House

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Bills to end concealed carry permit requirement introduced in Michigan House


A group of Republicans in the Michigan House say Michiganders’ second amendment rights are being infringed, as they introduce legislation to end requirements for concealed carry permits.

Right now, Michiganders must obtain a permit to carry a concealed gun, with a base fee of $100.

As part of the process, applicants must also receive training.

“The first thing they do is put you in a classroom, make sure you know all proper range and safety procedures, run you over what the law states about when and if you’re allowed to use your firearm,” Jonathan Hold, president of the Michigan chapter of Giffords Gun Owners for Safety and a firearms instructor, said. “It gives a really good grounding.”

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Applicants must demonstrate four hours of range time as well.

The group of House Republicans feel this is an undue burden, noting many gun owners are already knowledgeable.

They also believe the current five-year felony for carrying without a permit is too steep.

“For the government of the state of Michigan to tell that that we have to be qualified under the guise of their rules in order to protect ourselves is a far cry from what the constitution provides for us,” Rep. Jay DeBoyer, (R- Clay) said.

The package of bills wouldn’t abolish permits, as they are necessary to take guns outside of the state, but it would institute what’s called “constitutional carry.”

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That means Michiganders can carry a gun on them without a permit.

Twenty-nine other states already adopted such policies.

“When we exercise other first amendment rights like our right to speak, we do not have to get a permit or permission from the government to speak,” Rep. Jim DeSana (R- Carleton) said. “When we exercise our right to worship, we do not have to go get a permit or permission to go worship.”

Supporters say concealed guns are important for self-defense, and can also help stop crime.

“It’s going to encourage and increase safety for all,” Rep. Joseph Fox (R- Fremont) said. “It’s about protecting everybody because if there are guns in this situation, and people are worried for their lives, they’re gonna stay back away from evil and making bad choices.”

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Gun control advocates like Gold, however, say it’s “ridiculous” not to have guardrails.

“We’re talking about the power of life and death at a distance,” Gold said. “To send an untrained user out into the world with a firearm is a mistake.”

He also takes issue with the constitution argument.

“The constitution says as part of a well regulated militia, if you read the second amendment, and we don’t have well regulated militias in this country,” Gold said. “At the very least, what we should have are trained firearms users.”

A similar effort to end concealed carry permits failed to gain traction last year in the Michigan Senate, and with the landscape unchanged, the bills likely have an uphill battle to become law.

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