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Iowa's revised abortion rules still more political than medical

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Iowa's revised abortion rules still more political than medical


The Iowa Board of Medicine has unanimously approved a new version of administrative rules related to a near-total abortion ban Republicans hope to enforce in the future.

The law, known as House File 732, is currently enjoined under a Polk County District Court order, which the state has appealed. If the Iowa Supreme Court eventually allows the ban to go into effect, the administrative rules would provide some guidance to physicians on how to approach the law’s (mostly unworkable) exceptions.

The revisions approved during a February 15 teleconference meeting address some objections physicians raised when the board discussed the rules in November and January. However, they do not change the reality that the rules don’t match how doctors normally interact with patients seeking to terminate a pregnancy.

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BACKGROUND

Republican lawmakers approved and Governor Kim Reynolds signed House File 732 last July. The law would prohibit almost all abortions after fetal cardiac activity could be detected. That often occurs around six weeks, before many people know they are pregnant.

The Board of Medicine’s duties include defining the scope of medical practice and disciplining physicians. The governor appoints the board members, subject to Iowa Senate confirmation by a two-thirds vote.

Iowa law calls for the Board of Medicine to have ten members, with no more than half having any one political affiliation. Currently, the board has five Republicans, three independents, and two unfilled positions. (This isn’t the only example of Reynolds leaving positions vacant on important state boards that have no Democratic representation.)

House File 732 doesn’t threaten doctors with criminal penalties but calls on the Board of Medicine to adopt rules to administer its provisions. In November, Bleeding Heartland flagged several problems with the first draft of the administrative rules. This document, provided by the Iowa Department for Inspections, Appeals, and Licensing, shows the current version, with all changes “redlined” to make them easier to spot.

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RULES STILL FULL OF NON-MEDICAL TERMINOLOGY

Administrative rules tend to track statutory language closely, and these are no exception. Like House File 732, the rules repeatedly refer to a “fetal heartbeat,” which is a misnomer. An ultrasound can pick up electrical activity before an embryo becomes a fetus (around eight weeks), and before chambers of the heart develop (around ten weeks). According to the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, “Until the chambers of the heart have been developed, it is not accurate to characterize the embryo or fetus’s cardiac development as a heartbeat.”

The rules also repeatedly mention the “unborn child.” During board meetings in November and January, several physicians noted that’s a non-medical term, which would not normally be found in medical records. They asked whether the rules could employ terms doctors would use (embryo or fetus) instead.

Chief Deputy Attorney General Leif Olson, who led the working group that drafted the administrative rules and the revisions, responded during the January 12 meeting, “I don’t think the board probably has the power to do that. I think the legislature has defined it, and that’s the definition that the board needs to stick with.”

The revised rules add a new line to the definitions section: “f. Unborn child’ means an individual organism of the species homo sapiens from fertilization to live birth—that is, at all stages of development, including embryo and fetus.”

Physicians had also questioned the use of the word “woman” throughout the rules, since many children who have not reached the age of majority become pregnant. Some suggested using the word “female” patient, or defining “woman” to include a minor child. Since House File 732 uses the word “woman,” the revised rules now contain the following line: “‘Woman’ means a female individual regardless of her age.”

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Incidentally, a different Iowa Code section regulating abortion states that “the woman’s age” cannot be a factor that makes a situation a “medical emergency,” which would justify an abortion. During the special legislative session last July, Republicans voted down amendments offered in the Iowa House and Senate that would have added an exception covering all patients age 12 or younger, or all patients under age 16.

RULES CLEANED UP ULTRASOUND LANGUAGE

When Republicans drafted House File 732, they copied Iowa’s 2018 abortion ban nearly verbatim, rather than consulting with physicians to make the language more medically accurate. One of the biggest tells was the passage that reads, “In testing for a detectable fetal heartbeat, the physician shall perform an abdominal ultrasound, necessary to detect a fetal heartbeat according to standard medical practice […].”

Naturally, the draft administrative rules also called for an “abdominal ultrasound.” They went on to state, “At minimum, the ultrasound shall examine the full region of the woman’s body between the chest and pelvis, including the side flanks between the rib cage and hips.”

Public commenters from the medical community as well as members of the Board of Medicine objected to the wording. Dr. Robert Donnelly, the only OB/GYN currently serving on the board, pointed out during the January meeting that this kind of abdominal ultrasound would require the physician to look at the patient’s spleen, kidneys, gall bladder, aorta, and so on. None of that is “necessary to establish whether there’s a fetal heartbeat or not,” he said.

Olson acknowledged that at an early stage of pregnancy, most doctors would use a trans-vaginal ultrasound. But he said the board could not put “trans-vaginal ultrasound” in the rules, because the statute specifies “an abdominal ultrasound.”

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Someone suggested rewriting the rules to refer only to “standard medical practice,” without specifying the type of ultrasound. But Donnelly speculated that obstetricians might interpret that phrase to include a vaginal probe ultrasound, which the legislature apparently did not intend. “When you order an abdominal ultrasound, it’s basically from the belly button up. And when you order a pelvic ultrasound, it’s from the belly button down. […] So you have to be specific when you’re talking about these things,” he added.

Donnelly advised revising the rules to require “a trans-abdominal pelvic ultrasound.” The current version incorporates that suggestion.

RAPE, INCEST PROVISIONS STILL REQUIRE MEDICALLY IRRELEVANT INFORMATION

House File 732 nominally includes exceptions for rape and incest, but those apply only to certain patients who report a rape within 45 days or incest within 140 days to law enforcement or a health care provider. Since many victims of sexual assault or abuse never report the offense, the administrative rules spell out the information doctors need to collect in order to decide whether those provisions apply.

During the Board of Medicine’s January meeting, several physicians, including Donnelly and Dr. Vickie Pyevich, expressed concerns about potentially intrusive questions the rules seemed to mandate. The original document read that when determining whether a pregnancy was the result of rape or incest, the physician “must gather the following information from the woman seeking an abortion.” They said that read like a checklist of things doctors are required to ask patients. Donnelly confirmed that OB/GYNs would not normally ask patients about specific circumstances surrounding the pregnancy.

The revised rules say physicians who intend to perform an abortion in cases of rape or incest “must use the following information,” clarifying, “This rule does not prescribe the manner in which the physician is to obtain this information.” That was enough to satisfy the board members.

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But the rules still require physicians to document details that would not be part of a typical medical appointment, such as finding out the date of the sex act that caused the pregnancy (a victim of rape or incest might not know), or clarifying whether the perpetrator was a “closely related person” (and therefore committed incest).

The rules allow physicians to rely on “a good-faith assessment that the information is true,” but also say, “This information and its source shall be documented in the woman’s medical records.” That covers situations where a parent or guardian may be speaking on behalf of a pregnant child or adult with developmental disabilities.

The new rules didn’t change the definition of “closely related persons” that implicate the incest exception: “must be related, either legitimately or illegitimately, as an ancestor, descendant, brother or sister of the whole or half blood, aunt, uncle, niece, or nephew. For purposes of this rule, a closely related person includes a stepparent, stepchild, or stepsibling, including siblings through adoption.”

As Bleeding Heartland previously noted, that definition fails to cover lots of people who may abuse a child, such as a neighbor, caregiver, coach, clergy, or parent’s intimate partner who is not a stepparent. A child raped by a non-relative wouldn’t be able to obtain an abortion unless they reported within the 45-day window allowed for rape victims. Many children would not be aware of a pregnancy until well after that point.

The rules initially defined “the pregnancy is the result of a rape” as “a circumstance in which the pregnancy is the result of conduct that would be a prosecutable offense” under Iowa’s criminal code sections on sexual abuse.

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When the Iowa legislature’s Administrative Rules Review Committee first discussed the rules on January 8, Democratic State Representative Rick Olson, who does some criminal defense work, asked about the term “prosecutable,” which isn’t defined elsewhere in the rules. Chief Deputy Attorney General Olson said it meant “capable of being prosecuted.”

Aren’t all cases “capable of being prosecuted,” the lawmaker asked. The chief deputy attorney general said there would have to be “sufficient underlying facts” to justify an indictment.

The working group changed that phrasing to say “conduct that would constitute an offense” under those code sections, “regardless of where the conduct occurred.” Leif Olson explained during the February 15 board meeting that the idea was to make sure the exception applied even if the rape or incest happened outside Iowa. (Such crimes would not be “prosecutable” in Iowa; they would be prosecuted where the offense occurred.)

“FETAL ABNORMALITY” EXCEPTION WOULD REMAIN LARGELY UNUSABLE

In many states with abortion bans in place, women have been forced to continue doomed pregnancies, at the risk of their own health or fertility. Iowa Republicans have denied their law would harm women that way, because House File 732 allows abortion if, before the 20-week mark, “The attending physician certifies that the fetus has a fetal abnormality that in the physician’s reasonable medical judgment is incompatible with life.”

That will put abortion out of reach for some patients, since many serious fetal anomalies are not diagnosed until a 20-week ultrasound or later.

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The administrative rules put up more roadblocks. Doctors would need to document in the patient’s medical file “the diagnosis of the abnormality,” the basis for that diagnosis, and a “description of why the abnormality is incompatible with life.” As Bleeding Heartland previously explained, many fatal conditions don’t cause instant death outside the womb, but involve an infant suffering for hours or days after birth. Sometimes reasonable physicians may disagree about whether a certain condition is “incompatible with life.”

Members of the Board of Medicine didn’t request any revisions to this language, so the current draft leaves them unchanged.

When the Administrative Rules Review Committee discussed the draft rules in January, State Senator Nate Boulton zeroed in on another part of this section, which reads, “The diagnosis and the attending physician’s conclusion must be reached in good faith following a bona fide effort, consistent with standard medical practice and reasonable medical judgment, to determine the health of the fetus.”

Boulton, who is a trial attorney, observed that “in most areas of law,” such as medical malpractice or workers’ compensation claims, statutes use the phrase “within a reasonable degree of medical certainty.” He wondered why those who drafted the rules wrote “consistent with standard medical practice” and “reasonable medical judgment,” instead of well-recognized legal language.

Chief Deputy Attorney General Olson replied that “reasonable degree of medical certainty” is used in a civil liability context, but these rules are about regulating medical practices. Boulton asked whether “reasonable medical judgment” is defined elsewhere in the Board of Medicine administrative rules. Staff said they would have to check on that. I couldn’t find any such definition in the Iowa Administrative Code chapters covering the board.

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NO ADDITIONAL CLARITY ON MEDICAL EMERGENCIES

In other states that are enforcing abortion bans, pregnant women are often denied care for complications unless they are near death or the fetal heart has stopped beating. Doctors are afraid to terminate pregnancies where that would be the standard of care (for instance, after early rupture of membranes) because they could face severe consequences.

House File 732 allows abortion in cases of “medical emergency,” but does not list specific conditions that would qualify. The existing code section uses vague language:

“Medical emergency” means a situation in which an abortion is performed to preserve the life of the pregnant woman whose life is endangered by a physical disorder, physical illness, or physical injury, including a life-endangering physical condition caused by or arising from the pregnancy, but not including psychological conditions, emotional conditions, familial conditions, or the woman’s age; or when continuation of the pregnancy will create a serious risk of substantial and irreversible impairment of a major bodily function of the pregnant woman.

Board of Medicine members did not request or receive any additions to the rules spelling out which conditions are “life-endangering” or “create a serious risk of substantial and irreversible impairment of a major bodily function.” So the draft rules approved on February 15 are silent on medical emergencies.

NO ADDITIONAL CLARITY ON DISCIPLINE

Board members didn’t ask for the administrative rules to spell out the consequences for doctors who violate the law in various ways. So the revised package is silent on how the board might discipline a physician who performed an abortion for someone who didn’t qualify, or what might be considered aggravating or mitigating factors.

Maggie DeWitte, executive director of Pulse Life Advocates (formerly known as Iowa Right to Life), generally welcomed the rules in comments provided to the Des Moines Register’s Michaela Ramm. That said,

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DeWitte raised concerns on the lack of specific language on potential disciplinary action, saying her anti-abortion group hopes to see physicians who violate the law face severe penalties, such as removal of their medical license.

“If you’re going to have a law with no punishment, it defeats the purpose,” DeWitte said. “If you’re going to have a law and then there’s no consequences for breaking that law, there’s no teeth to it. We want to ensure that there is appropriate punishment for breaking this law because in the end, a life would have been taken. And that’s pretty serious.”

I doubt she needs to worry. Very few doctors would put their license on the line by terminating a pregnancy if there is any chance the state could sanction them later.

More likely, they would pull up stakes and move to a state where they can practice medicine without government interference and provide patients with the best standards of care.

“THE POPULATION OF IOWA DESERVES BETTER THAN ARBITRARY RULES”

The four physicians who founded the political action committee Iowans for Health Liberty last year—Drs. Emily Boevers, Andrea Greiner, Francesca Turner, and Jami Maxson—have sharply criticized House File 732 and the rules that would enforce it.

In a February 15 written statement, the group credited the Board of Medicine, which “has taken an important stand to protect the physician-patient relationship” by “attempting to adapt the language of the law to standard medical care.”

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However, this does not change the fact that the restrictions the bill outlines infringe on the rights of pregnant women to control their reproductive health and the ability of physicians to provide standard of care medicine. Exceptions for abortion care are difficult to access, delay care and result in maternal death and disability.

Iowans for Health Liberty predicted that our state’s statistics on OB/GYNs per capita and infant mortality will worsen if this abortion ban takes effect. “The population of Iowa deserves better than arbitrary rules that do not promote the health and wellbeing of pregnant patients.”

It’s important to remember that the limited exceptions contained in House File 732 would deny any choice to the vast majority of pregnant Iowans. Planned Parenthood North Central States has estimated the law would ban about 98 percent of abortions.

If an unplanned pregnancy would derail your career or education, keep you trapped in an abusive relationship, worsen a painful condition like sciatica, or prevent you from meeting the needs of children you already have, Iowa’s Republican trifecta says too bad. A pregnant person’s happiness, physical and mental health, and future prospects count for nothing. An Iowa physician who terminated a pregnancy for a desperate patient could lose their license.

ProPublica’s Stacy Kranitz and Kavitha Surana recently profiled one Tennessee family for a year after the mother was unable to obtain an abortion despite compelling medical, emotional, and financial circumstances. Expect similar tragedies to unfold in Iowa if our government is allowed to enforce the new abortion ban.

A final note on next steps: the abortion rules should be on the agenda for the legislature’s Administrative Rules Review Committee meeting on March 4. Staff at the Department for Inspections, Appeals, and Licensing told Bleeding Heartland via email that the rules are scheduled to be published in the Iowa Administrative Bulletin on March 20, and “the first possible effective date would be April 24, 2024.”

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The Iowa Supreme Court has not yet scheduled oral arguments on the state’s appeal of the preliminary injunction on the abortion ban.

Top photo depicting a doctor with a young female patient is by Chay_Tee and available via Shutterstock.



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Democrats put a ‘bullseye’ on Iowa, eager to turn the red state purple

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Democrats put a ‘bullseye’ on Iowa, eager to turn the red state purple


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  • Leaders of both parties are eyeing the Hawkeye State as it boasts numerous open and competitive races.
  • Races for governor, U.S. Senate and the U.S. House will dominate the playing field in Iowa.

For a ruby red state controlled at nearly every level by GOP elected officials, Iowa Republicans are unusually nervous going into the 2026 midterm election season.

The state has open races for governor and U.S. Senate, and it will see two of its four U.S. House races heavily targeted as Democratic pickup opportunities.

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The governor’s race in particular has unsettled Republicans, as well-funded, well-liked Democratic state Auditor Rob Sand marshals a formidable campaign infrastructure while Republicans fight out a divisive five-way primary race.

The candidate field will be set in the state’s primary elections Tuesday, June 2.

National leaders of both parties see Iowa as a potential key to either holding or reversing national control of Congress, and Democrats hope to reclaim ground with rural voters in a state that has consistently trended red.

“The Democrats have put a bullseye on the state of Iowa,” Texas U.S. Sen. Ted Cruz warned Iowa Republicans at a May 2 rally in suburban Des Moines.

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Cruz said Democrats believe they can swing control of the U.S. House and the U.S. Senate away from Republicans just by flipping seats in Iowa.

“And they’re probably right about that,” he said.

National midterm trends favor Democrats, as polling shows voters souring on Republican President Donald Trump, gas prices skyrocket amid war with Iran, and the cost of living remains high.

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In Iowa, the state has taken additional hits as trade wars and high costs threaten a renewed farm crisis in the state’s agricultural economy.

But it will be a tough road for Democrats in the Hawkeye State, even if the midterm stars align in their favor.

Registered Republican voters outnumber registered Democrats in Iowa by nearly 200,000, and Republicans have dominated recent election cycles in the state.

Trump carried Iowa by about 13 percentage points in 2024. And Republicans hold all six seats in Congress, both chambers of the state Legislature and every statewide elected office but one.

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“We have the record, we have the numbers,” Republican Gov. Kim Reynolds, who is not seeking another term, said at a March event with the Polk County GOP.

“If we show up, we will win,” she said.

U.S. Senate race: Democrats will choose between two ‘fighters’

One of the most closely watched primary races in Iowa is the Democratic contest for U.S. Senate.

Republican incumbent U.S. Sen. Joni Ernst, announced last year she would not run in 2026, leaving the seat open and stoking Democrats’ hopes for reclaiming it.

However, a Democrat has not held a U.S. Senate seat in Iowa since longtime senator Tom Harkin retired in 2015.

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A pair of Democrats, state Rep. Josh Turek and state Sen. Zach Wahls, are hoping to change that.

Both are running aggressive primary campaigns, each arguing he is the more electable candidate in a general election.

Turek, of Council Bluffs, touts his grit on the campaign trail.

Growing up with spina bifida, Turek endured 21 surgeries before age 12 and went on to become a gold medal-winning Paralympian representing Team USA in wheelchair basketball.

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He says he’s a “battle tested” candidate after winning his Iowa House seat in a western Iowa district that Trump carried.

“I went out, and I crawled stairs and I knocked doors dragging my wheelchair up there to have a conversation with every single person in the community,” he said. “That didn’t matter, Democrats, independents, Republicans. Talked to them all, and talked about the issues they cared about. And I won my first election by just six votes.”

Wahls, of Coralville, says he’ll motivate voters by taking on a corrupt political system that’s rigged in favor of billionaires and corporations at the expense of the middle class.

He rose to political prominence after giving a viral speech at age 19 on the Iowa House floor defending his two moms’ right to marry.

“Iowans want a fighter who has that courage to challenge a broken system and the status quo that is failing our state. I think that’s the core contrast in this race for Democratic primary voters,” Wahls said. “I’m willing to fight back against an establishment that has failed Iowans over and over again. Rep. Turek is being supported by that establishment.”

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The candidates share similar views across a range of issues, although Turek cuts a more moderate image, while Wahls leans more progressive — a dynamic that echoes Democratic primaries across the country this year.

One point of contention: Wahls has said he will not vote for U.S. Sen. Chuck Schumer as Senate Democratic leader if elected and has called on Turek, who he has criticized for being too closely aligned with the Democratic political establishment, to do the same.

“I’ve called on Josh Turek to join me in rejecting outside spending in this race and rejecting Chuck Schumer’s leadership. He’s refused,” Wahls said. “If he doesn’t have the courage to take on the failed leaders in our own party, he won’t be able to take on Donald Trump either.”

Turek said in a May 5 debate he is “not a D.C. insider.”

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“I don’t know these folks,” he said. “I only have one idea with this. And that is: I am not measuring the drapes.” 

But the perception that outside forces are working hard to shape the race has rattled some Iowa Democrats.

VoteVets, an outside group that has previously aligned with Senate Democratic leadership but denies any coordination in Iowa’s race, has spent $10 million on television and digital advertising and direct mail to support Turek since March 23, according to reports with the Federal Election Commission.

Although Turek is not a veteran, he believes his spina bifida was caused by his father’s exposure to Agent Orange while serving in Vietnam.

The $10 million figure has dwarfed what the candidates themselves have raised and spent and could dramatically shape the race’s outcome.

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Turek and Wahls have so far raised $3.5 million and $3.7 million respectively.

The winner of Tuesday’s primary is expected to take on Republican U.S. Rep. Ashley Hinson.

Hinson announced her Senate campaign just hours after Ernst said she would not seek reelection. She quickly secured major endorsements from Iowa political leaders, as well as Trump.

She faces a primary from former state Sen. Jim Carlin, although she is heavily favored to win.

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Both national parties have signaled their intentions to invest heavily in the state as it moves into the general election — an indication of Iowa’s importance to the parties’ overall strategies.

The Republican-aligned Senate Leadership Fund said it will spend $29 million on behalf of Hinson while the Democrat-aligned Senate Majority PAC plans to spend $13.4 million in Iowa.

Rob Sand energizes Democrats; Republicans will choose nominee in June 2 primary race

Nonpartisan elections analysts at the Cook Political Report have labeled Iowa’s governor’s race as a “toss-up,” moving it into the most competitive category the organization tracks.

“The battle for Iowa’s governorship is officially a barnburner,” wrote Matthew Klein, an analyst who focuses on gubernatorial contests.

Sand, the Democratic state auditor, has energized Iowa voters and garnered national media buzz as he assembles what Iowa Democrats and Republicans alike say is a strong campaign operation.

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He started early and aggressively, completing a 100-stop public town hall tour before presumed GOP frontrunner, U.S. Rep. Randy Feenstra, formally got into the race.

Sand plans another 100-stop tour this summer, arguing the effort will help raise his profile among prospective voters, especially in the small towns and rural areas that have abandoned Democrats in recent election cycles.

He said he believes that even if voters don’t completely agree with him, they’ll respect him for having the conversation.

According to the campaign, Sand met with about 10,000 people across all 100 of his town halls, taking roughly 750 questions.

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Sand positions himself as an independent-minded Democrat fed up with the two-party political system. And on the campaign trail, he argues that single-party control of government has led to abuses of power.

“We all know the phrase ‘power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely,’” he said as he embarked on his statewide tour. “And now we can say it also takes 10 years. Ten years of one-party control.”

He said that isn’t a partisan statement.

“I invite you to visit the state of California. I invite you to visit the state of New York,” he said. “There, you will find problems. … Either party, when left to its own devices, will begin to serve insiders and special interest groups.”

He’s also incredibly well-funded.

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Sand has raised nearly $28 million since the start of his campaign — a number that is boosted significantly by his wealthy in-laws, who have contributed about $11.5 million.

Sand has used his war chest to begin airing a series of accountability-focused television ads, while his opponents are mired in a competitive primary fight.

Five Republicans will be on the June 2 primary ballot, including Feenstra, state Rep. Eddie Andrews, businessman Zach Lahn, former state Rep. Brad Sherman and former state administrator Adam Steen.

Feenstra entered the race as the presumed frontrunner, with millions of dollars already at his disposal and the backing of some of the state’s top elected officials.

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He has run a campaign focused on making Iowa a business- and ag-friendly state, improving education, reducing property taxes, and increasing access to quality and affordable health care.

He touts his work helping to secure Trump’s agenda in Congress, including helping to author portions of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act.

Trump issued a key endorsement in Feenstra’s favor just days before the primary, which could help buoy his prospects.

Iowa’s MAGA-aligned Republican base has always treated Feenstra with some skepticism — a mood that has intensified as he avoids many public-facing events, including multi-candidate forums and primary debates.

As Election Day nears, Feenstra faces the threat of failing to reach the 35% threshold needed to secure the nomination outright.

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If no candidate hits that benchmark, the nomination will be decided by a group of a grassroots delegates at a statewide convention June 13.

In the final days of the race, Feenstra’s campaign has trained its attacks on Lahn, a businessman, entrepreneur and farmer who has aligned himself with Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s Make America Healthy Again movement.

Lahn has gained momentum on the campaign trail by focusing much of his message on fighting special interests and corporate monopolies, as well as Iowa’s rising cancer rates and problems with water quality.

“We don’t have time to ignore the problem anymore,” Lahn said of Iowa’s cancer and water problems. “And I think Iowans know that.” 

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He’s also aired a series of TV ads emphasizing his conservative roots, arguing that “Marxists” have “hijacked” public school curricula and that government jobs should not go to H-1B visa holders in an effort to end illegal immigration.

Lahn outraised Feenstra in the fundraising period that ran from Jan. 1 to May 14, although Feenstra has raised more overall. Lahn has self-funded the bulk of his campaign, contributed $2 million to the effort.

Also on the GOP ballot are state Rep. Eddie Andrews, former state Rep. Brad Sherman and former state administrator Adam Steen.

A pair of congressional races will put Iowa in the spotlight

Two of Iowa’s four congressional races are rated “toss-ups” by the Cook Political Report and are expected to draw significant national attention. There are just 18 such races in the country.

The 3rd District, which encompasses the Capitol city of Des Moines, is perhaps the state’s swingiest.

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Currently represented by Republican U.S. Rep. Zach Nunn, the district is about 36% registered Republicans and 31% registered Democrats. Another 32% are no-party voters.

Nunn is being challenged by Sarah Trone Garriott, a state senator from West Des Moines. Both are unopposed for their party’s nomination.

And in the state’s southeast corner, Republican U.S. Rep. Mariannette Miller‑Meeks and Democratic challenger Christina Bohannan are gearing up for what could be their third race against each other since 2022.

Despite each facing party challengers, Both Miller-Meeks and Bohannan have been largely operating in general election mode ahead of the June 2 primary. The two each have stockpiled more than $4 million for one of the nation’s top targeted U.S. House battles.

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Democrats have also identified Iowa’s 2nd District as a possible pickup opportunity under the right circumstances. That is an open race after Hinson decided to run for U.S. Senate.

Cook Political Report has shifted the race from “Solid R” to “Likely R,” saying Democrats “have a better shot” at competing now that Hinson is running for another position.

In the Democratic race, state Rep. Lindsay James of Dubuque has emerged as the party’s fundraising leader, followed by former Cedar Rapids nonprofit leader Clint Twedt-Ball and former Kirkwood Community College Dean of Nursing Kathy Dolter.

And on the Republican side, former state Rep. Joe Mitchell of Clear Lake has emerged as the clear frontrunner in the GOP primary, building a massive fundraising advantage over state Sen. Charlie McClintock of Alburnett, while collecting endorsements from Trump and national Republicans.

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Des Moines Register reporters Stephen Gruber-Miller and Marissa Payne contributed to this report.

Brianne Pfannenstiel is the chief politics reporter for the Des Moines Register. She writes about campaigns, elections and the Iowa Caucuses. Reach her at bpfann@dmreg.com or 515-284-8244. Follow her on X at @brianneDMR.



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Chicago Cubs’ Matt Shaw expected to begin rehab assignment with Iowa

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Chicago Cubs’ Matt Shaw expected to begin rehab assignment with Iowa


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When the Iowa Cubs return to Principal Park in Des Moines on June 2, the Triple-A team will likely be bringing back a familiar face.

Chicago Cubs manager Craig Counsel told reporters in St. Louis, Mo., on May 29 that super utilityman Matt Shaw would likely join Iowa when the team opens a six-game series against Toledo that Tuesday.

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“Matts doing super well,” Counsell said during a pregame meeting with scribes. “The plan kind of remains intact that we think he’s going to be able to start a rehab assignment on Tuesday in Iowa. So, assuming everything progresses like it progresses, he’s going to have basically a full weekend of kind of normal pregame stuff. He should be good to go on Tuesday in Iowa.”

Shaw was placed on the injured list back on May 22 with mild back tightness, retroactive to May 20. He was replaced on the big-league roster by prized Cubs prospect Pedro Ramrirez, who tore apart opposing pitching during his first stint in Triple-A in 2026.

Shaw, 24, was hitting .242 (23-for-95) with six doubles, three home runs, three stolen bases and a .291 on base percentage to go along with a .400 slugging percentage in 42 games with Chicago this season. He’s bounced around the field this season and provided an important option off the bench for the Cubs.

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Shaw remains one of the organization’s top young players. The Cubs selected in the first round of the 2023 draft. Shaw rapidly rose through the minor leagues and made his big-league debut with Chicago in 2025. After some early-season struggles, Shaw was briefly demoted to Iowa in 2024 before eventually making a return to the big leagues.

While the hitting wasn’t great, the defense was exceptional. Shaw found a home at third base and played so well he became a Gold Glove finalist in 2025.

Iowa starts the series on Tuesday at 6:38 p.m.

Tommy Birch, the Register’s sports enterprise and features reporter, has been working at the newspaper since 2008. He’s the 2018, 2020, 2023 and 2025 Iowa Sportswriter of the Year. Reach him at tbirch@dmreg.com or 515-284-8468.

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Iowa Supreme court affirms eviction order for Short’s Burger & Shine

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Iowa Supreme court affirms eviction order for Short’s Burger & Shine


Following a years-long legal saga, the Iowa Supreme Court recently upheld a decision to evict Short’s Burger and Shine from its South Clinton Street building.

The May 22 decision, delivered by Chief Justice Susan Christensen, agreed with the Johnson County District Court’s decision to evict the downtown burger restaurant after finding that it did not notify the building’s owner — a trust operated by Midwest One Bank — of its intent to extend the lease.

The decision concludes one part of the Short’s legal saga. The now-closed restaurant is also in litigation for a discrimination and retaliation lawsuit Short’s owner, Kevin Perez filed in 2024 against Midwest One Bank, the trust of late building owner Haywood Belle, Belle’s widow, a bank employee, and the City of Iowa City

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Iowa City’s Short’s Burgers and Shine closed in 2024

Short’s closed in early 2024 after the court determined Perez hadn’t renewed the business’s lease on time.

Short’s opened at 18 S. Clinton Street in 2008 with the goal of honoring the legacy and story of former building owner H.D. Short, who shined shoes for 50 years, beginning in 1920. The original ownership group included Perez, Dan Ouverson, and former Hawkeye and NFL player Nate Kaeding, who now runs the Gold Cap Hospitality ownership group.

Eviction proceedings started when Short’s temporarily closed in April 2022 “to fix poor building conditions” without notifying Midwest One Bank, the executor of Belle’s trust.

The closure breached a part of the lease agreement that said the restaurant would default on its lease if it “failed to engage” in normal business for more than 15 consecutive business days, the court found. The renovations also violated a provision that forbade structural changes or improvements without prior written approval.

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Midwest One Bank sent notice on May 10, 2022, that Short’s would default on its lease if it did not reopen for regular business and cease renovations within 10 days, according to court documents. Shorts responded, claiming it could not reopen for business until renovations were complete because the gas could not be turned back on until repairs were finished.

Midwest One Bank “terminated” the lease and started eviction proceedings in May 2022. Shorts was allowed to continue operating and occupying the building while the case was litigated.

Midwest One Bank filed two eviction claims and delivered notice that Short’s needed to vacate the building by the end of the lease on April 30. Short’s did not vacate, and Midwest One Bank pursued a third eviction claim, accusing the owners of failing to provide notice of renewal.

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Short’s argued that because they continued renovations, disputed eviction, and secured insurance, it was evidence of their intent to renew.

The restaurant owners also argued that pending eviction proceedings prevented them from renewal. The court argued that Short’s simply did not declare intent to renew for “whatever reason.”

“Mere forgetfulness does not entitle a party to equitable relief,” the decision reads.

Liam Halawith covers Johnson County local government and public safety for the Press-Citizen. Reach him by email at lhalawith@registermedia.com. Follow him on X at @liam_halawith.   

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